Suchergebnisse

ch. 1. Peace education : setting the scene / Gavriel Salomon and Ed Cairns -- ch. 2. History of peace education / Ian Harris -- ch. 3. Peace education in societies involved in intractable conflicts : goals, conditions, and directions / Daniel Bar-Tal, Yigal Rosen, and Rafi Nets-Zehngut -- ch. 4. Educational sciences and peace education : mainstreaming peace education into (Western) academia? / Werner Wintersteiner -- ch. 5. What does peace psychology have to offer peace education? Five psychologically informed propositions / Daniel J. Christie and Richard V. Wagner -- ch. 6. The social psychology of intergroup relations / Nicole Tausch, Katharina Schmid, and Miles Hewstone -- ch. 7. Intergroup contact : implications for peace education / Eric W. Mania. [et al.] -- ch. 8. Contributions of developmental psychology to peace education / Louis Oppenheimer -- ch. 9. Peace education and political science / Marc Howard Ross -- ch. 10. The contributions of communication and media studies to peace education / Donald Ellis and Yael Warshel -- ch. 11. Peace and morality : two children of the same parents / Fritz Oser, Christine Riegel, and Sibylle Steinmann -- ch. 12. Philosophy of peace education in a postmetaphysical era / Ilan Gur-Ze'ev -- ch. 13. Teaching about the culture of peace as an approach to peace education / Joseph de Rivera -- ch. 14. Storytelling and multiple narratives in conflict situations : from the TRT group in the German-Jewish context to the dual-narrative approach of PRIME / Dan Bar-On -- ch. 15. The contribution of history teaching to peace building / Alan McCully -- ch. 16. Peace education in the classroom : creating effective peace education programs / David W. Johnson and Roger T. Johnson -- ch. 17. Building a shared future from a divided past : promoting peace through education in Northern Ireland / Tony Gallagher -- ch. 18. Unity-based peace education : education for peace program in Bosnia and Herzegovina : a chronological case study / H.B. Danesh -- ch. 19. Understanding the roots and impact of violence and psychological recovery as avenues to reconciliation after mass violence and intractable conflict : applications to national leaders, journalists, community groups, public education through radio, and children / Ervin Staub, Laurie Anne Pearlman, and Rezarta Bilali -- ch. 20. Peace education in regions of tranquillity / Ilse Hakvoort -- ch. 21. Educating for peace through planned encounters between Jews and Arabs in Israel : a reappraisal of effectiveness / Ifat Maoz -- ch. 22. Open-ended questions / Gavriel Salomon and Ed Cairns

Introduction. This study analyzes the anti-crisis policy of the southern Russian regions during the three waves of the pandemic, and also assesses the nature of its change as the corona crisis develops. It was important to identify how the regional anti-crisis policy determines the choice of mechanisms and tools for solving the problems of socio-economic development of regions. Methodology and methods. The analysis was carried out in accordance with the methodology proposed by G. Buckert, in the following areas of anti-crisis management: monitoring, training, decision-making, coordination, communication, leadership and recovery potential. The following methods were used to conduct the study: context analysis – a qualitative analysis of documents adopted by regional authorities; quantitative analysis – analysis of socio-economic indicators that reflect the reactions of the economy to decisions made by regional authorities. Analysis. The study showed that regardless of the strength of the impact of the corona crisis and the extent of the damage caused, the content of the policy of the regional authorities can be characterized as "following the center", which is largely due to the desire to avoid responsibility for the consequences of decisions made. At the first stages of the development of the corona crisis, the goals of containing the spread of coronavirus and state support for the most affected sectors of the economy from the introduction of restrictive measures were the priority. Starting from the second and subsequent waves of the pandemic, the introduction of various measures related to the mass vaccination of the population has become a key area of regional policy. Results. The key problem of the implementation of regional policy measures is identified – inefficient information work of regional authorities, which led to information asymmetry with the increased influence of the media on the social moods of citizens. It is concluded that in order to increase the efficiency of regional policy implementation measures in order to increase the sustainability of regional development, it is important that the ongoing coordination interactions between the authorities at different levels of government have clear goals for restoring the regional economy, and restorative measures should be prioritized with the supply maintenance policy.

We present the Data and Risk‐Informed Chemical Assessment Technique (DRICAT), a quantitative/qualitative risk analysis technique for assessing the risk of a potential chemical release incident that may lead to a mass casualty event in United States communities. Risk assessment is a comprehensive, structured, and logical analysis approach aimed at identifying and assessing risks in "systems" for the purpose of improving management of these systems. DRICAT leads to better understanding and effective management of risks from chemical incidents through risk and scenario identification and ranking by severity by helping community planning to minimize morbidity and mortality during and after potential events. As such, DRICAT is designed to be reproducible, evidence‐based, practical, and scalable for different types of communities and the possible chemical hazards present in that community. Recognizing that many communities have assessment protocols and response mechanisms already in place, we believe these DRICAT characteristics will enhance both existing chemical incident awareness and readiness activities while providing a baseline approach for communities lacking chemical release risk analysis techniques.To understand where potential hazards might exist within a community, it is useful to consider drivers for hazards (i.e., those factors that influence the presence of the hazards and the uncertainty). DRICAT uses essential elements of information (EEI) to identify chemical initiating events (IE) which are a part of potential hazardous scenarios. Both formal and informal approaches can be used to identify initiators arising from chemical hazards. DRICAT focuses on precursor events and a deductive approach using a hazard identification diagram. EEI data sources for community chemical hazards range from informal (e.g., social media, and local news outlets) to formal vetted databases. EEIs include systematic identification of hazards, community factors that affect hazards (e.g., population density, weather, and commodity flows), associated IEs, and grouping of individual causes into like categories. IE characteristics may vary among communities and include IEs that may lead directly to a chemical release or may require additional mitigative failures. DRICAT leverages EEIs to identify IEs to build and rank chemical accident scenarios from IE to the potential outcome. The likelihood of this release and the consequence of the release determine the overall risk.

This paper directs attention to Abigbo, an outstanding traditional music of Mbaise people of Igbo south, east of the Niger. It gears to interrupt and challenge willful observations by western-oriented music lovers' derogatory opinion, contrary to music in traditional setting such as 'Abigbo'. To realize this objective and prove wrong the ill-informed critics, 'Abigbo's uniqueness in song rendition and peculiarity in music making is conspicuously examined here as a case study. The origin and development of Abigbo, its uses, and relationship with other aspects of Mbaise culture are discussed in this work. The musical challenges are highlighted with the dance formation, movements/steps and the ensembles costumed critically analyzed. All these are essentially adumbrated in association with music making trends in contemporary Mbaise. Equally reviewed where applicable are Abigbo's relevance and inevitable roles in achieving the goal of societal well being. Song communication supported with body language and phonic emission via vocals are equally matters of great interest here. Methods employed in the data collection are library source of information obtained from associated printed materials documented in the library shelves. The researcher consulted relevant ones, read through them during desk work, and use their extracts as backup information to the subject of discourse which he initiated. Few of the procured print media materials are equally paraphrased as and when due. Datum is also secured through participant observation. At this juncture, the researcher's sense of sight and aural perceptions are actively utilized along with retentive memory with the view to capturing the salient points needed for the paper. A few literature reviews that border round music making in rural culture are altogether, examined to guide and back up the thrust of this discourse. Abigbo has proved its worth beyond all reasonable doubt during its performance presentation in Mbaise social culture. The musicians' close attention to the masses, particularly the zealous ones who are inclined to get at African tribes' traditional music to subject them to western notation is a spring board to its fame. At this juncture, we resolve that for music making through song communication to logically reign supreme in Abigbo, its practice by interested artistes should be enhanced and encouraged even beyond the ensemble's environmental origin. This done helps to secure indigenous interest akin to norms and values within the fabric of Mbaise society.

Ponencia presentada en el XII Congreso de Periodismo Digital celebrado en Huesca ; Los ciudadanos encuentran en Internet una valiosa herramienta para conocer los principales acontecimientos políticos y sociales que se desarrollan en otros países del mundo, incluidos aquellos en los que existen gobiernos autoritarios. En este artículo se analizará cómo los medios que funcionan sobre el modelo participativo de la Web 2.0, principalmente los blogs y las redes sociales utilizados por la población egipcia, especialmente jóvenes, han conseguido que un pueblo que ha vivido durante cerca de 30 años en una férrea y dura dictadura, lleve a cabo una revolución popular sin precedentes, sin armas y de forma pacífica, consiguiendo derrocar el régimen de Mubarak. Un estudio que se realizará a partir de artículos en prensa e internet, además de artículos hallados al respecto en la red. Estas herramientas se han convertido en plataforma de difusión de la información en situaciones de conflictos políticos, ya que son más rápidas que los medios convencionales y, al mismo tiempo, más difíciles de controlar, multiplicando la relevancia de un movimiento de masas único en el mundo y que ya es un ejemplo a seguir en otros países. Sin ir más lejos, Libia. ; Citizens on the Internet a valuable tool for determining the main political and social events taking place in other countries, including those where there is authoritarian rule. This article will review how the media operate on the participatory model of Web 2.0, especially blogs and social networks used by the Egyptian population, especially young people, have gotten a people who have lived for nearly 30 years in a tough and harsh dictatorship, bring about a revolution unprecedented popular, unarmed and peacefully, getting to overthrow the Mubarak regime. A study carried out from the press and internet articles, and articles found on this in the network. These tools have become a platform for disseminating information in situations of political conflict, since they are faster than conventional means and while more difficult to control, by multiplying the relevance of a single mass movement in the world and is already an example to other countries. Without going any further, Libya.

В статье анализируется речевая манера и коммуникативное поведение телеведущей политического ток-шоу Ольги Скабеевой. Целевая установка исследования - выявить аксиологически значимые черты коммуникативного образа телеведущей. Показано, что Скабеева обладает ярким, запоминающимся, убеждающим коммуникативным образом. Некоторые ее черты - позиция лидера, деловой стиль в одежде, система жестов, категоричность - обусловлены форматом передачи. В то же время коммуникативный образ Ольги Скабеевой имеет специфические гендерные черты. Он соединяет в себе как типично женские (скромность, элегантность, паритетность), так и мужские признаки (рациональность, категоричность, жесткость). Особое внимание уделено речевому поведению, обнаруживающему индивидуальные особенности медиаперсоны в общении с широкой аудиторией. Ольга Скабеева выстраивает свою речь, придерживаясь публицистического стиля, умело соединяя стандарт и экспрессию. Речевая манера Ольги Скабеевой в целом полистилевая, однако из-за резкого голоса, жесткой интонации, напористости ведущей ее речевое поведение можно охарактеризовать как агрессивное. Доминирующей стратегией является удержание коммуникативного лидерства. При этом Скабеева использует лингвокреативные практики и сугубо женские приемы гармонизации общения, учитывает ценностные ориентации и предпочтения массового зрителя. ; The article analyzes the speech manner and communicative behavior of the TV host of political talk show Olga Skabeyeva. The aim of the study is to identify axiologically significant features of the communicative image of the TV host. It is shown Skabeyeva have a bright, catchy, wistful communicative image. Some of her features - leading position, business style in clothes, gestures system, categoricalness - are determined by the program format. At the same time, communicative image of the TV presenter has a specific gender identity. Olga Skabeyeva's image combines both typically female (modesty, elegance, parity) and male characteristics (rationality, rigidity, hardness). Special attention is given to verbal behaviour that detects the individual characteristics of media person in communication with a wide audience. Olga Skabeyeva builds her speech, adhering to a journalistic style, skillfully combining the standard and expression. The general speech style of Olga Skabeyeva is poly-stylistic one however, due to the sharp voices, hard tones, assertive her verbal behavior can be characterized as aggressive. The dominant for this presenter is a strategy of the retention of communicative leadership. While Skabeyeva uses lingvocreative practice and purely female techniques of harmonization communication and takes into account the value orientation and preferences of the mass audience.

The article analyses the activities to prevent and suppress ethnic conflicts, activities that form a major component of the national security system of the Russian Federation against extremist, including terrorist, threats. The article examines the features and the degree of influence of the main factors on the activities of state structures, religious organisations, public associations for the prevention and suppression of interethnic conflicts. The survey of twenty experts who are highly qualified specialists in the field of countering ethno-extremism conducted by the author using the methods of questionnaires and in-depth interviews, as well as the results of mass sociological studies and analysis of scientific works and media publications on the topic of the research allowed to determine the degree of influence of the main factors on the ethno-conflict sphere. It was revealed as a result of the research, that the Russian Orthodox Church, traditional Muslim organisations and public law enforcement organisations, primarily Cossack organisations and voluntary people's guards, have the most positive influence on activities to prevent and suppress ethnic conflicts.

The factor of "spreading the ideology of the" Russian world "" in the context of aggravated relations with Western countries has practically no effect on anti-conflict activities in the ethno-national sphere. Attempts to support foreign followers of the Russian patriotic project evoke nothing more but Russophobic reaction from the political elites in a number of foreign states.

Such factors as "deficiencies in educational and upbringing activities", as well as "pandemic", have a negative impact on the activities aimed at preventing and suppressing ethnic conflicts in Russia. The worst influence on the prevention and suppression of ethnic conflicts, according to the experts interviewed, have "activities of elites in national formations", "migration policy", as well as "development of Internet communications and social networks". The author proves that taking into account the peculiarities and degree of influence of the main factors on activities to prevent and suppress ethnic conflicts will not only allow the authorities to ensure the protection of the Russian society from ethno-national threats but also to more effectively solve important tasks of strengthening the all-Russian self-awareness and spiritual community of the Russian nation, harmonising ethno-national relations and state-civil consolidation in the Russian Federation.

The phenomenon of «children's» movements has historical analogs, which traditionally were the result of thoughtful technologies of adults, which were aimed at realizing their interests and achieving specific goals. The use of geopolitical and civilizational approaches has led to the consideration of the phenomenon of «children's» eco-strikes as a political technology of the initiators of a New World Order. The genesis, essence and purpose of the «Greta Thunberg project» and mass environmental actions in the context of the formation of a New World Order and the interests of Russia have been characterized. It is shown that the initiators of this technology are the «old» globalist and neoliberal elites of Western states, part of the American establishment, international big capital and powerful corporations in the non-material digital sphere. To achieve their goals of neutralizing opponents in the economic and political spheres, they use the protest potential of the «greens», which over the past few decades have actually become part of the Western neoliberal elite. In the context of efforts to create a New World Order, these actors seek to maintain and strengthen their power, continue to exploit third world countries, suppress existing anti-system movements and weaken their main geopolitical competitors – mainly China and Russia, which are looking for safe transport routes and new sources of resources. Therefore, on the initiative of the globalist and neoliberal elites, projects are being put forward to create ecozones in resource-rich «disputed areas» and, as a result, to preserve the prospects for economic activity there. The image of «children's» eco-strikes, which is presented by the media, reproduces a new social idea and stimulates support from the electorate for the purpose of the transformation of the World Order, which is confirmed by the fact that the movement is massive in various countries of the world. Youth strikes with environmental slogans help to shift the dominant positions from the traditional industrial-resource elite to the digital elite, opening up new financial and economic opportunities and prospects for global leadership for the latter. The intensification of this movement coincided in time with the USA claims to the Northern Sea Route and the development of Arctic resources, which directly affects the interests of Russia.

Submerged in the Greater Will For 2 cellos, choir (in four parts) and sub tone. Dedicated to Judith Hamman and Tristen Parr. PROGRAM NOTE The title refers to one of he challenges of democracy: where notions of individualism are consumed within a greater overarching will. This is played out in the piece, as choir sections mirror and copy each other, and the cello duet blend in and out of the mass of singers. The score is proportional, with the highest point of the screen being the highest pitch reference, the bottom being the lowest pitch reference. Line thickness indicates dynamic (should be pp – mf). When text is black, it applies to all voices. Coloured text is specific to that part. The electronics are embedded in the score and should be played through one or more subwoofers, using the mini jack line out of an ipad playing the score. NOTE FOR PERFORMANCE The majority of my compositions use scores that are read on an iPad tablet computer, using the Decibel ScorePlayer , an application available on the App Store . Any fixed media is embedded in the score, and some feature automated functions. In the case of ensemble works, multiple iPads can be networked on a LAN or over the Internet so parts can be read in a synchronised way. You should upload the score file (ending with.dsz) to your iPad from your computer via AirDrop on an Apple, or cable from a PC. Instructions on how to do this and using the Decibel ScorePlayer , more generally are included in the Application, which ships with five other scores. Thus my works have different versions of the score, as you may see above. A PDF/PNG file of the score 'image', a DSZ file to upload onto the iPad for performance, and for some less complex scores, a video version. Hardcopies are also available from my publisher. You can find out more about the Decibel ScorePlayer , and how to make your own scores for it, here. PERFORMANCES Premiered by Tristen Parr, Judith Hamman (cellos), Monash University Singers at the Robert Blackwood Hall, September, 2018. For eight Part choir: group 1, group 2, group 3, group 4. cello1, cello 2 and electronics.

This dissertation studies the current Spanish economic, political, and social crisis and its representations through apocalyptic imaginaries. I seek to establish a fundamental political and cultural distinction between two models of these imaginaries traceable in representations of Madrid. On one hand, it looks at cultural discourses that display catastrophist projections of the present and the future, insisting on alarmistic and deterministic messages. On the other hand, it looks at other discourses that subvert this representation of the capitalist crisis as the end of the world, shifting the symbolic value of the apocalyptic imaginaries towards figurations of the end of capitalism. I argue that there is a fundamental tension between these two dissimilar recoveries of the apocalyptic cultural tradition that determines conflicting political aims regarding the social battle for the "right to the city." The first model—most present in public discourse, the media, and mass entertainment channels—promotes a depoliticizing ideology that is functional to the reproduction of the capitalist system. These kinds of narratives lead to widespread states of collective political isolation and generalized pessimism that hinder social reactions to oppressive regulations and policies of dispossession imposed during crises. The second model—which eventually appears within social movements and countercultural production—identifies subjects' and collectives' political agency to imagine and rehearse new and emancipated ways of life through alternative organization of society. To make this argument, I focus my study in three different tropes: desertification, flood, and waste. These are all present in a set of objects and texts from different sources that I analyze, such as press articles, narrative fiction, song writings, and the visual arts, among others. In doing so, I deploy a theoretical framework that combines historical and contemporary conceptualizations of cultural apocalypsis from fields such as anthropology, history, cultural studies or philosophy (Koselleck, De Martino, Jameson, Fisher, among others) with critical literature about the contemporary city within capitalism (Observatorio Metropolitano, Lefebvre, Harvey, etc.). Ultimately, it is my goal to analyze the political condition of imagination and culture by establishing a systematic framework of analysis that takes into serious account structural features, material conditions of production, places of enunciation, and the differential effects in cultural and social reconfiguration of these imaginaries.

У статті досліджуються політичні карикатури, які були надруковані у виданнях Російської імперії в 1890-1905 рр. Об'єктом дослідження є карикатури, в яких образ Чужого представлений зооморфно, а в якості самого Чужого представлено іншу державу (Німеччина, Англія, Австрія, Японія, Туреччина). Автор не дає докладний опис конкретних карикатур, акцентуючи увагу на тому, що ці бестіарні образи є спільними для всіх сатиричних журналів, в тому числі і іноземних, і являють собою сформовану іконографію Чужого. На думку автора, уявлення антропоморфного образу у вигляді тварини (монстра) є сформованим тропом візуальної риторики, а карикатура - її жанром. ; В статье исследуются политические карикатуры, опубликованные в изданиях Российской империи в 1890–1905 гг. Объектом исследования являются карикатуры, в которых образ Чужого представлен зооморфно, а в качестве самого Чужого представлено другое государство (Германия, Англия, Австрия, Япония, Турция). Автор не дает подробное описание конкретных карикатур, акцентируя внимание на том, что эти бестиарные образы являются общими для всех сатирических журналов, в том числе и иностранных, и представляют собой сложившуюся иконографию Чужого. По мнению автора, представление антропоморфного образа в виде животного (монстра) является сложившимся тропом визуальной риторики, а карикатура – ее жанром. ; The article researches political caricatures that was published by the RussianEmpire magazines and newspapers during the period since 1890 until 1905. Special object of study is complex of caricatures where image of the Strange was zoomorphically presented and the Strange itself was another country (people) such as Germany, Great Britain, Austrian-Hungary Empire, Japan, Turkey. There is described no concrete caricature in the paper because iconography of the Strange is implied that the images are common for all satiric and humoristic media-resources including foreign ones. According to the article, showing the anthropomorphic person as animal (bestie) is the trope of the visual rhetoric and caricature is its genre. Despite some variation in representations, the main zoomorphic images of States are still used in caricature and other genres of mass culture. These visual markers are the lion for Great Britain, the bear for Russia, the rooster for France, the dragon for China, and the bald eagle for the US. The attached illustrations allow the reader to see how the principles described in the article were implemented in practice.

У статті досліджуються політичні карикатури, які були надруковані у виданнях Російської імперії в 1890-1905 рр. Об'єктом дослідження є карикатури, в яких образ Чужого представлений зооморфно, а в якості самого Чужого представлено іншу державу (Німеччина, Англія, Австрія, Японія, Туреччина). Автор не дає докладний опис конкретних карикатур, акцентуючи увагу на тому, що ці бестіарні образи є спільними для всіх сатиричних журналів, в тому числі і іноземних, і являють собою сформовану іконографію Чужого. На думку автора, уявлення антропоморфного образу у вигляді тварини (монстра) є сформованим тропом візуальної риторики, а карикатура - її жанром. ; В статье исследуются политические карикатуры, опубликованные в изданиях Российской империи в 1890–1905 гг. Объектом исследования являются карикатуры, в которых образ Чужого представлен зооморфно, а в качестве самого Чужого представлено другое государство (Германия, Англия, Австрия, Япония, Турция). Автор не дает подробное описание конкретных карикатур, акцентируя внимание на том, что эти бестиарные образы являются общими для всех сатирических журналов, в том числе и иностранных, и представляют собой сложившуюся иконографию Чужого. По мнению автора, представление антропоморфного образа в виде животного (монстра) является сложившимся тропом визуальной риторики, а карикатура – ее жанром. ; The article researches political caricatures that was published by the RussianEmpire magazines and newspapers during the period since 1890 until 1905. Special object of study is complex of caricatures where image of the Strange was zoomorphically presented and the Strange itself was another country (people) such as Germany, Great Britain, Austrian-Hungary Empire, Japan, Turkey. There is described no concrete caricature in the paper because iconography of the Strange is implied that the images are common for all satiric and humoristic media-resources including foreign ones. According to the article, showing the anthropomorphic person as animal (bestie) is the trope of the visual rhetoric and caricature is its genre. Despite some variation in representations, the main zoomorphic images of States are still used in caricature and other genres of mass culture. These visual markers are the lion for Great Britain, the bear for Russia, the rooster for France, the dragon for China, and the bald eagle for the US. The attached illustrations allow the reader to see how the principles described in the article were implemented in practice.

12 pags., 8 figs., 4 tabs. ; Mussel adhesives proteins have been extensively studied as a promising alternative in bioadhesives due to their ability to provide durable anchoring under diferent surfaces in seawater. These charasteristics have been attributed to the presence of the reduced catechol form, 3,4-dihydroxyphenylalanine (DOPA) of its structure. However, its practical applications have been limited due to drawbacks with natural extraction. Here, a novel method have been described for site-specifc chemical incorporation of l-3,4-dihydroxyphenylalanine methyl ester (l-DOPAME) into proteins, in particular Candida antartica fraction B (CAL-B) lipase. Two strategies were followed, direct conjugation of DOPA at the C-terminus on the surface of the protein, and protein conjugation with tailor-made glycopolymers (DOPA-hyaluronic acid (HA) polymers) at the N-terminus. In all cases, the characterization of the new DOPA-proteins was carried out using circular dichroism, fuorescence or mass spectrometry. ; An improvement in the activity (in some cases more than 2 times) or the thermostability of CAL-B (with a half live 4 fold greater in some cases) was found by the incorporation of DOPA molecules. These DOPA-proteins showed excellent underwater covalent adhesive ability on amino functionalized surfaces in aqueous media compared to other modifed [e.g. tyrosine modifed (TYR)] CAL-B proteins. At pH 8.5, CALB-DOPA proteins were completely adsorbed after 90 min of incubation, whereas about 10% of CALB-HA or CALB-TYR proteins were adsorbed at the same time. Native CAL-B adsorption was not observed. These results suggest a potential application of these DOPA-proteins as bioglues or bioadhesives for practical underwater applications. ; s This work was supported by the Spanish National Research Council (CSIC), Fondo de Investigaciones Sanitarias from Instituto de Salud Carlos III, and European Union (ERDF/ ESF, 'Investing in your future') (PI15/00663 and PI18/00349 to OA); Diputación General de Aragón (Translation Research group in Digestive Pathology Group—E25_17R to OA); and Centro de Investigación Biomédica en Red en Enfermedades Hepáticas y Digestivas (CIBERehd). The authors thank the COST Action CA15216 (ENBA) for COST meeting support. We also thank Dr. Martinez from Novozymes and Proteomics Facility of Servicios Científco Técnicos del CIBA (IACS-Universidad de Zaragoza), ProteoRed ISCIII, Zaragoza, Spain. ; Peer reviewed

In this article, we will try to trace how postindustrial socio-economic transformations and civil society relate; as the formation of post-industrial society influences the processes of political communication and the emergence of new, alternative forms of political system; as well as the interdependence of growth (due to new information technologies) of information openness, political communication and civil society.Freedom of information exchange and information openness is one of the fundamental foundations of civil society. It is the modern information and communication technologies (including the Internet and electronic media) that open up new opportunities for the free dissemination of information and mass information exchange, which may result in the formation of a fundamentally new type of democratic society. Therefore, in western countries special attention is paid to the problems of using information resources on the basis of the use of the latest information technologies, communications and telecommunications.In democratic states, the interaction of power and society, in addition to the main electoral mechanism, is based on public relations and the provision of information services to the population, as well as on the mechanism of legislative lobbying and public expression of public opinion. These mechanisms function in interaction, although they are different in essence, and in practice they are implemented in parallel, using the same methods and tools. In this exchange of information is an very important link in the system of public administration, since the completeness, quality and reliability of information used to make managerial decisions at all levels determine the correctness, efficiency and effectiveness of such decisions.Key words: postindustrial information society, civil society, political communication, «fourth power», informational transparency. ; Свобода обміну інформацією та інформаційна відкритість є однією з фундаментальних основ громадянського суспільства. Саме сучасні інформаційно-комунікаційні технології відкривають нові можливості для вільного поширення інформації та масового інформаційного обміну, наслідком чого може стати формування принципово нового типу демократичного суспільства.Ця стаття є спробою простежити, як співвідносяться постіндустріальні соціально-еконо­мічні трансформації й громадянське суспільство; як становлення постіндустріального суспільства впливає на процеси політичної комунікації й на виникнення нових форм політичного устрою; взаємозалежність зростання (завдячуючи інформаційним технологіям) інформаційної відкритості, політичної комунікації й громадянського суспільства.Ключові слова: постіндустріальне інформаційне суспільство, громадянське суспільство, політична комунікація, «четверта влада», інформаційна відкритість.

У статті підсумовано основні результати багаторічного дослідження «веймарської класики» і раннього німецького романтизму, розкрито суть «модерністичного проекту», спрямованого на інтелектуально-культурне оновлення всього європейського суспільства. Розглянуто три світоглядні «кризи модерну». Перша – на зламі XVIII–ХІХ ст. Романтики тоді розділили мистецтво естетично і соціологічно на масове і високе, а історично – на сучасний і «класичний» мейнстріми. Простежено подальшу долю «проекту» в умовах другої кризи доби Модерн на зламі ХІХ–ХХ ст. (тут естафету романтиків підхопив Ф. Ніцше) і уже в наш час – останньої і остаточної третьої кризи Модерну. ; In my article, I sum up main results of my research of "Weimar classics" and early German romanticism presented in my book "Klasyky i romantyky: shtudii z istorii nimetskoi literatury 18–19 st." ("The Classics and the Romantics: The Studies of the History of German Literature in the 18th–19th Centuries", 2013). I analyze the notions of three worldview crises of modern era. By the end of the 18th – beginning of the 19th centuries, there was a first crisis in the aesthetical, philosophical, and religious spheres. The philosophers of that epoch presented utopian project of searching for a lost ideal condition in the past, in the history. From the aesthetical and historical standpoints, they divided art into mass and high, and from the historical stance, into modern and "classical" mainstreams. By the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries, there was a second crisis of Modern times, and the third crisis occurs in a present time. The classics and the romantics initiated artistic avant-garde: presented a young protagonist in the literature, accented the meaning of young author as the bearer of progressive mind; elaborated on such features of avant-garde text as irony, parody, "play" with a reader, implicit and explicit citations, pastiche, allusions, paraphrases, centons, etc. As European civilization left behind the classical values, the "Modern" project lost its meaning; it turned into a "high narrative" of the past. Contemporary literature is one of the means to maintain society in the stable condition, and in this status, there are necessary communicative and meaningful forms of the discourse and communication. In this status, literature insensibly merges with the non-fictional forms, including "digital verbalism" of social media, which is controlled not by philosophers, but by businessman and politicians.