Suchergebnisse

It's been a tumultuous two weeks in Venezuela. First, the Biden administration and the Maduro government signed a deal exchanging democratic guarantees for sanctions relief on oil, natural gas, and gold mining — some of Venezuela's largest industries. With the sanctions lifted, Maduro allowed the opposition's primary election to go ahead. María Corina Machado, a classical liberal who calls herself the "Iron Lady of Venezuela" and went through the same Yale program as Russian dissident Alexei Navalny, won the election with an astounding 93 percent of the vote. Venezuelans overwhelmingly showed up to vote, doubling the expected turnout of 1 million ballots. Maduro quickly declared the election illegitimate and labeled Machado a puppet of U.S. interests, going directly against the sanctions relief deal.The U.S. and Machado have expressed little intention beyond rhetoric to reinstate sanctions. After all, the U.S. is in desperate need of oil, and Venezuela has plenty to offer. Unless the U.S. can establish direct incentives for Maduro and his regime to make democratic reforms, a peaceful path to democratization is highly unlikely. If anything, Maduro has shown his willingness to keep sanctions on to push for specific geopolitical demands while maintaining his domestic anti-U.S. message. In 2021, Maduro suspended all negotiations with the U.S. over the imprisonment of Colombian financier Alex Saab. Despite that, the U.S. went ahead with some sanctions relief soon after. Maduro has created an alternative economy for Venezuela, where illicit markets make up for over one fifth of all of the country's GDP. With oil revenues currently standing at $9.3 billion annually, sanctions relief would only lead to "a moderate increase in Venezuelan oil production," according to Dr. Francisco Monaldi of the Baker Institute. Alternatively, the Maduro regime has increasingly looked to other economic opportunities to ensure its permanency. After being pushed out of the international financial system, Venezuela has grown its commercial, financial, diplomatic, political, and security relationship with other sanctioned regimes, including Iran, China, Russia, Nicaragua, and Cuba, which have themselves contested the results of the opposition election and reiterated support for Maduro. More states with a nominally anti-Western posture, such as Bolivia, South Africa, Turkey, and Ethiopia, are also providing some support given that some of their interests align with Maduro's. These relationships lead to a circle of mutual assistance wherein the leaders' political survival is ensured through a permanent flow of commerce and cash between these regimes.These states now have a vested interest in preventing an adversary to their interests from entering the Palacio de Miraflores, and Maduro knows it. Sanctions are much less harmful to the regime than they were years ago. Maduro's calculation is simple: Whether he decides to hold a fully democratic election against Machado, a sham election like in 2018, or to fully overtake the country through military force, Maduro will have sufficient support on his side. Credible polls show Maduro has the backingt of 58 percent of voting intentions (compared to Machado's 23 percent), with many in the resistance, particularly those with the financial capability to organize contestation efforts, having already left the country. Whether the U.S. foreign policy establishment likes it or not, Maduro, like his predecessor Hugo Chávez, will use any foreign pressure the U.S. decides to undertake to his political advantage. If sanctions are lifted, Maduro will keep attacking the opposition while boasting about his negotiating genius. If sanctions are put back on, Maduro will parade as a martyr again to his crowd of adoring supporters, meanwhile using the tried-and-tested alternative global order offered by sanctioned regimes to ensure the regime's security.Some left-wing governments in the region are also offering rhetorical and material support to Maduro, heightening the regional cost of regime change. With this deal and other domestic political wins — including slashing the poverty rate by a quarter in two years, regaining international recognition, and raising oil production — Maduro's support will likely consolidate. The regime also has the added benefit of violent support from the colectivos (pro-Maduro thugs who intimidate the opposition), the military and intelligence services, drug cartels, the state media apparatus, and a number of foreign governments. On the off-chance that Maduro ultimately loses the election, these interests might collectively ensure that a peaceful transition of power is impossible without significant military involvement from the West — cooperation that the West is likely unwilling or unable to offer. Maduro's rise to power demonstrates how difficult he will be to unseat. Illiberal and dictatorial regimes do not simply relinquish power under popular and external pressure, and Maduro has proven his ability to disregard opposition in favor of his interests. To foster democratic reforms, regime change must start from within the regime itself.In the non-Western world, some dictatorships have survived domestic and foreign coup attempts, debilitating sanctions, continuous opposition, and meager political support. If those conditions were sufficient for a transition to popular rule, democracy would have blossomed in countries with dictatorships facing heavy internal and external pressure, like Belarus, Myanmar, Bangladesh, and Egypt. In these cases, we can see how immense pressure, instead of spurring democratic reforms, can lead to further repression from the regime. Unfortunately, it may take a conflict for Maduro to leave power, and such a conflict would leave thousands or millions dead and displaced, with only a failed state in its wake. However, there is a better, less bloody option. Instead of imposing foreign military power over Maduro's regime, Western allies can privately encourage democratic ideals within the regime itself by creating incentives and providing the regime a nonviolent alternative.There is precedent for this. During the Cold War, authoritarian dictators ruled with support from either the West or the rest. Right-wing dictatorships in Latin America enjoyed the support of the U.S. In Brazil, Chile, and Paraguay, there were intense debates among the military government about how and when the military would cede power back to the people. Ultimately, due to the prevalent view that holding onto power too harshly and lengthily could result in a failed state, the countries all held elections on their own accord a few years later, with the military progressively regaining a relatively apolitical role in their countries.After long attempts at reform from various political and military groups outside the countries, the Central Intelligence Agency and its allies, which helped put many of these dictatorships in power in the first place, encouraged democratic reforms through private pressure and dialogue by ensuring the regime leaders would not face persecution.To prevent a return to dictatorship or conflict, Western powers or the new democratic regimes offered some protection to political and military leaders associated with dictatorship. Without some kind of civil or internationalized conflict, it is ultimately up to the regimes themselves to decide when democracy is restored, and they will only do so if they believe they will still hold some power and their interests protected. Unless his own security is guaranteed, Maduro will have no impulse to leave power. Reform won't happen until the regime, or Maduro himself, is willing to change. Dear RS readers: It has been an extraordinary year and our editing team has been working overtime to make sure that we are covering the current conflicts with quality, fresh analysis that doesn't cleave to the mainstream orthodoxy or take official Washington and the commentariat at face value. Our staff reporters, experts, and outside writers offer top-notch, independent work, daily. Please consider making a tax-exempt, year-end contribution to Responsible Statecraft so that we can continue this quality coverage — which you will find nowhere else — into 2024. Happy Holidays!

Klappentext: The book "Fading Authority of the Non-Intervention Principle: Analysis of Uganda's Intervention in South Sudan under International Law" focuses on the consequence of international politics in regard to the non-intervention principle and international law violations. In its formal definition, non-intervention is an international law principle and a foreign policy characterized by prohibition or absence of interference by state in the domestic affairs of another sovereign state without its consent with certain exceptions. In 2013 Uganda militarily intervened in South Sudan conflict and consequently interfered with the latter's internal politics. The author intends to demonstrate that the aforesaid intervention was executed in breach of the non-intervention principle without noteworthy reactions by international community. As the principle's application is predominantly driven by states' foreign policies, such intervention in South Sudan shows that the principle, to some extent, is deprived of its strength.It suggests that South Sudan's sovereignty is at stake due to Uganda's military intervention and its consequential human rights violations. Meanwhile, the international community did not properly react or intervene despite South Sudan territorial integrity and political independence are threatened as a result of Uganda's use of force and the non-intervention principle's fading authority in international relations. It critically studies, analyzes, exposes and calls for action on Uganda's military interference with South Sudan's territorial integrity and political independence and the violation of international law in South Sudan which is able to cause threat to international peace and security.This book provides new and multi-dimensional insights into international law and foreign policy and their application or contempt by sovereign states and the international community as a whole. It applies a complex mix of methods and studies international legal literatures on international law to explain the status of non-intervention principle under international law with special reference to the UN Charter and the AU Constitutive Act, contrasting legal theory with the principle's application and state practice and foreign policies. It seeks to shed more light on Uganda's intervention in South Sudan and how intervention in South Sudan civil war was perceived by the UN and AU and triggered international reactions. Its findings demonstrate that non-intervention principle has been violated in South Sudan and its authority is weakened as a new exception to the principle is emerging. It alluded, Uganda's legitimization of dictatorship in South Sudan, in tandem with the West (US & UK) and East (Russia & China), and the change in the UN, a simmering change from its original intention to a new political dawn in Africa and the Middle East, has a diminishing effect on the principle's authority and the likelihood of the emergence of a new justification i.e. the Uganda's collusive intervention and state practice. The study defines Uganda's collusive intervention as an agreement that is dictatorially concluded between two or more leaders (e.g. Museveni and Kiir) which creates loopholes and gaps in the international law.The study approaches the research problem by using Uganda's military intervention in South Sudan as a case of study in order to show how the fading authority of the non-intervention principle constitutes a threat to international law and state sovereignty. It tested all Uganda's arguments forwarded as a legitimization for its military intervention against the existing international legal standards in order to ascertain whether the intervention was executed illegally and in a violation of the non-intervention principle and as a consequence constitutes a threat to international peace and security. It further proves that non-intervention authority is eroded as a result of inapplicability and unenforceability of the United Nations Charter.

Fighting terrorism is a complex task, not limited to military options. It also concerns State-building, nationalism and inclusive sustainable development. The roots of underlying conflicts were already laid during colonialism, the slave trade, plundering of resources and arbitrary border establishment. The battle cannot be won by occupation nor by internal efforts of the countries affected alone, particularly not when terrorist enjoy secret support from parts of the army and the country's political elite. There are outside sources fomenting violent conflict by close cooperation between transnational crime and terrorist networks. Money laundering and financing of terrorism in global financial systems are part and parcel of the problem. Also many activists and combatants are not just driven by religious fanaticism and ideological zeal. Revenge, mere survival and local strives between conflicting groups often play a decisive role too. Ill- and ungoverned spaces favour warlordism, both of radical jihadist and non-religious terrorist movements, driven by localism and informal networks. The military response of some governments and security services degenerated into inadequate state counterterrorism with no regard for local populations. It resulted in challenges for the rule of law and human rights in these countries. Although trans-national military counterinsurgency among ECOWAS governments improved, it remained hampered by the divide between Anglophone and Francophone countries and the vested interest of former colonial rulers France and Great Britain. By now, terrorists also effectively use cyberspace and social media to create fear and spread their violent ideologies. The interactions between crime and terror in West Africa will continue in the foreseeable future. It may even increase, considering the devastating effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and famines caused by failing cereal imports as result of the Russian war in Ukraine. The effects on the social structure are considerable, including the population's dwindling trust in the state administration and the villagers' willingness to side with the terrorists. The fight of terrorism demands viable long-term solutions that take into account the linkages between counterterrorism, the rule of law and human rights and socio-economic development.

This dissertation investigates representations of gendered violence in prison narratives produced during three moments of Latin American state violence: the Argentine dictatorship (1976-83), the Chilean military regime (1973- 90) and the 1968 Mexico City massacre. This project analyzes the normalization of state violence in democratic and dictatorial governments as part of a hemispheric plan to eradicate political activism during the Cold War. Neoliberal states in Mexico and the Southern Cone violently repressed and incarcerated politically-active women who challenged the rise of free market economics. These states systematically perpetuated normative ideals of gender in prisons in order to sustain neoliberal economic and political agendas, as men and women were seen to be transgressing gender norms. While the state violently repressed male and female political prisoners, this dissertation explores how processes of dehumanization in the prison were gendered in a way that reflects these nations' normative, patriarchal, and hegemonic social practices. This project examines the gendered nature of this structured repression and extermination of political dissension in a range of cultural texts: personal testimonies, human rights reports, and testimonial literature. It offers new insight into the gendered processes involved in the organized repression and dehumanization of dissidents and these states' subsequent cataloguing of survivor testimonies. The dissertation examines previous scholarship's assessment of political prisoners' testimonies, concluding that existing analytical frameworks - universal human rights, Western feminism, or biopolitics -- have adopted gender-neutral or gender-normative approaches. This dissertation considers how state power and dominant theoretical models have worked in the construction of gender normative historical memories, divesting survivors of their political subjectivity and erasing the history of political genocide. Gendering the State of Exception calls for a new framework of understanding these testimonies, one that recognizes the transnational nature of these histories of survival and of resistance to a heteropatriacharchal, genocidal past that bears greatly upon the present. A Third World feminist lens facilitates a new critical understanding of cultural texts produced by Latin American political prisoners as it contests the dominant paradigm that depoliticizes women's narratives and relegates them to a gender-normative framework

The fall of the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989, resulted from a complex pattern of causes, including historical contingencies. One of these was Günter Schabowski's ill-phrased announcement of free travel for GDR citizens, another Mikhail Gorbachev's access to power in 1985 and his promise of "perestroika". At the core of the matter lies "the German question" as the key issue of controversies, in the early phase of the Cold War. Even after 1955, when the two post-war German states had been integrated into the military blocs, the German question remained on the diplomatic agenda. The erection of the Berlin Wall in 1961, however, signified that the "German problem" had been shelved. After the Cuban crisis in October 1962, when the two superpowers refrained from nuclear confrontation, they appeared to enter into an era of détente. Facing up to these facts, West Berlin´s Mayor Willy Brandt and, foremost, his adviser Egon Bahr developed their concept of "Ostpolitik". Its long-term perspective was to change the status quo of German division by accepting the status quo, i.e. the consequences of WW II, the Oder-Neisse border to Poland, the reality of the blocs, and the East German state under Communist rule. It was based on the assumption a) that détente was an irreversible process and b) that the GDR, displaying economic stability at that time, while remaining an indispensable element in the Soviet bloc, would be disposed to forms of cooperation. The dialectics of history proved otherwise. Geopolitical rivalries between the superpowers continued to exist. In 1979, the Soviet Union's military intervention in Afghanistan coincided with its opening another round in the arms race focussing on intermediate-range missiles in Central Europe. Both decisions propitiated the interior crisis of the Soviet Union, due to technological backwardness and military overburdening of its state-run economy. Gorbachev's attempts at reform proved ineffective, his proclamation of glasnost encouraged dissident movements in Eastern Central Europe, e.g. the independent peace movement in the GDR, to resist their regimes. Gorbachev's renunciation of the "Brezhnev doctrine" motivated reform-minded governments in Poland and Hungary to test the limits of Soviet hegemony. The decisive factor was the comprehensive crisis in the GDR: an unproductive economy based on external debts, a decrepit infrastructure, ecological damage, an oppressive dictatorship rejecting reform, dissident activists challenging the regime. All this, in the autumn of 1989, led to the mass exodus of East Germans fleeing across Hungary's open border to Austria. The upshot of this course of events was the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Germany's reunification in 1990 entailed the creation of the European Union, an in-between of a confederation and a federal union of states. Its raison d´être is to a) provide a structure of peace in Europe b) to avert German hegemony on the Continent based on its power potential. Nonetheless, apprehensions concerning Germany's future role in Europe have not altogether vanished. With regard to its immigration policy, some observers speak of a new type of "moral hegemony". Last but not least, Merkel´s decision in 2015 admitting millions of migrants to Europe, tipped the scale in favour of Brexit.

Las Fuerza Armadas asumieron toda la iniciativa para el derribo de la dictadura en Portugal y la consolidación de la democracia, convirtiéndose en fuerza militar y política de forma simultánea. Con el interés del pueblo portugués y en nombre de salvación de la patria las Fuerzas Armadas se comprometieron a garantizar la adopción de las medidas necesarias para la resolución de los problemas de Portugal. El 25 de abril de 1975 se realizaron las primeras elecciones de la era democrática a la Asamblea Constituyente, siendo su gran vencedor el Partido Socialista Portugués que obtuvo 116 diputados, seguido por Partido Popular Democrático con 81 y el Partido Comunista Portugués con 30. En cuanto al objeto principal de esta obra: los comicios del 12 de diciembre de 1976 a la asamblea de "freguesia" y a la asamblea municipal, el gran vencedor en el distrito de Portalegre fue el Partido Socialista. Portugués, seguido por el Frente Electoral del Pueblo Unido. Teniendo en cuenta que Portugal tuvo un sistema político de extrema-derecha durante más de cuarenta años, llama de atención que en las primeras elecciones democráticas los electores optaran por partidos de izquierda, penalizando la derecha portuguesa. En el municipio de Portalegre, el vencedor fue Partido Socialista Portugués con tres mandatos, seguido del Partido Popular Democrático con dos, y uno el Frente Electoral del Pueblo Unido y el Centro Demócrata Social. Tras analizar Portalegre, se procedió a hacer lo mismo con los restantes municipios del distrito que presentan unos resultados diversos. ; The Military Forces assumed all the initiative to overthrow the Portuguese dictatorship and the consolidation of the democracy, becoming a military and political force at the same time. Considering the best interest of the Portuguese people and in the name of a homeland salvation, the Military Forces compromised themselves to guarantee the adoption of the necessary measures to solve the problems of the country. On April 24, 1974, the first democratic elections took place at a Constitutional Assembly, and the winner was the Portuguese Socialist Party, achieving 116 representatives, followed by the Democratic People's Party with 81 members and the Portuguese Communist Party, with 30 members. The main focus of this thesis will be: the 12th of December, 1976, Political Assemblies which took place at the Local and Municipal Assemblies, whose winner, at Portalegre's District, was the Portuguese Socialist Party, followed by the Electoral Front United People. Bearing in mind that Portugal was ruled by a Far-Right System, for more than forty years, is important to highlight that at the first democratic elections, the voting citizens have chosen Left Wing parties, punishing the Portuguese Right Wing. In the municipality of Portalegre, the winner was the Portuguese Socialist Party with three mandates, followed by the Democratic People's Party with two, and a coalition of two parties, The Electoral Front United People and the CDS-People's Party, with one. Using the same methodology performed at the city of Portalegre, an analysis was made targeting the remaining municipalities of Portalegre's district, achieving varied results.

El trabajo estudia, desde una perspectiva comparada, algunas causas y características estructurales de la dictadura brasileña de 1964 y su impacto en América del Sur y, particularmente, en la Argentina. Más específicamente el análisis se focaliza sobre un punto de vista crítico acerca de la Doctrina de la Seguridad Nacional, implementada como consecuencia del entrenamiento proporcionado por Estados Unidos a los militares brasileños y latinoamericanos en el marco de la Guerra Fría. Sin embargo, se subraya que dichas dictaduras eran cívico-militares e intentaron destruir cualquier posibilidad de progreso social, enfrentando variadas resistencias populares. El período histórico seleccionado presenta similitudes entre la dictadura brasileña y las sudamericanas; pero estos regímenes tuvieron diferentes trayectorias y resultado, como lo demuestra la comparación con el caso argentino. ; O artigo analisa, numa perspectiva comparada, algumas características estruturais da ditadura brasileira em 1964 e seu impacto na América do Sul, especialmente na Argentina. A análise centra-se em um ponto de vista crítico sobre a Doutrina da Segurança Nacional, implementada como um resultado da formação ministrada pelos Estados Unidos para os militares brasileiros e latino-americanos no contexto da Guerra Fria. No entanto, ressalta-se que estas eram ditaduras civis-militares e tentaram destruir qualquer possibilidade de resistências populares diversas. O período histórico selecionado tem semelhanças entre a ditadura brasileira e sul-americana; mas tais regimes tiveram diferentes trajetórias e resultados, como mostra com o caso argentino. ; The paper studies, from a comparative perspective, some structural causes and features of 1964 Brazilian dictatorship and its impacto on South America and particularly Argentina. The analysis focuses on a critical view about National Security Doctrine, implemented as consequence of the United States military training of Brazilian and Latin American armies in Cold War context. Nevertheless, it outlines that those dictatoships were civil-militery and they tend to destroy any different popular resistances. The selected historical period presents similarities between Brazil and South American dictatorships but these regimes had different trajectories and results, as it is shown by the comparison with argentinian case. ; Fil: Fernández, Arturo Aquilino. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tecnicas. Oficina de Coordinacion Administrativa Saavedra 15; Argentina

This document is the result of a qualitative research exercise with a documentary hermeneutical approach, which sought to determine the ways in which childhood was included in the truth commissions developed in Argentina and Guatemala, after the military dictatorship and the armed conflict respectively, identifying common or differential elements, and analyzing the role of international regulations about it. To do this, an analysis of the reports of the commissions, called in both cases Never Again, was made. In general, the cases are very different; Argentina only included the crime of forced disappearance in its investigations, while Guatemala included many other human rights violations, which have a direct impact on the particular approach to children. In both cases, the children were used as "spoils of war"; as a message to stop "the bad seed"; and, like an instrument to inflict pain on parents. It is possible to identify in common, the crime of forced disappearance and identity theft, which Argentina has been decisively facing through hard work for more than four decades, while Guatemala shows little progress and limited efforts, despite the fact that this was a recommendation of the Commission for Historical Clarification. The role played by international regulations, particularly the Convention on the Rights of the Child, is decisive for the approach and understanding of the differential affectations of children, in situations of conflict and serious violations of human rights. Likewise, the monitoring of entities such as the Committee on the Rights of the Child in these cases is relevant but not decisive. For future works, it would be pertinent to inquire about the role of political activism that stolen children perform today. ; El presente documento es resultado de un ejercicio de investigación cualitativa con enfoque hermenéutico documental, que buscó determinar las formas en las que fue incluida la niñez, en las comisiones de la verdad desarrolladas en Argentina y Guatemala, después de la dictadura militar y el conflicto armado interno respectivamente, identificando elementos comunes o diferenciales, y, analizando el rol de la normativa internacional en la materia. Para ello, se realizó un análisis de los informes emitidos por las comisiones, denominados en ambos casos Nunca Más. En general, los casos resultan muy diferentes, dado que Argentina solo incluyó en sus investigaciones el delito de desaparición forzada, mientras que Guatemala incluyó muchas otras vulneraciones a los derechos humanos, lo cual repercute de manera directa en el abordaje particular de la niñez. En ambos casos, los niños fueron usados como "botín de guerra"; mensaje de "acabar con la semilla"; e, instrumento para infligir dolor a los padres. Es posible identificar en común, el delito de desaparición forzada y robo de identidad, que Argentina ha venido enfrentando decididamente a través de un arduo trabajo de más de cuatro décadas, mientras que Guatemala presenta avances escasos y esfuerzos limitados, pese a que esa fue una de las recomendaciones de la Comisión para el Esclarecimiento Histórico. El papel que desempeña la normativa internacional, particularmente la Convención de los Derechos del Niño, es determinante para el abordaje y comprensión de las afectaciones diferenciales de la niñez, en situaciones de conflicto y vulneraciones graves a los derechos humanos. Igualmente, el seguimiento de entes como el Comité de los Derechos del Niño a estos casos, resulta relevante pero no determinante. Para próximos trabajos, sería pertinente indagar por el rol de activismo político que los niños robados de ayer, realizan al día de hoy como adultos. ; Este documento é o resultado de um exercício de pesquisa qualitativa com uma abordagem hermenêutica documental, que procurou determinar as formas pelas quais as crianças foram incluídas nas comissões de verdade desenvolvidas na Argentina e na Guatemala, após a ditadura militar e o conflito armado interno respectivamente, identificando elementos comuns ou diferenciais, e analisando o papel das normas internacionais sobre o assunto. Para tanto, foi realizada uma análise dos relatórios emitidos pelas comissões, que em ambos os casos são conhecidos como Nunca Más (Nunca Mais). Em geral, os casos são muito diferentes, já que a Argentina incluiu em suas investigações apenas o crime de desaparecimento forçado, enquanto a Guatemala incluiu muitas outras violações dos direitos humanos, o que tem um impacto direto sobre a abordagem específica das crianças. Em ambos os casos, as crianças foram usadas como "despojos de guerra"; como uma mensagem para "matar a semente"; e como um instrumento para infligir dor aos pais. É possível identificar em comum o crime de desaparecimento forçado e roubo de identidade, que a Argentina vem enfrentando resolutamente através de um trabalho árduo há mais de quatro décadas, enquanto a Guatemala mostra poucos progressos e esforços limitados, apesar de esta ter sido uma das recomendações da Comissão de Esclarecimento Histórico. O papel desempenhado pelas normas internacionais, particularmente a Convenção sobre os Direitos da Criança, é decisivo para abordar e compreender os efeitos diferenciais sobre as crianças em situações de conflito e violações graves dos direitos humanos. Da mesma forma, o monitoramento desses casos por órgãos como o Comitê dos Direitos da Criança é relevante, mas não decisivo. Para trabalhos futuros, seria pertinente investigar o papel do ativismo político que as crianças roubadas de ontem desempenham hoje como adultos. Traduzido com a versão gratuita do tradutor - www.DeepL.com/Translator

Este trabajo se centra en la mirada que los niños, durante la última dictadura militar argentina, conformaron con respecto a sus madres militantes y miembros de 'familias revolucionarias o militantes' de Montoneros. Nos hemos focalizado en la novela La casa de los conejos (2008) de Laura Alcoba y en el film Infancia clandestina (2012) de Benjamín Ávila. Se problematizan comparativamente ambas obras desde los posicionamientos de mujeres dentro de la militancia organizativa (Oberti, 2015) con respecto a la centralidad que ocuparon en relación con sus parejas. La mirada de los niños a la que referimos encuentra vínculos con transmisiones que aluden a conformaciones de la propia subjetividad (Kaufman, 2006) en una memoria familiar y en la conformación de trabajos de la memoria (Jelin, 2002) que las voces narrativas de esos hijos/as llevan adelante con el objetivo de dar testimonio. Finalmente, el trabajo de Teresa Basile (2019, 2020) es significativo para dar cuenta acerca de los tipos de infancias que estos niños desarrollan, para dar lugar a lo que se identifica como Segunda Generación de HIJOS. Con el fin de referir a las miradas de los niños, se han tenido en cuenta las formas narrativas en que las obras expresan la crianza en medio de los modos de maternar en contextos de violencia extrema. Ambas piezas aluden a prácticas culturales y testimoniales. Además, en la novela y en el film aparecen infancias con carácter fronterizo, en el sentido de que los niños crecen y dan testimonio de esa dimensión política que recuerdan y construyen a medida que el relato avanza. Todo ello dentro de núcleos familiares militantes que habilitan y habilitaron la figura del infante no solo como testigo sino también como partícipe de la historia argentina. ; Aquest treball se centra en la mirada que els nens, durant l'última dictadura militar argentina, van conformar respecte a les seves mares militants i membres de 'famílies revolucionàries o militants' de Montoneros. Ens hem focalitzat en la novel·la La casa de los conejos (2008) de Laura Alcoba i en el film Infancia clandestina (2012) de Benjamín Ávila. Es problematitzen comparativament ambdues obres des dels posicionaments de dones dins de la militància organitzativa (Oberti, 2015) respecte a la centralitat que van ocupar en relació amb les seves parelles. La mirada dels nens a la que ens referim troba vincles amb transmissions que al·ludeixen a conformacions de la pròpia subjectivitat (Kaufman, 2006) en una memòria familiar i en la conformació de treballs de la memòria (Jelin, 2002) que les veus narratives d'aquests fills i filles porten endavant amb l'objectiu de donar testimoni. Finalment, el treball de Teresa Basile (2019,2020) és significatiu per donar compte sobre els tipus d'infàncies que aquests nens desenvolupen, per donar lloc a allò que s'identifica com a Segona Generació de FILLS. Per tal de referir a les mirades dels nens, s'han tingut en compte les formes narratives en què les obres expressen la criança enmig de les maneres de maternar en contextos de violència extrema. Ambdues peces al·ludeixen a les pràctiques culturals i testimonials. A més a més, en la novel·la i el film apareixen infàncies amb caràcter fronterer, en el sentit que els nens creixen i donen testimoni d'aquella dimensió política que recorden i construeixen a mesura que el relat avança. Tot això dins de nuclis familiars militants que habiliten i van habilitar la figura de l'infant no només com a testimoni sinó també com a partícip de la història argentina. ; This work focuses on the view that children, during the last Argentine military dictatorship, formed with respect to their militant mothers, members of 'revolutionary or militant families' of Montoneros. In this opportunity, our analysis will focus on the novel La casa de los conejos (2008), by Laura Alcoba, and the film Infancia clandestina (2012), by Benjamín Ávila. Our analysis will problematize comparatively both works, exploring the relations between the positions that these women occupy in the organized militancy (Oberti, 2015) and those that they occupy in their couple life. The children's gaze to which we refer finds links with transmissions that allude to conformations of subjectivity itself (Kaufman, 2006) in a family memory and in the conformation of memory works (Jelin, 2002) that the narrative voices that these children carry on with the objective of giving testimony. Finally, the work of Teresa Basile (2019, 2020) will help us to account for the types of childhoods that these children develop, leading to what is identified as the Second Generation of CHILDREN. In order to refer to the children's gaze, we have taken into account the narrative forms in which the works represent the upbringing and mothering in contexts of extreme violence. Both works refer to cultural and testimonial practices. In the novel and in the film, childhoods appear with a border character, in the sense that children grow up and bear witness to that political dimension that they remember and build as the story progresses. All this within militant family nuclei that enable and empower the figure of the infant not only as a witness but as a participant in Argentine history.

At the beginning of 1970, influenced by the Movimiento Rural de Acción Católica (MRAC – Catholic Action Rural Movement) and the Juventud Cooperativista (Cooperative Youth), thousands of rural families gave birth to the Agrarian Leagues in different Argentinian provinces, demanding land ownership and better conditions in the production and commercialization of agricultural products. The Agrarian Leagues rose along with a series of historical and political transformations that were shaking the country and the whole of Latin América at that time. The families are considered to have played a major role in the Leagues. In this regard, the aim is to delve into the structure and organization of the Leagues, in particular into the ones that developed in the coastline area, taking into consideration the strategies of political construction that they carried out. The objective is to explore the significance that the social actors built towards the family. Finally, as it is inferred that women must have been the guarantors of the process of participation of the whole family, their political participation and the place that they occupied in the agrarian political organization is analyzed. In a dictatorial context of political persecution and imperialist advance, the Leagues were one of the most important forms of political and cultural resistance in Latin America. Despite the havoc caused by the last civilian military dictatorship, it still remains in the memory of those who took part in that resistance. Because of this, the approach adopted centers in the significance that the social actors give to their stories, and the way they retell and build their memories. Therefore, the fieldwork is the backbone of the anthropological job and the in-depth interviews the preferred tool to give an account of the testimonial value of their words. A reflection on knowledge building is implied. ; A comienzos de 1970, con ayuda del Movimiento Rural de Acción Católica y la Juventud Cooperativista, miles de familias rurales dieron a luz a las Ligas Agrarias en distintas provincias de Argentina en reclamo por la tenencia de las tierras y mejores condiciones en la producción y comercialización de los productos agropecuarios. Emergían al calor de una serie de transformaciones histórico-políticas que sacudían por aquella época al país y a América Latina. Consideramos que las familias ocuparon un lugar protagónico en las Ligas. En este sentido, se propone ahondar en la estructura y organización de las Ligas, en particular las que se desarrollaron en la región del Litoral, a partir de las estrategias de construcción política que llevaron adelante. Así, se traza el objetivo de indagar sobre los sentidos que los sujetos construyen en torno a la institución. Por último, en tanto se infiere que las mujeres debieron de ser las garantes del proceso de participación de toda la familia, analizamos la participación política y el lugar que ocuparon en la organización política agrarista. Ante un contexto dictatorial de persecución política y avanzada imperialista (1960-1970), las Ligas fueron una de las experiencias de resistencia política-cultural más importantes de América Latina. Se desplegaron y ampliaron su organización a lo largo de la década de 1970, hasta su abrupta disolución en 1976, con la última dictadura cívico-militar. Pese a los estragos que esta provocó, aún persisten en la memoria de sus participantes huellas de aquella experiencia de lucha. Esto obliga a posicionarnos desde un enfoque que se centra en los sentidos que los sujetos les imprimen a sus historias, a los modos en que narran y construyen memorias. De modo que el trabajo de campo constituye el eje articulador del oficio antropológico y las entrevistas en profundidad son una herramienta privilegiada para dar cuenta del valor testimonial de la palabra. Implícita, se encuentra la reflexión respecto de la construcción de conocimientos. Consideramos que las familias ocuparon un lugar protagónico en las Ligas. En este sentido, se propone ahondar en la estructura y organización de las Ligas, en particular las que se desarrollaron en la región del litoral, a partir de las estrategias de construcción política que llevaron adelante. Así, se traza el objetivo de indagar sobre los sentidos que los sujetos construyen en torno a la institución. Por último, en tanto se infiere que las mujeres debieron de ser las garantes del proceso de participación de toda la familia, analizamos la participación política y el lugar que éstas ocuparon en la organización política agrarista. Ante un contexto dictatorial de persecución política y avanzada imperialista, las Ligas fueron una de las experiencias de resistencia política-cultural más importantes de América Latina. Pese a los estragos que la última dictadura cívico-militar provocó, aún persiste en la memoria de sus participantes, aquella experiencia de lucha. Esto obliga a posicionarnos desde un enfoque que se centra en los sentidos que los sujetos le imprimen a sus historias, a los modos en que narran y construyen memorias. De modo que el trabajo de campo constituye el eje articulador del oficio antropológico y las entrevistas en profundidad, una herramienta privilegiada para dar cuenta del valor testimonial de la palabra. Implícita se encuentra la reflexión respecto a la construcción de conocimientos.

Immigration theme emerges in Brazilian cinema in the context of opposition to the military dictatorship that governed in Brazil between 1964 and 1985. Several different images of the immigrant start to appear in the national cinematography, represented, since then, by a sort of films in which the immigration issue assumes a critical perspective. This kind of production goes completely against the dominant speeches from the previous decades, when the foreigner presence in Brazil was generally dealt on a dualist way. Full of stereotypes, these speeches claimed about the harmonious integration between immigrants and the local society. Or, instead, denied that integration by believing in the incompatibility between the foreigners and the Brazilian people. This point of view started to be criticized in cinematographic circles once a new generation of young filmmakers took their place in the artistic debate. The artists related to the "Cinema Novo", besides sharing a solid point of view about the politics, were, all of them, very concerned about the deconstruction of the myths involving some plural historic processes such as the immigration that used to be discussed on a superficial and unilateral basis, not only in the national filmography but also in the foreign films which represented the Brazilian reality. The research main problem refers to a change in the representation mode of the immigration theme in the Brazilian cinema of the last five decades. The method applied to the study is based on the film analysis that provides new intellectual tools for interpreting the experiences lived by different groups of immigrants in Brazilian territory between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. This approach will allow a better understanding of the immigration history in Brazil and of Brazil as an immigration country. ; El tema de la inmigración surge en el cine brasileño a lo largo del contexto de la oposición a la dictadura militar (1964-1985): diferentes composiciones de imágenes inmigrantes ganan proyección en la cinematografía nacional representada, a partir de entonces, por una serie de películas en las que el problema de la inmigración tomó una perspectiva crítica. Este tipo de producción contrasta fuertemente con los discursos dominantes de las décadas anteriores, cuando el tema de la presencia extranjera en Brasil generalmente se trataba de manera dualista. Llena de estereotipos, estos discursos hablan de la integración armoniosa de los inmigrantes con la sociedad local o, por el contrario, niega tal integración al creer en la incompatibilidad entre las personas extranjeras y brasileñas. Este punto de vista, que se presenta en diversos tipos de discursos, comenzó a ser criticado en el medio cinematográfico cuando una nueva generación de jóvenes cineastas ocupa el lugar en el debate estético. Los artistas vinculados al movimiento del "Cinema Novo", y su visión aguda en la política, estaban intensamente preocupados por la deconstrucción de mitos que involucraban procesos históricos plurales, como la inmigración, mas allá de la superficie analizada hasta el momento y unilateralmente, no sólo en la filmografía nacional, sino también en las películas extranjeras que representaron la realidad brasileña. Esta investigación se centra en las modalidades de representación del tema de la inmigración en el cine brasileño durante las últimas cinco décadas. La metodología para el análisis de las películas puede identificar los comportamientos de los inmigrantes en territorio brasileño entre finales del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XXI. Las experiencias de migración descritas por las 14 películas analizadas permitirán un nuevo enfoque de la historia de la inmigración en Brasil y de Brasil como un país de inmigración. ; La thématique de l'immigration apparait au répertoire du cinéma brésilien dans un contexte d'opposition à la dictature militaire qui a dirigé le pays entre 1964 et 1985. À partir de cette période, un regard différencié sur l'image de l'immigré commence à se manifester dans la cinématographie nationale, depuis lors tournée vers une réflexion critique sur cette thématique. Les films intégrants cette cinématographie contrastent avec les visions stéréotypées concernant la présence étrangère au Brésil, amplement diffusées par les discours dominants. Ces discours sont marquées par des préjugés sur l'intégration et la convivialité harmonieuse entre les étrangers et la société locale ; ou, plutôt, à l'opposé, sur l'inadaptation voire l'incompatibilité des immigrés à la réalité brésilienne. Cette vision dichotomique commença à devenir un vrai questionnement lorsque s'affirma un nouveau cinéma au Brésil: un cinéma politique, engagé, intéressé à déconstruire les mythes en intégrant des processus historiques complexes comme l'immigration jusqu'alors absente ou traitée de façon unilatérale et superficielle (tant dans la filmographie nationale que dans les films étrangers tournés au pays). La présente recherche porte sur les modalités de représentation du thème de l'immigration dans le cinéma brésilien lors des cinq dernières décennies. La méthodologie appliquée à l'analyse des films permet d'identifier les représentations des immigrés sur le territoire brésilien entre la fin du XIXème siècle et le début du XXIème siècle. Les expériences migratoires montrées par les 14 films analysés permettent une nouvelle approche sur l'histoire de l'immigration au Brésil ainsi que sur le Brésil en tant que pays d'immigration.

Koziner, N. S. (2018). La prensa económica y el debate sobre los medios. Análisis de la cobertura informativa del proceso de discusión de la Ley de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual en Ámbito Financiero y El Cronista Comercial (marzo‐octubre de 2009). (Tesis de posgrado). Bernal, Argentina : Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. ; En octubre de 2009 el Congreso argentino sancionó la Ley N° 26.522 de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual (LSCA) que reemplazó a la centralista, autoritaria y discriminatoria Ley de Radiodifusión N° 22.285, creada durante la última dictadura cívico-militar (1976-1983). La nueva norma implicó un cambio de paradigma en la política comunicacional argentina, pues puso en cuestión la relación entre los objetivos políticos, socioculturales y económicos que las políticas de comunicación había venido forjando durante los últimos treinta años. Propuso, así, una nueva concepción de 'interés público' en la regulación en la materia. El proceso de discusión y aprobación de la Ley ocupó un lugar relevante en las agendas política, mediática y pública, aunque fue interpretado desde encuadres particulares que emitieron diagnósticos, hicieron evaluaciones y establecieron prescripciones respecto del caso. Atender a los modos en que el asunto fue definido y debatido en los medios de comunicación cobra importancia por dos motivos: en primer lugar, involucró los intereses del campo que los propios medios integran. Segundo, estos son considerados co-productores públicamente relevantes de la realidad social, por lo cual contribuyeron en la construcción de los relatos del debate alrededor de la Ley y de los objetivos que persiguió. En ese contexto, el objetivo general del presente trabajo es analizar el tratamiento noticioso que los diarios Ámbito Financiero y El Cronista Comercial, especializados en economía y finanzas, hicieron de proceso de discusión y sanción de la Ley N° 26.522 de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual entre marzo y octubre de 2009. En términos específicos, la Tesis se propone: 1) Examinar la relevancia informativa que cobró el debate sobre la LSCA en la prensa económica; 2) Identificar las dimensiones de standing o crédito asignadas a las fuentes de la cobertura noticiosa; 3) Crear los encuadres específicos de la LSCA; 4) Analizar la evolución de dichos encuadres; 5) Indagar en los modos de presentar a los actores que protagonizan la acción relatada; y 6) Comparar las maneras en que los matutinos estudiados presentan y definen los aspectos puestos en discusión durante el proceso de debate y aprobación de la LSCA. La base conceptual de la Tesis es el Framing, entendido como programa multiparadigmático de investigación de las comunicaciones mediáticas. En este sentido, se trazan líneas de diálogo con los estudios del campo de las políticas públicas de comunicación y se atiende a aspectos de la instancia productiva de los mensajes noticiosos como complemento imprescindible del análisis de los textos. ; On October 2009, the Argentinean Congress passed the Audiovisual Communication Services Law No. 26,522 (LSCA), which replaced the centralist, authoritarian and discriminatory Broadcasting Law No. 22,285, created during the last civil-military dictatorship (1976-1983). The new Law implied a paradigm shift in Argentina's communications policy because it called into question the relationship between the political, socio-cultural and economic objectives that communications policies had been shaping over the last thirty years. It proposed, therefore, a new conception of 'public interest' in the regulation of the sector. The process of discussion and passing of the Law settled on the political agenda, the media and the public, although it was interpreted from specific frames that issued diagnoses, made evaluations and established prescriptions regarding the case. Addressing the ways in which the issue was defined and debated in the media becomes relevant for two reasons: first, it affected actors' interests which belong to the field that the media themselves integrate. Second, media are considered to be publicly relevant co-producers of social reality, so they contributed in building the stories about the debate around the Law and about the objectives it pursued. In this context, the overall objective of this work is to analyze the news coverage that two newspapers specialized in economic and financial issues, Ámbito Financiero and El Cronista Comercial, performed on the LSCA, from March to October 2009. Specifically, this Thesis attempts to: 1) Examine the prominence of the debate on the LSCA in the economic press; 2) Identify the standing given to the sources of the news coverage; 3) Create the specific LSCA news frames; 4) Analyze the evolution of such frames; 5) Inquire into the ways of presenting the main actors of the reported action; and 6) Compare the ways in which the newspapers present and define the aspects under discussion during the debate and passing of the LSCA. The conceptual basis of the Thesis is Framing, as a multiparadigmatic research program of the mass communications. In this sense, lines of dialogue are drawn up with studies from the field of public communication policies and attention is paid to news production as an essential complement to the content analysis.

Esta investigación analiza los cambios en las relaciones de género y el papel de las mujeres campesinas en la red de agroecología ACS-Amazonia de Brasil. Vinculada a la feria semanal de Río Branco en Acre esta experiencia supone la organización de una red y de un mercado ecológico en la capital del estado. Asimismo tiene lugar un proceso de transición de cuatro grupos de campesinos y campesinas que son dos polos agroforestales Benfica y Wilson Pinheiro y dos asentamientos rurales Humaitá y Moreno Maia situados en la región del Valle de Acre. Los cambios en las relaciones de género a nivel simbólico y a nivel material se centran en las diferencias de participación en los espacios colectivos, en la organización del trabajo, en el control de los recursos, la autoestima y la autonomía desde una perspectiva feminista. Mostramos los mecanismos que contribuyen hacia una mayor equidad en las relaciones entre hombres y mujeres, las potencialidades y los límites de la experiencia concreta. Nos hemos basado en un análisis documental y bibliográfico con una aproximación etnográfica que resalta las voces de los agentes implicados en el proceso, mediante entrevistas semiestructuradas, especialmente a las mujeres. El proceso de ocupación se ha abordado con una perspectiva diacrónica: desde la conformación del sistema extrativista tras la crisis de la goma hasta la combinación de la cultura seringueira de vida en el bosque con la cultura campesina de cultivo de la tierra para autoconsumo. La entrada y los impactos del modelo de desarrollo de la Revolución Verde durante la dictadura militar, los proyectos de asentamiento como forma de debilitar la lucha por la tierra y los movimientos de resistencia que estaban teniendo lugar en la Amazonía enmarcan el surgimiento de la red de agroecología y la transición agroecológica de las familias. Por último analizamos los cambios que tienen lugar en las relaciones de género tanto en la organización comunitaria, como en los sistemas de manejo en finca y en la comercialización en la feria. La experiencia agroecológica que es objeto de este estudio ha promovido una mayor autonomía, autoestima y reconocimiento social del trabajo de las mujeres, pese a que no se crea ni trabaja con un enfoque feminista explícito. Estos cambios están relacionados con la visibilización y valorización de los trabajos y del papel de las mujeres, el fomento a su participación en los espacios colectivos, la opción por las metodologías participativas y la propia determinación de estas mujeres para mejorar su nivel de vida. No obstante, estos cambios hacia la equidad de género son limitados y no están exentos de conflictos. Este estudio nos muestra la importancia de adoptar una perspectiva feminista en los proyectos agroecológicos para promover cambios hacia una mayor visibilización y participación de las mujeres y hacia relaciones más equitativas entre las personas. ; This research analyzes the changes in gender relations and the role of peasant women in the agro ecology network of ACS-Amazonia in Brazil. Linked to Rio Branco weekly farmers market in Acre, this experience means organizing a network and an ecological market in the state capital. There is also a transition process of four groups of peasants who are two agroforestry poles Benfica and Wilson Pinheiro and two rural settlements Humaitá and Moreno Maia located in the region of Acre's Valley. Changes in gender relations at symbolic and material levels are focusing on differences in participation in collective spaces, work organization, resource control, self-esteem and autonomy from a feminist perspective. We show the mechanisms contributing to greater equity in relationships between men and women, the potentialities and limits of this concrete experience. We have based ourselves on a documentary and bibliographic analysis with an ethnographic approach that highlights the voices of the agents involved in the process, through semi-structured interviews, especially to women. The occupation process has been approached with a diachronic perspective: from the conformation of the extractive system after the gum crisis to the combination of the rubber culture of life in the forest with the peasant culture of cultivation of the land for self consumption. The emergence of the agroecology network and the agroecological transition of families is framed by: the arrival and impact of the Green Revolution's development model during Military Dictatorship, the implantation of settlement projects as a way to weaken the struggle for land and the resistance movements that were taking place in the Amazon. Finally we analyze the changes taking place in gender relations in the community organization, as well as in farm management systems and in the commercialization on the local market. The agroecological experience of this study has promoted a greater autonomy, selfesteem and social recognition of the work made by women, although it has not been created and is not working with an explicit feminist approach. These changes are related to the visibility and appreciation of women's work and women's role, to promoting their participation in collective spaces, to the option of participative methodologies and to the determination of these women to improve their standard of living. However, these changes to gender equity are limited and not free of conflicts. This study shows us the importance of adopting a feminist perspective in agroecological projects to promote changes towards greater visibility and participation of women and towards more equitable relationships between people.

Die vorliegende Doktorarbeit zieht einen Vergleich zwischen den Auswärtigen Kulturpolitiken (AKP) der Bundesrepublik und Frankreichs von 1961 bis 1973 in Brasilien. Sie untersucht zunächst die Art und Weise, wie der Kulturaustausch in die damaligen Fragen der internationalen Beziehungen eingebunden wurde. Der Kalte Krieg, der Wettstreit zwischen der BRD und der DDR sowie die Dekolonisierung und der Algerienkrieg bildeten den politischen Hintergrund. Außerdem waren die AKP beider Länder in Verbindung zu den bilateralen deutsch- und französisch-brasilianischen Beziehungen zu verstehen. In einer Zeit, da alle drei Länder ein Wirtschaftswunder erlebten und die deutsch- und französischbrasilianischenBeziehungen stark intensiviert wurden, bekam die Kultur zunehmend eine Funktion als Rückhalt für den Wirtschaftsaustausch – obgleich auf unterschiedliche Weise im Falle Westdeutschlands und Frankreichs. Parallel dazu wurde die Arbeit der Kulturinstitute einem paradigmatischen Wechsel unterzogen: im Kulturaustausch setzte sich allmählich das Prinzip der Gegenseitigkeit durch. Die AKP wurde von der "Dritte-Welt-Romantik" und den studentischen Protesten in Europa sehr beeinflusst, und so wurde die Instrumentalisierung der Kultur durch die Diplomatie im Kontext der brasilianischen Militärdiktatur angeprangert. Besonders die Leiter der Goethe-Institute, die durch die deutschen Erfahrungen im Dritten Reich geprägt waren, wandten sich gegen eine solche Instrumentalisierung. Diese Untersuchung behandelt sowohl die Frage der Beziehungen zwischen Kultur und Diplomatie in der AKP, als auch die Unterschiede zwischen den französischen und deutschen Herangehensweisen in diesem Bereich. ; This doctoral thesis draws a parallel between the cultural diplomacies of the Federal Republic of Germany and France from 1961 to 1973 in Brazil. It first deals with the connection between cultural exchanges and the great issues of the international relations of that time, which were marked by the Cold War, the antagonism between East and West Germany as well as the process of decolonization and the Algerian War. The cultural diplomacies of the Federal Republic and France were also involved in bilateral relationship with Brazil, at a time when the three countries all experienced an " economic miracle" (known as the Glorious Thirty in France). In this context, both Germany and France used culture as a way to boost bilateral economic relationship, even if they did so through different means. In addition, the action of the cultural institutes was submitted to a paradigm change : the notion of reciprocity became paramount in the cultural exchanges, as the European sociocultural context in the late 1960s was characterized by third-worldism and student protests. Moreover, in the Brazilian military dictatorship, this use of culture by French and German diplomacies was deeply questioned, especially by the directors of Goethe Institutes who wanted to draw some lessons from Nazi Germany. This study examines the link between culture and diplomacy that marked the guidelines of the cultural policies, but also the differences that lay between the French and the German ways of dealing with it. ; Cette étude met en regard les politiques culturelles extérieures de la France entre 1961 et 1973 en direction du Brésil. Elle porte d'abord sur la manière dont les échanges culturels ont été mis au service des grands enjeux des relations internationales. La Guerre froide, l'antagonisme entre les deux Allemagnes mais aussi les mouvements de décolonisation et la guerre d'Algérie en constituent l'arrière-plan. De plus, les politiques culturelles extérieures de la RFA et de la France s'articulent avec les relations bilatérales germano- et franco-brésiliennes. A la faveur des Trente Glorieuses, l'époque est marquée par un resserrement des relations commerciales avec le Brésil, alors en plein développement. dans ce contexte, la culture se voit attribuer un rôle de soutien à l'économie, quoique selon des modalités différentes dans le cas français et dans le cas allemand. Par ailleurs, l'action des instituts culturels est soumise à un changement de paradigme : l'idée de réciprocité des échanges s'impose en lien avec un contexte socioculturel européen marqué par le tiers-mondisme et les révoltes étudiantes. Dans le Brésil de la dictature militaire, l'instrumentalisation de la culture par la diplomatie est remise en cause, notamment par les directeurs d'Instituts Goethe désireux de tirer les enseignements du passé nazi. Cette étude s'interroge à la fois sur l'articulation entre culture et diplomatie qui détermine les pratiques de la politique culturelle extérieure et sur les différences d'approches franco-allemandes dans ce domaine. ; Este trabalho propõe um olhar sobre as políticas culturais externas da RFA e da França empreendidas no Brasil entre 1961 e 1973. Primeiramente, interessa-nos perceber a maneira pela qual as trocas culturais foram estabelecidas em função das questões das relações internacionais do período em questão. Neste contexto, a Guerra Fria, através do antagonismo entre as duas Alemanhas, mas também os movimentos de descolonização e a guerra da Argélia constituem o pano de fundo. Além disso, as políticas culturais externas da RFA e da França se articulam com as relações bilaterais germano-brasileiras e franco-brasileiras. Esta época foi marcada por um estreitamento das relações comerciais com o Brasil que vivia um momento de crescimento econômico. Neste contexto, o papel da cultura era o de apoiar a economia, embora ocorresse de diferentes maneiras no caso francês e no caso alemão. A ação das instituições culturais foi também submetida a uma mudança de paradigma : a idéia de reciprocidade de trocas se impôs através dum contexto sócio-cultural europeu marcado pelo "terceiro-mundismo" e pelas revoltas estudantis. Ademais, no Brasil da ditadura militar(1964-1985) questionou-se a instrumentalização da cultura pela diplomacia, principalmente pelos diretores dos Institutos Goethe, desejosos de aprender com a experiência histórica do passado nazista. Neste estudo, interrogamo-nos tanto sobre a articulação entre cultura e diplomacia, que determinou as práticas da política cultura externa, como sobre as diferentes abordagens empreendidas pela França e Alemanha nesse domínio durante o período estudado.

The transformations of the Chilean Welfare State, following the political-economic restructuration after the military dictatorship (1973-1990), have been the core of an intense debate. However, the transformations taking place since 1973 in the relationship between the State, the market, and civil society, regarding the access to rights, lie in a structure of unequal distribution of rights forged throughout the 20th century. This philosophy of the Welfare State and its relation to individuals is characterized by the classification of beneficiaries: the bearers of rights and the recipients of assistance. This system is organized based on the configuration of two mechanisms of access to social protection, with the direct participation of the market, and which is characterized by the privatized dimension of the solidarity conception, either through the family or through the philanthropy. The neo-liberalization process introduces three changes to this model: the liberalization of the social sectors, which improves the public-private collaboration system; the technocratic development of the decision-making process and the intervention process; and the change of targeting as a mechanism of social justice. Thus, the model of unequal distribution of rights, enhanced by the establishment of a residual state during the dictatorship and then by the sophistication of targeting policies during the democratic period, takes shape, particularly, in terms of the social management of childhood. The policies of health, education, and specialized protection, crystallize a model of continuity and neoliberal inflections. This is the reconfiguration of the Welfare State as a tension: the strong regulatory role that accompanies the liberalization of the social sectors is gradually anchored on a discourse of social rights that reflects the processes of democratization experienced by the country since 1990. The objective of this research is to reflect on the forms that the Welfare State adopts from the political-economic restructuration of the country and to trace these transformations in a socio-political and historical framework. In this way, this study seeks to analyze the reconfigurations of social and political process, from an empirical regard, discussing the studies of social policies towards the childhood. ; Las transformaciones del Estado social de Chile luego de la restructuración político-económica realizada por la dictadura militar (1973-1990), ha sido objeto de un intenso debate. Sin embargo, las transformaciones realizadas desde 1973 en la relación entre el Estado, el mercado y la sociedad civil respecto al acceso a los derechos, se sitúan en una estructura de distribución desigual de derechos, forjada a lo largo del siglo XX. Esta filosofía del Estado social y su relación con los individuos, se caracteriza por la clasificación de beneficiarios: de un lado los portadores de derechos y del otro, los receptores de asistencia. Este sistema se organiza a partir de la configuración de dos vías de acceso a la protección, en relación directa con la participación en el mercado, y se caracteriza por la dimensión privatizada de la concepción de la solidaridad, sea a través de la familia o de la filantropía. El proceso de neo-liberalización introducirá tres inflexiones a ese modelo: la liberalización de los sectores sociales, que perfeccionará el sistema de colaboración público-privada; la tecnocratización de la toma de decisiones y de la intervención; el cambio en la naturaleza de la focalización, en tanto mecanismo de justicia social. De esta manera, el modelo de distribución desigual de derechos, aumentado por la implementación del Estado residual en dictadura, y luego por la sofisticación de la focalización en democracia, toma forma especialmente en el plano de la gestión social de la infancia. Las políticas de salud, educación y protección especializada, reflejan tanto este modelo de continuidad como las inflexiones neoliberales. Se trata de una reconfiguración del Estado social bajo tensión: el rol fuertemente regulador que acompaña la liberalización de los sectores sociales, está anclado progresivamente en un discurso sobre los derechos sociales que hace eco de los procesos de democratización vividos por el país desde 1990. El objetivo de esta investigación es reflexionar sobre las formas que adopta el Estado social a partir de la restructuración político-económica del país, tanto como trazar esas transformaciones en un marco político-histórico. De esta manera, nos interesamos al análisis sobre las reconfiguraciones de lo social y lo político en el nuevo escenario, a partir del estudio de las políticas de infancia. ; Les transformations de l'État social au Chili, suite à la restructuration politico-économique consubstantielle à la dictature militaire (1973-1990), ont fait l'objet d'un intense débat. Cependant, les transformations survenues depuis 1973 dans la relation entre l'État, le marché et la société civile, concernant l'accès aux droits, sont à situer dans une structure de distribution inégale des droits qui s'est forgée tout au long du XXe siècle. Cette philosophie de l'État social, et son rapport aux individus, se caractérise par la classification des bénéficiaires : des porteurs de droits et des récepteurs de l'assistance. Ce système s'organise à partir de la configuration de deux voies d'accès à la protection, en relation directe avec la participation au marché et se caractérise par la dimension privatisée de la conception de la solidarité, soit à travers la famille soit à travers la philanthropie. Le processus de néo-libéralisation introduira trois inflexions dans ce modèle : la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux qui va perfectionner le système de collaboration public-privé ; la technocratisation de la prise de décisions et de l'intervention ; le changement de la nature du ciblage comme mécanisme de justice sociale. Ainsi, le modèle de distribution inégale des droits, majoré par la mise en place de l'État résiduel pendant la dictature puis par la sophistication des politiques de ciblage pendant la démocratie, va prendre forme, notamment sur le plan de la gestion sociale de l'enfance. Les politiques de la santé, de l'éducation et de la protection spécialisée reflètent ce modèle de continuité et les inflexions néolibérales. Il s'agit de la reconfiguration de l'État social sous tension : le rôle fort régulateur qui accompagne la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux est ancré progressivement dans un discours des droits sociaux qui fait écho aux processus de démocratisation vécus par le pays, à partir de 1990. L'objectif de cette recherche est de réfléchir sur les formes que l'État social adopte à partir de la restructuration politico-économique du pays ainsi que de retracer ces transformations dans un cadre sociopolitique et historique. De cette façon, nous nous consacrerons à l'analyse des reconfigurations du social et du politique dans la nouvelle donne, à partir de l'étude des politiques sociales menées envers l'enfance.