Suchergebnisse

A Nation of Veterans examines how the United States created the world's most generous system of veterans' benefits. Though we often see former service members as an especially deserving group, the book shows that veterans had to wage a fierce political battle to obtain and then defend their advantages against criticism from liberals and conservatives alike. They succeeded in securing their privileged status in public policy only by rallying behind powerful interest groups, including the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the Disabled American Veterans, and the American Legion. In the process, veterans formed one of the most powerful movements of the early and mid-twentieth century, though one that we still know comparatively little about.In examining how the veterans' movement inscribed martial citizenship onto American law, politics, and culture, A Nation of Veterans offers a new history of the U.S. welfare state that highlights its longstanding connection with warfare. It shows how a predominantly white and male group such as military veterans was at the center of social policy debates in the interwar and postwar period and how women and veterans of color were often discriminated against or denied access to their benefits. It moves beyond the traditional focus on the 1944 G.I. Bill to examine other important benefits like pensions, civil service preference, and hospitals. The book also examines multiple generations of veterans, by shedding light on how former service members from both world wars as well as Korea and the Cold War interacted with each other.This more complete picture of veterans' politics helps us understand the deep roots of the military welfare state in the United States today

In the late 19th and early 20th century, a combination of coastal defence for the homeland and fleet defence for the East Indies became the established naval strategy for the Royal Dutch Navy and set the template for the world wars. Battleships were too expensive to build and maintain, so after World War I, there was significant investment in submarine development and construction. A handful of modern light cruisers and a new class of destroyers were also constructed during the interwar years to serve as a small Fleet-in-Being in the East Indies, as well as to support the actions of the navy's submarines. The light cruiser HNLMS De Ruyter and the Java-class light cruisers were the most powerful units of the new fleet whilst the backbone of the destroyer fleet was the Admiralen-class and the Tromp-class of destroyer leaders. 0Beginning in December 1941, the Dutch Navy played a very active role in the defence of the East Indies against the Japanese during World War II. The Battle of the Java Sea at the end of February 1942 crushed Dutch naval power in the East Indies, sinking the cruisers Java and De Ruyter and killing Admiral Karel Doorman. However, several Dutch surface warships and submarines continued the fight against the Axis powers alongside the Allies until the end of World War II, including a pair of British-built destroyers, Van Galen and Tjerk Hiddes. This beautifully illustrated book from a leading scholar on Dutch military history provides a comprehensive guide to the Royal Netherlands Navy of the World War II period, complete with detailed cutaways and battleplates of the fleet in action

Cover page -- Halftitle page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 What is a Conservative? -- 1.2 The Neo-Tories in British research -- 1.3 A 'conservative revolution' in Europe? -- 1.4 Methods, structure, investigation period, sources -- 2 Lost Generation? A Group Biography of the Neo-Tories -- 2.1 The 'lost' generation -- 2.2 Journalists and politicians on the right wing of the Conservative Party -- 2.3 'What I am afraid of is the feminine man': masculine ideology and anti-feminism -- 3 Counter-Narratives of History: The Fight for Interpretation -- 3.1 'The lie about the War': war memoirs in opposition to a pacifist interpretation -- 3.1.1 The First World War in British public opinion -- 3.1.2 The war books in the British press -- 3.1.3 The war books controversy -- 3.1.4 The anti-pacifism of the Neo-Tories -- 3.2 The historical view of the Neo-Tories -- 3.2.1 Tory interpretation of history -- 3.2.2 'The Inglorious Rebellion': 1688-9 and the Neo-Tories -- 3.2.3 The Merry England of the Middle Ages as a golden age -- 4 Neo-Toryism as a World View -- 4.1 Racial and civilizational downfall: degeneration as a central theme -- 4.1.1 Degeneration and national decline? A hundred years of eugenic thought in Britain -- 4.1.2 The fear of British degeneration in the interwar years -- 4.1.3 Degeneration in the Neo-Tory line of argument -- 4.1.4 The city as place of degeneration: anti-urbanism in Neo-Tory political thought -- 4.2 Democracy on trial: critique of the system in the land of the Mother of Parliaments -- 4.2.1 'The twilight of democracy': the end of democracies as a historical process -- 4.2.2 The tyranny of the masses: critiques of democracy in Britain after 1929

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- INTRODUCTION Violence: A Sociological Perspective -- I. THE HISTORY OF NEGRO-WHITE VIOLENCE IN AMERICA -- 1. Lawlessness and Violence -- Lawlessness and Violence in America and Their Special Manifestations in Changing Negro-White Relationships -- 2. The Period of Slave Insurrections and Resistance 1640-1861 -- American Negro Slave Revolts -- 3. Civil War and Reconstruction 1861-1877 -- New York's Bloodiest Week -- Labor Competition and the New York Draft Riots of 1863 -- Northern Labor and the Negro During the Civil War -- 4. The Second Reconstruction and the Beginnings of the Great Migration 1878-1914 -- The Atlanta Massacre -- The Race War in the North -- The So-Called Race Riot at Springfield, Illinois -- Lynching -- 5. World War I and Postwar Boom and Racial Readjustment 1915-1929 -- East St. Louis Riots: Report of the Special Committee Authorized by Congress to Investigate the East St. Louis Riots -- The Houston Race Riot, 1917 -- Order in Chicago Editorial, New York Times, July 31, 1919 -- Vice and Politics as Factors in Chicago Riots -- Lynching in Omaha New York Times, Septembe1· 30, 1919 -- Nine Killed in Fight with Arkansas Posse New York Times, October 2, 1919 -- Plotters Behind the Plots Editorial, New York Times, October 8, 1919 -- The Negro in Chicago: A Study of Race Relations and a Race Riot -- Three Cases of Racial Violence in the United States -- 6. Interwar and Depression 1930-1941 -- The Harlem Disturbances of 1935 and 1943: Deviant Cases? -- Excerpts from The Complete Harlem Riot Report Mayor's Commission on Conditions in Harlem -- Invisible Man -- 7. World War II and Postwar Boom and Racial Readjustment 1942-1954 -- A. The Detroit Riot: A Short Lesson in Historiography

Cover -- Half-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction: statement of arguments -- 1 National identity and foreign policy: a dialectical relationship -- Typologies of nationalism -- 2 Polish identity 1795-1944: from romanticism to positivism to ethnonationalism -- The fall of positivism and the rise of ethnonationalism -- The search for a foreign policy paradigm on the eve of independence -- National identity of independent Poland -- Interwar identity and foreign policy -- The lessons of the failed 1944 uprising -- 3 Poland after World War II: native conservatism and the return to Central Europe -- The af termath of World War II -- The Stalinization of Poland: the end of symbiosis -- A precarious equilibrium: 1956-1968 -- The rise of the unified opposition -- Paradigms of a sovereign Poland -- 4 Polish foreign policy in perspective: a new encounter with positivism -- Poland's German policy -- Eastern policy revisited -- Poland and Russia -- Relations with Ukraine and Belarus -- Relations with Lithuania -- Place and reorientation -- 5 Russia's national identity and the accursed question: a strong state and a weak society -- The Russian Orthodox Church -- The annexation of Ukraine and the institutionalization of the empire -- Westernizers and Slavophiles and the notion of empire -- The emergence of national identity in Russia -- 6 Russian identity and the Soviet period -- The October Revolution and Russia's national identity -- The rehabilitation of the Russian imperial idea: the theory of a lesser evil -- Post-Stalinist USSR and the re-emergence of the two paradigms -- Brezhnev: regime decay and co-optation of nationalism -- National identity and Russian dissent: the rebirth of dichotomy -- The rise of nationalist opposition and its co-optation -- The rise of Gorbachev and the ascent of liberalism

The production of bicycles in Britain and the United States recently suffered severe setbacks. The renowned American Schwinn brand was downgraded to the mass market by its new owners following bankruptcy, and Britain's Raleigh came close to closure because of high debts and poor returns, saved only by a last-minute management buyout. In both cases, market share and credibility were lost to newer, more innovative firms, as well as to a recentering of the global bicycle industry in the Far East.This book reflects on such changes by setting them within a sociological and historical context. It focuses on the British bicycle industry in the interwar years and in the 1980s and the 1990s--periods characterized by modernization of production and of industrial organization, by changing relations among players in the industry, by new developments in labor relations, and by changes in interactions between markets and product design. In particular, it traces the fortunes of the Raleigh Cycle Company from its beginnings as an innovative young firm, through massive expansion of its products and markets and the assimilation of many of its competitors, into further innovation amid market contraction and management inertia, and finally into a phase of global restructuring that has transformed and reduced its role within the industry.The book explores the complex ways in which product design, production methods, industrial organization, and the cultures of cycling have interacted to create a succession of sociotechnical frames for the bicycle. At the same time, on an activist level, the book promotes a participatory politics of bicycle technology and a less car-centered view of personal transportation.

This book provides the first full account of a major social and political movement of the interwar years in Canada: the campaign for "Maritime Rights" which erupted in the Atlantic provinces after World War I. Ernest R. Forbes traces the history of the movement from its origins in the decline in relative status and influence of the Maritimes that accompanied the rise of the West and the growing dominance of the Central Canadian metropolises. Maritimers saw their political influence reduced, the underpinnings of their economy - especially in the critical areas of tariffs, freight rates, and subsidies - whittled away, and Canada defined in terms that seemed to exclude them. Adopting a strategy characteristic of the progressive movements of the period, they attempted through organization and agitation to restore their position. Farmers, fishermen, manufacturers, and organized labour articulated their demands through the provincial press, boards of trade, union locals, educational conferences, and mass delegations to Ottawa. Professor Forbes challenges traditional assumptions in his emphasis upon a vigorous Maritime progressivism that transcended party affiliations. All the political parties tried to use the protest movement, but none had created it, nor had it a specific founder or leader. The agitiation was in fact a spontaneous expression of the economic and social frustrations of the Maritime people. Although their efforts were largely defeated by the conflicting interests of stronger regions, and by the King government's adoitness in defusing protest through a policy of study and delay, the author believes that the aroused Maritimers had succeeded in establishing their difficulties in the public's mind as a national problem.

The article analyses the issue of Yugoslav–Bulgarian unification within the broader idea of a Balkan (con)federation from the aspects of internal and external stakeholders. The author describes the key interwar factors and events impacting the formation of states in postwar South-east Europe and, building on this, identifies the primary motives for/against the idea of a Balkan (con)federation with respect to the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, the Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP), the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union. In the second part, the role of this idea during the period of Yugoslav and Bulgarian rapprochement immediately after the war is analysed and the major events determining the dramatic turnaround in the Bulgarian–Yugoslav relationship in 1948, when the idea was abandoned, are presented. It is argued that the Yugoslav side tried to take advantage of the (con)federal idea to manoeuvre between the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom, which on the other hand were never very keen on a Yugoslav–Bulgarian state. The BCP showed somewhat greater interest, primarily due to the Macedonian issue. Bulgaria had to follow Moscow's policy almost entirely, hoping this would lead to Soviet support in obtaining anti-fascist ally status and resolving internal problems with the Bulgarian opposition. From this perspective, promoting the (con)federative alliance with Yugoslavia was the Bulgarian communists' strategy for accomplishing the nationalistic aim of not completely losing Macedonia. Provided Bulgaria would be an equal part of the dual federation, the BCP had no problem even ceding Pirin Macedonia to the unified socialist Republic of Macedonia.

This paper investigates political parties' attitudes towards the past. It explores the ideological inspirations and patterns of behavior of the parties founded in Poland after 1989, which were more or less consciously 'borrowed' from the political groups operating in the interwar and Communist periods respectively. The parties have been found to draw both upon democratic and authoritarian traditions. In addition to examining the ideological declarations and public utterances made by politicians, and proposals for systemic solutions, the paper also looks at political practice in the broad sense. The aim of this work is to determine how political traditions could help to shape the political identities of contemporary parties and to identify the historical references favored by political groups in post-1989 Poland. It portrays the political parties' stances on tradition and shows how they are used in political rivalry. ; Tekst ma na celu przeanalizowanie natury stosunku polskich partii do przeszłości. Pokazanie inspiracji ideologicznych, ale również wzorców zachowań, które można dostrzec w polskich partiach działających po 1989 roku, a które bardziej lub mniej świadomie zostały "zapożyczone" od ugrupowań funkcjonujących w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym i w okresie PRL-u. Są to nawiązania zarówno do tradycji demokratycznej, jak i autorytarnej. Przedmiotem analizy zostały nie tylko formalne deklaracje ideowe partii, wypowiedzi polityków, propozycje rozwiązań ustrojowych, ale również szeroko rozumiana praktyka polityczna. Tekst ma pomóc znaleźć odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakim stopniu tradycja polityczna może być pomocna w kształtowaniu tożsamości politycznej współczesnych partii, do jakich elementów historii nawiązują najczęściej polskie ugrupowania po 1989 roku oraz scharakteryzować podejście partii do tradycji i sposobu jej wykorzystywania w rywalizacji politycznej.

Tekst ma na celu przeanalizowanie natury stosunku polskich partii do przeszłości. Pokazanie inspiracji ideologicznych, ale również wzorców zachowań, które można dostrzec w polskich partiach działających po 1989 roku, a które bardziej lub mniej świadomie zostały "zapożyczone" od ugrupowań funkcjonujących w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym i w okresie PRL-u. Są to nawiązania zarówno do tradycji demokratycznej, jak i autorytarnej. Przedmiotem analizy zostały nie tylko formalne deklaracje ideowe partii, wypowiedzi polityków, propozycje rozwiązań ustrojowych, ale również szeroko rozumiana praktyka polityczna. Tekst ma pomóc znaleźć odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jakim stopniu tradycja polityczna może być pomocna w kształtowaniu tożsamości politycznej współczesnych partii, do jakich elementów historii nawiązują najczęściej polskie ugrupowania po 1989 roku oraz scharakteryzować podejście partii do tradycji i sposobu jej wykorzystywania w rywalizacji politycznej. ; This paper investigates political parties' attitudes towards the past. It explores the ideological inspirations and patterns of behavior of the parties founded in Poland after 1989, which were more or less consciously 'borrowed' from the political groups operating in the interwar and Communist periods respectively. The parties have been found to draw both upon democratic and authoritarian traditions. In addition to examining the ideological declarations and public utterances made by politicians, and proposals for systemic solutions, the paper also looks at political practice in the broad sense. The aim of this work is to determine how political traditions could help to shape the political identities of contemporary parties and to identify the historical references favored by political groups in post 1989 Poland. It portrays the political parties' stances on tradition and shows how they are used in political rivalry.

This paper analyzes rural conflict in one of the most volatile areas of interwar Europe, the latifundia regions of the South of Spain. The historical and economics literature argues that rural conflict is a bottom-up response of landless peasants to unemployment, bad harvests, landownership inequality, changes in property rights, and poor enforcement of proworker legislation. A second generation of historical studies has focused on democratization and concomitant changes in collective bargaining and labor market institutions. Was conflict caused by structural factors like poverty, inequality, or unemployment or was conflict an endogenous response to political change? This paper uses municipal-level time series and cross-sectional variation in rural conflict in three Andalusian provinces (Córdoba, Jaén, and Seville) in the early 1930s to argue that, although collective misery certainly shaped the main issues of contention, inequality or deteriorating living standards did not explain the explosive intensification of conflict during the Second Republic. Geographic variation in conflict would be consistent with unobserved locational advantages and higher agricultural incomes, thicker labor markets, facility of communication, and market access and information, irrespective of the intensity of inequality or the degree of local Socialist political power. Poor harvests can only explain a small part of the time-series evolution of conflict from April 1931 to June 1934, while good harvests probably intensified the competition of temporary migrants and local workers for well-paid harvest jobs. Large gains in rural laborers' bargaining power, organizational buildup, and reactions to policy changes and state intervention are more promising explanatory factors of the temporal evolution of conflicts in the period.

I examine the precursors to contemporary unmanned combat air vehicles (UCAVs) to ask what is at stake in the designation "unmanned?" The apparent misnomer dissociates technologies and humans, occluding how international interventions, including surveillance, military support, signals intelligence, and targeted killing, are carried out through actions networked between humans and nonhumans. I use a genealogical approach to address how tensions and contradictions articulated by unmanning emerge, using the development, operation and failure of unmanned systems to complicate divisions between human and nonhuman; "us" and the enemy; immersion and distance; military and industry; and above and below.I identify two phases in the development of remote controlled and unmanned aircraft in the United States: targeting and reconnaissance. Contemporary UCAVs loop together these practices, even as they separate socio-political relations from technical artifacts and their resultant role in geopolitics. In the first period between 1936 and 1944, drone technologies shape and were shaped by targeting. I begin in 1936, when a Navy program to produce remote controlled aircraft was given the code name drone. Drones from the interwar era were developed as targets to train anti-aircraft gunners, even while the technologies also became the first television guided weapons, described as "American Kamikazes," used briefly in World War II. In the second phase between 1956 and 1973, I explore so-called unmanning. This part turns to pilotless reconnaissance aircraft from the Cold War conceived as replacements for manned spy planes after the Francis Powers U-2 incident in 1960, also based on a target plane, the Firebee. These projects were used for over 3000 pilotless flights to collect surveillance over Southeast Asia.

AbstractReinventing Siam: Ideas and Culture in Thailand, 1920-1944byArjun SubrahmanyanDoctor of Philosophy in HistoryUniversity of California, BerkeleyProfessor Peter Zinoman, ChairIn 1932, a small group of civilian and military bureaucrats staged a coup that deposed the Thai absolute monarchy and introduced a constitutional democracy. The dominant historiography of this event has focused on elite politics, and identified the coup as a "revolution" that fundamentally changed Thai history. My thesis, however, argues that an authoritarian political culture persisted despite the introduction of a democratic system and hence there was strong continuity between the old and new regimes. I argue that the real "revolution" of the period was intellectual and took place among middle-class society. Two more fundamental processes preceded and accompanied the irregular transition to a constitutional political system in interwar Siam, and both would be of much more profound social importance than 1932's tangled politics. "Outsiders" to the political and bureaucratic elite "insiders" developed two new discourses that challenged authoritarian politics. The first was a new conception of social integration and community that sought to end the starkly uneven development between the country and the city. Second, outsiders sought the creation of a modern self - critical, autonomous and cosmopolitan - as an agent of social welfare and enlightenment. I explain the discursive battle between insiders and outsiders and the central role of foreign ideas. Even as elite conservatism limited the new democracy, the social discourse challenged state orthodoxy and showed the young generation's assimilation and adaptation of Western ideas to push for social reform and a more inclusive society.

Whilst greatly valuing recent critiques of the vertical imaginary and reified ontology of scale theory, and of the unfettered flows of network theory, this paper argues against a human geography without scale. Rather, four propositions from the theoretical literature are used to provide a tool-kit to analyse the practical negotiation of scalar politics, namely that: scales should be considered as effects, not frames or structures, of practice; networks must be considered in all their complexity and heterogeneity; networks can be interpreted as assemblages, the more re-territorialising and re-scaling of which can be analysed as apparatuses; and that state apparatuses work to create the impression that scales are ahistorical, hierarchical and possess exclusive relationships. These propositions are used to explore a period of history when the scalar constitution of the world was under intense debate. The interwar era saw the imperial scale clash with that of the international, both as ideological worldviews, and as a series of interacting institutions. The assemblages of internationalism and imperialism were embodied by apparatuses such as the League of Nations and the colonial Government of India respectively. Attempts by the League to encourage the abolition of tolerated brothels in an attempt to reduce the trafficking of women and children led to intense debates between the 1920s and 1930s over what constituted the legitimate domains of the international and the 'domestic'. These explicitly scalar debates were the product of League networks that threatened the scalar sovereignty of the Raj, most directly through the travelling Commission of Enquiry into Traffic in Women and Children in the East in 1931.

Much of the recent work on the economic and social history of Tokugawa Japan (1600–1867) has been driven by a desire to identify what T.C. Smith has called 'native sources ofJapanese industrialisation'. From the Marxist-influenced historians in the 1920s who sought to explain the pre-industrial roots of the structure of production in interwar Japan, through to contem-poraryJapanese historians' studies of the pattern of Japanese development, a major part of the agenda has been to identify how Japan had got to where it was, in other words, what was the secret of its twentieth century successes and weaknesses. It is not possible to explore the situation of Japan's economy in the century 1750–1850 without benefit of this hindsight, without being aware that while Japan's situation may have been in many ways analogous to that of China and Europe in the mid-eighteenth century, its economic fortunes were by the latter part of the nineteenth century experiencing their own 'great divergence' from those of China, India and the other countries of Asia and the near East. To search for the antecedents of this divergence is for economic historians of Japan a parallel exercise o t any search for the sources of the European 'miracle'. While a focus on the period 1750–1850 as an era of European/Asian divergence means, therefore, that we must highlight the situation inJapan during that century, it must also be accepted that in the case of Japan any comparison with other countries or regions may also suggest the causes of Japan's own divergence some fifty to a hundred years later.