Suchergebnisse

El objetivo de este artículo es evaluar el impacto económico de las políticas económicas enfocadas al sector agropecuario, decretadas por el gobierno colombiano en el marco del Estado de Emergencia Económica, Social y Ecológica con el fin de mitigar los efectos negativos de la pandemia COVID-19 en este sector. Utilizamos un modelo de equilibrio general computable, calibrado con una matriz de contabilidad social que se expandió para enfocarnos en algunos cultivos del sector agrícola, considerando además diferentes tamaños de las unidades de producción agrícola. Encontramos que, en general, este conjunto de políticas no tiene efectos adversos, pero aumenta la producción agrícola de las unidades que reciben los incentivos, especialmente de las unidades de producción pequeñas y medianas, lo que también aumenta la demanda de mano de obra no calificada, el ingreso disponible y el consumo de los hogares rurales a niveles pre-covid. Los resultados están condicionados a las opciones para financiar este conjunto de políticas. Además, dependiendo de la opción de financiamiento, la brecha de ingresos entre las áreas rurales y urbanas podría reducirse o ampliarse. ; The aim of this article is to evaluate the general economic impact of the policies focused on the agricultural sector decreed by the Colombian government within the State of Economic, Social, and Ecological Emergency to mitigate the negative effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on this sector. We use a computable general equilibrium model, calibrated with a social accounting matrix that was expanded to focus on specific crops and considered different sizes of agricultural production units. We find that, in general, this set of policies does not have adverse effects but increases the agricultural production of the units receiving the incentives, especially of small and medium-sized farms. In turn, they also increase the demand for unskilled labor, rural households' disposable income, and consumption compared with pre-covid levels. The results are conditional on the ...

How ancient Stoicism can help teach us to treat others—and ourselves—more fairly and mercifully There are times when we've all felt that we haven't been treated as we deserve—that we've been misjudged, shortchanged, or given a raw deal. And, at one time or another, other people have probably felt that we've treated them just as unfairly. How to Do the Right Thing draws on the principles of ancient Stoicism as articulated by the Roman statesman and philosopher Seneca to help readers better navigate one of the most important practical questions of daily life—how to do right by others.Starting from the virtue of magnanimity—the opposite of small-mindedness—How to Do the Right Thing draws together lessons from Seneca's writings that stress the importance of calm and clear thinking, of judging oneself fairly before judging others, and of cutting people slack, with a bias toward mercy—all delivered in crisp and lively new translations, and with the original Latin on facing pages

The article is devoted to the research of scientific approaches to defining the essence of fairness and its normative fixing as a category of criminal procedural law. It is found that in philosophical studies distinguish formal, substantive and procedural justice. In philosophy of law distinguishes: fairness as equality of opportunity, fairness distributive and revengeful fairness. In criminal proceedings fairness is used in such contextual meanings: as the purpose (task) of criminal proceedings, as the principle of criminal proceedings, as a subjective right to a fair trial, as a requirement to a judicial decision, as an accordance of punishment, as a requirement to the characteristic of a jury. It is substantiated that the fairness of criminal proceedings is both its purpose and its task. Fairness is that reference point, to achieve which criminal proceeding is initiated, and the task of criminal proceedings is to follow a fair procedure. It is determined that the general law principle of fairness extends to criminal procedural law, taking on its own specificity, due to the peculiarities of criminal procedural relations. Fairness is a separate and self-sufficient principle of criminal proceedings. It is established that the subject of criminal procedural regulation is the fairness of the criminal procedural form, not punishment. It is substantiated that in the criminal procedural legislation fairness is applied in the following meanings: as a moral and ethical requirement for the characteristics of a person, as a requirement of substantive law (justice of punishment appointed by a court), as a requirement to the procedural form (compliance with the fair procedure of processual actions and making procedural decisions). Fairness as a requirement to a procedural form is also multidimensional: it is the purpose (task) of criminal proceedings, the principle of criminal proceedings, and the procedural right of a person (right to a fair trial). ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню наукових підходів до визначення сутності справедливості та її нормативного закріплення як категорії кримінального процесуального права. З'ясовано, що у філософських дослідженнях виділяють формальну, змістову й процедурну справедливість. У філософії права розрізняють справедливість як рівність можливостей, справедливість розподільчу та справедливість відплатну. У кримінальному процесі справедливість уживається в таких контекстних значення: як мета (завдання) кримінального провадження, як засада кримінального провадження, як суб'єктивне право на справедливий судовий розгляд, як вимога до судового рішення, як відповідність покарання, як вимога до характеристики присяжного. Обґрунтовано, що справедливість кримінального провадження є як його метою, так і завданням. Справедливість є тим орієнтиром, задля досягнення якого розпочинається кримінальне провадження, а завданням кримінального провадження є дотримання справедливої процедури. Визначено, що загальноправовий принцип справедливості поширюється на кримінальне процесуальне право, набуваючи своєї специфіки, зумовленої особливостями кримінальних процесуальних правовідносин. Справедливість є окремою та самодостатньою засадою кримінального провадження. Установлено, що предметом кримінального процесуального регулювання є справедливість кримінальної процесуальної форми, а не покарання. Обґрунтовано, що в кримінальному процесуальному законодавстві справедливість уживається в таких значеннях: як морально-етична вимога до характеристики особи, як вимога матеріального права (справедливість покарання, що призначається судом), як вимога до процесуальної форми (дотримання справедливої процедури проведення процесуальних дій і прийняття процесуальних рішень). Справедливість як вимога до процесуальної форми також є багатоаспектною: є метою (завданням) кримінального провадження, засадою кримінального провадження та процесуальним правом особи (право на справедливий судовий розгляд).

"Elite political culture" may be defined as the set of politically relevant beliefs, values, and habits of the most highly involved and influential participants in a political system. Studying elite political culture requires methodological innovation which will allow us to do justice to the subtleties of the belief systems of sophisticated political leaders without doing violence to our normal standards of reliability and verification. As one example of the study of elite political culture, this paper presents an empirically based analysis of "ideological politics" and "the end of ideology."After some clarification of the logical structure and empirical assumptions of existing descriptions of "ideological politics," these descriptions are examined in the light of data from a study of the basic beliefs and values of British and Italian politicians, based on intensive interviews with random samples of 93 British MPs and 83 Italiandeputati.The core of the notion of "ideological politics" is interpreted in terms of "political style," that is,howpoliticians talk and think about concrete policy problems such as poverty or urban transportation. Each respondent's discussion of two such issues was analyzed in terms of 12 "stylistic characteristics," such as "inductive-deductive thinking," "use of historical context," "moralization," and "reference to distributive group benefits." Ratings of these stylistic characteristics are found to cluster in intelligible ways, and on the basis of the dominant stylistic dimension, an Index of Ideological Style is constructed. Those politicians who rank high on this Index are also found to be more ideologically motivated, more abstract in their conceptions of politics, especially party politics, and more idealistic than their less "ideological" colleagues. They are also more alienated from existing socio-political institutions and are concentrated at the extremes of the political spectrum. Further investigation shows, however, that contrary to the assumptions of the existing literature, these "ideologues" arenotmore dogmatic,notless open to compromise,notmore antagonistic to the norms of pluralist politics,notmore hostile to political opponents. Partisan hostility and ideological style are found to be two distinct syndromes.The "end of ideology" thesis is examined by comparing the attitudes and style of respondents from different political generations. In both countries younger politicians are markedly less dogmatic and hostile, but in neither country are they any less "ideological" in their approach to political phenomena and problems of public policy.In the light of these data the "end of ideology" debate is reformulated. The probable causes and consequences of both the decline of partisan hostility and the persistence of ideology are discussed. Finally, some conclusions are drawn concerning the role of ideology in politics and concerning the theoretical promise and methodological problems of studying elite political culture.

This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people's mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents' responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients' opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives 'western' theoretical knowledge through 'eastern' empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.

This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people's mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents' responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients' opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives 'western' theoretical knowledge through 'eastern' empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.

Ecological distribution refers to the social, spatial and temporal asymmetries in the human use of environmental resources and services. This doctoral thesis focusses on empirical analyses of such ecological distribution from an Inequality economics perspective and also makes its primary contribution in this area. We analyse the international distribution of natural resource consumption as measured by the Ecological Footprint (henceforth, EF). Our main contributions represent an assessment of the international distribution of EF by analysing its change over time, as well as its underlying drivers. In the process, some methodological aspects are discussed in order to properly repurpose them from the income inequality viewpoint to that of environmental inequality. Additionally, the inequality approach has been complemented by the polarization approach. The thesis has been orientated towards contributing to the discussion of the range of topics found in the ecological economics literature, which usually have been tackled with different methodologies: firstly, the current scenario of resource scarcity unavoidably demands the monitoring of the distribution issues; secondly, fair consumption natural resources is also driven by the ethical motivation of environmental justice; thirdly, global environmental governance may improve its effectiveness if it considers distributional issues; and finally, the political economy of ecologically unequal exchange may underlie the distribution of natural resources itself. The conclusions drawn from the analyses point towards using the information derived from distributional analyses as an additional tool in order to build a more sustainable and equitable world. On the other hand, the conclusions are framed under a political economy umbrella ; La desigualtat internacional en el volum de recursos naturals consumits per part dels diferents països és un aspecte clau en un context internacional on l'escassetat d'aquests recursos es fa cada cop més palesa. En conseqüència, es generen tensions geopolítiques que posen traves a l'objectiu últim d'un desenvolupament sostenible, tant des del punt de vista ecològic com social. La tesi analitza empíricament l'evolució i les causes d'aquesta desigualtat i proposa mesures de política ambiental emmarcades en la governabilitat internacional per la sostenibilitat. Concretament, la tesi té com a principal objectiu l'anàlisi de la distribució internacional de la Petjada Ecològica (PE), com a indicador de consum de recursos naturals. L'anàlisi proposat contribueix a la tradició literària de l'Economia Ecològica que tracta qüestions distributives des de l'enfocament de l'Economia de la Desigualtat. L'anàlisi es justifica des de quatre racons d'aquesta literatura: en primer lloc, considera que l'escenari d'escassetat de recursos exigeix un seguiment minuciós de la distribució d'aquests. En segon lloc, des d'un plantejament normatiu, es defensa la necessitat de perseguir una distribució equitativa dels recursos naturals. En tercer lloc, la governabilitat global per temes ambientals pot millorar considerablement la seva eficàcia si té en compte els patrons de la distribució internacional. Finalment, les teories d'intercanvi ecològic desigual serveixen de paraigües teòric des de l'economia política. La metodologia utilitzada per a l'anàlisi distributiu de la PE és la de l'Economia de la Desigualtat. Aquesta metodologia, àmpliament acceptada en l'anàlisi de la distribució de la renda, s'ha utilitzat de manera més aviat escassa per avaluar qüestions de l'economia ambiental i ecològica

(Updated to fix numbers.) Fitch is right to downgrade the US. Read the sober report. But there are a few other reasons, or emphasis they might have added. The inflationary default. Inflation is the economic equivalent of a partial default. The debt was sold under a 2% inflation target, and people expected that or less inflation. The government borrowed and printed $5 Trillion with no plan to pay it back, devaluing the outstanding debt as a result. Cumulative inflation so far means debt is repaid in dollars that are worth 10% less than if inflation had been* 2%. That's economically the same as a 10% haircut. Yes, this is not a formal default. And a formal default would have far reaching financial consequences that inflation does not have. Still, for a bondholder it's the same thing. It's as if they said, "well, we promised to repay you dollars, but we didn't say which ones, so you're getting Canadian dollars."  Yes, the promise not to inflate is implicit, not explicit. Still, it is the reputation and commitment not to inflate, not to dilute the debt as they did, which supported the very low interest rates at which the US could borrow. Countries that routinely inflate like Argentina have to pay higher interest rates ahead of time. Yes, that's in the past, and ratings agencies are supposed to evaluate future risks. But if you only repaid 90% of your mortgage, you can be sure the bank would see you as a worse credit risk going forward. The probability that the US inflates again, that in the next crisis they do the same thing, is unquestionably larger. The world's appetite for boundless amounts of US debt is unquestionably smaller .Yes, there is an argument that this was a "state contingent default," appropriate policy for a once in a century shock. (Except we seem to get these once in a century shocks about every 10 years now.) But Fitch isn't judging if inflating away 12.4% of the debt was a good idea, or if inflating it away again will be a good idea in the next crisis. Their job is to simply tell bondholders if they think the event is likely.  It is. It is strange that Fitch does not mention inflation. More inflation is surely the prime risk facing a US bondholder. What is the chance that a 10 year or 30 year bondholder gets repaid in full, without another bout of inflation chopping down the value of his or her investment? What is the chance that someone rolling over one year or one month debt does not go through the last 2 years with the Fed holding short term rates substantially below inflation? That chance is surely much higher than it was two years ago! Debt ceiling shenanigansThe report focuses on whether the US will be able to repay its debts. The larger question is whether the US will be willing to repay its debts. Yes, the debt ceiling business was not the debt crisis we have long feared. Even if the debt ceiling had led to a temporary halt on interest and principal payments, that surely would have been temporary, and investors would soon have been repaid in full. It might have been a problem for liquidity, if you wanted to sell debt fast, or for your ability to pledge debt as collateral, but you would have gotten your money back sooner or later. But I was shocked that in the debt ceiling debate, the Administration did not say, loudly, "We will pay interest and principal on treasury debt before we pay anything else." (I was equally shocked that the Federal Reserve did not say, loudly, "we'll lend freely against treasury debt even if it is in technical default.") Bond investors want reassurance that in a crisis, the US government will choose to prioritize debt repayment over everything else. When it's interest payments to fat-cat Wall Street banks (even if those are just intermediaries to ordinary Americans), to foreign central banks, or pension funds and other institutions, vs. checks to American voters, which will Administration and Congress choose? I phrased it in a way to suggest what we have learned in the debt limit posturing. You may even think that this is the right choice, on grounds of distributive justice. The counterargument is that default will ruin the US reputation and make future borrowing much harder and more expnsive. "One time" defaults and wealth grabs are always attractive, but the world does not end, and the US will surely want to borrow in the next crisis, or the subsequent one. But again, that's not Fitch's job. Their job is to warn bond investors that losses are much more likely than they once thought; that the US does not seem so interested in the sacrosanctity of its reputation for bond repayment. Fiscal capacity and risksFor a financial report, Fitch stresses the baseline forecast, but strangely spends less time on risks. (There is a short section on "sensitivities." Bondholders of course mostly get downside risks. Two stand out to me: 1) Interest costs. The report does mention rising interest costs on the debt, now heading to $1 trillion. "Over the next decade, higher interest rates and the rising debt stock will increase the interest service burden... The CBO projects that interest costs will double by 2033 to 3.6% of GDP. "But this issue is really a risk factor, not a projection. If people listen to Fitch, and start demanding higher interest rates, then debt service costs rise, and the fiscal problem gets worse, and people demand even higher interest rates. 2) Direct fiscal capacity. At the cost of some repetition, sooner or later something will go wrong and the US will want to borrow. Recessions occasion larger automatic stabilizers -- unemployment insurance -- stimulus, bailouts, and lower tax revenues. Crisis, pandemic, war demands more. Can the US really borrow a lot more? Or will the next unexpected shock come out of the pockets of today's bondholders? The chances are surely much higher, and Fitch is right to warn investors. Exorbitant privilege and reserve currencyBoth Wall Street Journal and Fitch mention this as a positive. Yes, to some extent the fact that the dollar is the world's currency means the US can print up some dollars and dollar debt, and send these pieces of paper abroad to finance trade deficits. (I love trade deficits, but most politicians who extol reserve currency aren't so hot about them!) As a government can print up some money for its own citizens and thereby run a bit of a deficit.But this is a one time thing. Money demand is a demand, not an infinity. Once people have all the US debt they want, they don't want any more. If all the foreigners were waiting to gobble up more US debt, we wouldn't have had inflation in the last 2 years. The reportThe report is interesting in this vein, for looking beyond dry budget numbers. The reputation and institutions I refer to here is what they call "governance," Erosion of Governance: In Fitch's view, there has been a steady deterioration in standards of governance over the last 20 years, including on fiscal and debt matters...The repeated debt-limit political standoffs and last-minute resolutions have eroded confidence in fiscal management. In addition, the government lacks a medium-term fiscal framework, unlike most peers, and has a complex budgeting process. ... Additionally, there has been only limited progress in tackling medium-term challenges related to rising social security and Medicare costs due to an aging population.That's polite. "complex" budgeting process? There is no budgeting process going on right now. "limited progress" on social security and Medicare? What progress? "Governance" is the right word. I agree with the Wall Street Journal. They were too kind. *The Jan 2021 CPI was 262.6, in June 2023 303.84. That's a 15.6% rise. At 2% inflation, that should have been a 1.02^2.5 = 5% rise. 

Part I: Conceptualizing human-nature interactions -- Chapter 1. Conceptualizing human-nature interactions – an overview -- Chapter 2. Environmental Values and Nature's Contributions to People: Towards methodological pluralism in evaluation of sustainable ecosystem services -- Chapter 3. Disentangling trade-offs between the state of coastal ecosystems with human well-being and activities as a strategy addressing sustainable tourism -- Chapter 4. From human-nature dualism towards more integration in socio-ecosystems studies -- Chapter 5. A network approach to Green Infrastructure: how to enhance ecosystem services provision? -- Chapter 6. Transformations of urban coastal nature(s): Meanings and paradoxes of Blue Urbanism and nature-based solutions for climate adaptation in Southeast Asia -- Part II: Mountain systems -- Chapter 7. Values of mountain landscapes: Insights about the Blue Mountains National Park, Australia from Twitter -- Chapter 8. Earth observations of human-nature interactions from a cultural ecosystem service perspective -- Chapter 9. Gendered Values, Roles, and Challenges for Sustainable Provision of Forest-based Ecosystem Services in Nepal -- Chapter 10. Environmental [in]equity: Accessibility to green spaces in a rapidly urbanizing mountain-city -- Chapter 11. Ecosystem services and sustainable development in the European Alps: spatial patterns and mountain-lowland relationships -- Chapter 12. Human-nature relationships for the Flathead Wild and Scenic River System: Analyzing diversity, synergies, and tensions in a mountainous region of Montana, USA -- Chapter 13. Resilience and sustainability of the Maloti-Drakensberg mountain system: a case study on the upper uThukela catchment -- Chapter 14. Invasive alien plants in the montane areas of South Africa: impacts and management options -- Part III: Urban systems -- Chapter 15. Ecosystem service flows across the rural-urban spectrum -- Chapter 16. A typology for green infrastructure planning to enhance multifunctionality incorporating peri-urban agricultural land -- Chapter 17. Urban green spaces in a post-apartheid city: challenges and opportunities for nature-based solutions -- Chapter 18. Green infrastructure and ecosystem services within spatial structure of city – examples from Poznań, Poland -- Chapter 19. Accessibility to and fragmentation of urban green infrastructure: importance for adaptation to climate change -- Chapter 20. Social Demand for Urban Wilderness in Purgatory -- Chapter 21. The Role of Allotment Gardens for Connecting Nature and People -- Chapter 22. Green spaces and their social functions: specific challenges in urban spaces of arrival -- Chapter 23. The link between urban green space planning tools and distributive, procedural and recognition justice -- Part IV: Coastal-marine systems -- Chapter 24. Can local knowledge of Small-scale fishers be used to monitor and assess changes in marine ecosystems in a European context? -- Chapter 25. Marine ecological democracy: participatory marine planning in Indigenous marine areas in Chile -- Chapter 26. The Socio-Ecological Dimension of Ocean Multi-Use -- Chapter 27. Localizing the Sustainable Development Goals for marine and coastal management in Norway: A venture overdue -- Chapter 28. Coastal-Marine ecosystem accounting to support Integrated Coastal Zone Management -- Chapter 29. Exposure of coastal ecosystem services to natural hazards in the Bangladesh coast -- Chapter 30. Adaptations to climate variability in fisheries and aquaculture social-ecological systems in the Northern Humboldt Current Ecosystem: challenges and solutions -- Chapter 31. Socio-Ecological transformations in coastal wetlands: an approach from the south-central zone of Chile -- Chapter 32. A Nature-based Solution for coastal foredune restoration: The Case Study of Maghery, County Donegal, Ireland.

This article presents the dossier, "Work in higher education", composed of 10 articles and discusses the changes that have taken place in the Brazilian labor world since the parliamentary, media and judicial coup that took place in 2016. It considers the hypothesis that one of the central goals of the coup was precisely the attack on work, in distributive sense of income, and also in the organizational sense of social and workers movements. It analyzes the legislation approved in the period - Law 13.429/2017 and Law 13.467/2017 - which has led to a sharp setback in the rights enshrined in the 1988 Constitution, and critically lists the main consequences of this legislation for workers such as unemployment, increased turnover, decrease in wages, reduction of recourses to labor justice and, consequently, increased mockery of protective social legislation at work, weakening of trade union organization and greater suffering at work in general. In the end, it develops the impacts of these changes on the work carried out in higher education institutions. ; El texto presenta el dossier "El trabajo en la educación superior", compuesto por diez artículos y aborda los cambios ocurridos en el mundo del trabajo en Brasil, a partir del golpe parlamentario, mediático y jurídico que se instaló en 2016. Parte de la hipótesis de que una de las metas centrales del golpe fue justamente el ataque al trabajo, sea en el sentido distributivo de la renta, sea en el sentido organizativo de los movimientos sociales y de trabajadores. Se analiza la legislación aprobada en el período - Ley nº 13.429/2017 y Ley nº 13.467/2017 -, que ha acarreado un fuerte retroceso en los derechos inscritos en la Constitución de 1988, y enumera, críticamente, las principales consecuencias de esta legislación para los trabajadores como el desempleo, el aumento de la rotatividad, la reducción salarial, la disminución del recurso a la justicia del trabajo y, consecuentemente, el aumento de las burlas a la legislación social protectora del trabajo, el debilitamiento de la organización sindical y mayor sufrimiento en el trabajo, de una manera general. Al final, desarrolla los impactos de esos cambios en el trabajo desarrollado en las instituciones de educación superior. ; O texto apresenta o dossiê "O trabalho na educação superior", composto de dez artigos e aborda as mudanças ocorridas no mundo do trabalho no Brasil, a partir do golpe parlamentar, midiático e jurídico que se instalou em 2016. Parte da hipótese de que uma das metas centrais do golpe foi justamente o ataque ao trabalho, seja no sentido distributivo da renda, seja no sentido organizativo dos movimentos sociais e de trabalhadores. Analisa a legislação aprovada no período – Lei nº 13.429/2017 e Lei nº 13.467/2017 –, que tem acarretado um forte retrocesso nos direitos inscritos na Constituição de 1988, e enumera, criticamente, as principais consequências dessa legislação para os trabalhadores como o desemprego, o aumento da rotatividade, a redução salarial, a diminuição do recurso à justiça do trabalho e, consequentemente, aumento das burlas à legislação social protetora do trabalho, o enfraquecimento da organização sindical e maior sofrimento no trabalho, de uma maneira geral. Ao final, desenvolve os impactos dessas mudanças no trabalho desenvolvido nas instituições de educação superior.

SUMMARY We expand on the article "Ethical Challenges Arising in the COVID-19 Pandemic: An Overview from the Association of Bioethics Program Directors (ABPD) Task Force" to consider the ways in which rural and remote communities pose unique ethical questions in the current COVID-19 pandemic. KEY ISSUES Rural communities have poorer populations as compared to urban and suburban areas (Symens and Trevelyan 2019) and they have more underlying medical conditions and are more likely to die from chronic respiratory illnesses, heart disease, and other problems that put people more at risk for COVID-19 (Associated Press 2020). Because of these health vulnerabilities, US insurance providers such as Medicare and Medicaid play an outsized role in connecting individuals to testing and treatment for COVID-19 (Artiga et al. 2020). Unfortunately, most rural states tend to be those where the expansion of Medicare was most resisted (KFF 2020). In Canada, historical mistrust of government has similarly created barriers to health care. Rural and remote communities are also home to many marginalized populations who lack integration into sources of societal power such as money and expert knowledge. Examples of these marginalized communities include Amish, (Staff 2020) immigrant refugees, Native American tribes (Sepkowitz 2020), and Indigenous people living in rural and remote communities in Canada's north (Indigenous Services Canada 2020). Telemedicine may be helpful but many rural communities do not have access to computers and other technologies that allow for telemedicine, including phone use that may not be utilized among Old Order Amish (Kornegay 2020). Mental illness poses a significant challenge to rural healthcare. Rural communities experience unique problems in these patient populations, such as overlapping and conflicting patient-provider relationships and altered therapeutic boundaries that challenge the preservation of patient privacy. Increases in domestic violence and other crimes, and exacerbated risk of addiction and suicide seems inevitable as people are being forced to shelter at home where few resources may exist (Snuggs 2020). Fewer health care professionals and hospital beds per capita mean that residents of rural communities have few sources of healthcare and rely on the ethical behavior of their providers with little recourse. Fewer resources in rural areas mean a risk of hospital closure, and potentially a lack of adequate care. In Washington, 13 rural hospitals have less than 45 days of cash on hand, according to a letter (WSHA 2020) from the state hospital association to Washington Governor Jay Inslee. Rural hospitals in Texas that have survived so far do not have funding to prepare for COVID-19 (Walters 2020). Rural healthcare systems view ethics committees as primarily educational and commonly underutilize this resource (Shih and Goldman 2011). Rural physicians and nurses are often unfamiliar with bioethics analysis and instead turn to spouses, peers, the Ten Commandments, or the Medicine Wheel for ethical guidance. Oftentimes, nurses see a questioning of ethical issues as a challenge to the hierarchy of rural medicine and fear often retaliation (Cook and Hoas 2008). In conditions of scarcity, bioethics can be seen as unnecessary in conditions where unequal distribution of the healthcare workforce is the true illness producing these symptoms (Morley and Beatty 2008). Not only do rural systems/hospitals lack or underutilize their ethics committees, but the lack of timely and appropriate ethical guidance or expertise is compounded during a pandemic as smaller systems are at greater risk of using all of their resources faster, without the financial or political means of larger institutions. KEY QUESTIONS How can bioethics engage and support rural healthcare during the COVID pandemic? To answer this question we note that Jonsen has described bioethics as "a systematic study necessarily is carried out by scholars dedicated to thinking, writing, and teaching about a subject" (Jonsen 1998). Here, it is important to recognize the paradoxical role of bioethicists as "other" to the clinical care team. It is through that very other-ness that we can offer questions that may otherwise not be asked, and suggest helpful frameworks that may otherwise be overlooked in the rush of pandemic care. Second, how can policies and procedures being shared by urban and suburban institutions be adapted to use in rural and remote healthcare settings? Each rural and remote healthcare system is unique. Misinformation or simply the public fear of being identified as a person having COVID-19 is of critical concern in rural communities, and especially among undocumented persons. Because each community is best known by local healthcare systems, this is a question that must be asked by each institution, with bioethicists, leadership, and clinical care members as a team. Third, how can rural healthcare institutions strengthen their ethical commitments to quality patient care during the pandemic while respecting traditional beliefs? Policies and processes used by larger institutions during a pandemic can be shared across institutions, but often the smaller rural clinical sites and agencies that are treating the most vulnerable of populations who are not well-informed, typically do not have a presence during deliberations about best practices and "shared" policies, and the socio-cultural aspects of rural populations are often ignored in which communication is limited. Institutions may avail themselves of many recommendations, but these must be implemented locally in every case. AREAS OF CONSENSUS Rural health systems are an indispensable part of our obligation to care for all persons during the current pandemic and beyond. The answer to this question is particularly vexing in systems where scholars are not seen as offering pragmatic solutions to on the ground problems. Italy has answered this call by embedding ethics into the clinical care even during the COVID-19 pandemic, defining the role of the bioethicist as "a figure able to promote dialogue" (Nicoli and Gasparetto 2020). Rural communities have unique socio-economic qualities that require an adaptive response from the clinical team. Bioethics is an essential element to equip healthcare providers and other decision-makers with the tools they need during this pandemic (Cohen et al. 2020; Warren 2020). It is essential for leadership in rural academic and clinical centers to provide accurate, clear information that could be immediately translated appropriately and delivered in ways that best meet the needs of that population. It is important to have patient advocates, persons within communities who can translate, and experts at the table when there are discussions about innovative uses of technology, triaging efforts, policy development/implementation, and to be sure to connect with community leaders (e.g., elders, leaders of a refugee community) to address some of the fears, baseline knowledge, and best practices for communication. AREAS OF DISAGREEMENT In the USA where healthcare is privatized, should Medicare/Medicaid be expanded to help those rural areas where the population is vulnerable or marginalized? While many say yes, in the case of the National Federation of Independent Business v Sebelius (2012) seven justices declared the mandatory Medicaid eligibility expansion unconstitutional. States are left to decide whether to expand Medicaid to their residents, and 14 states have declined to adopt (KFF 2020). Rural populations may differ vastly due to the differences between states that have adopted and those that have not. What are the best ways to support rural healthcare systems financially during normal times and during a crisis such as the current pandemic? Is it enough to provide direct funding from the just enacted stimulus bill? The 2020 CARES Act (116th Congress 2020) appropriates $1.32 billion, for the purposes of detecting, preventing, diagnosing, and treating COVID-19. Not everyone is convinced the bill provides enough relief. Rural healthcare must overcome misinformation and fear among rural residents. Reliance on larger clinical and academic institutions can be both valuable and ethically challenging. While policies and processes during a pandemic can be shared across institutions, often the smaller rural clinical sites and agencies that are treating the most vulnerable of populations are not well-informed, typically do not have a collaborative presence during deliberations about best practices and shared policies, and the socio-cultural aspects of rural populations are often ignored. POLICY AND PRACTICE STRATEGIES AND IMPLICATIONS Support close relationships and understanding through transparent and frequent communication. Because of the lack of broad community knowledge and understanding of COVID-19 specific practices, there may be a misunderstanding of why these policies are in place to separate families and others from infected patients. Academic medical centers need to have clear communication policies and structures in place to assure timely access to information in a format that is understandable to the populations served. Identify gaps/lack of clarity in policies and procedures that are being shared from urban/suburban institutions, and create applicable policies, guidelines, and resources that consider the rural populations' sociocultural aspects. The use of virtue ethics as a framework for the development of policies for close-knit rural healthcare may be an effective use of ethical understanding applied in a pragmatic manner. Ensure that rural healthcare systems identify the ethical responsibilities of the institution, focusing on the core domains of the healthcare system's mission. The overall ethics environment should facilitate and support ethical practices and support from the highest levels to equalize the power differential between physicians and others on the healthcare team (Morley and Beatty 2008; Vernillo 2008). Affirmative efforts must be taken to overcome these barriers and promote a climate of open communication without fear of retaliation or exclusion. Facilitate the means for rural systems to utilize the work done by other groups to promote shared decision making with patients and providers. These can be utilizing decision aids and educational materials (Vernillo 2008), and integrate principles of distributive justice with the pragmatic considerations of rural practice and virtue ethics attentive to the multiple relationships and perspective of rural communities (Klugman 2008).

Après le régime des Khmers rouges, une période de re-construction nationale de grande envergure a vu le Cambodge s'inscrire pleinement dans le paradigme de "l'eau moderne" (Linton 2010). Cela a été rendu possible notamment grâce à la modernisation des infrastructures hydrauliques avec l'appui des bailleurs de fonds internationaux. Dans un contexte où l'eau est tantôt surabondante, tantôt déficitaire, l'objectif de l'Etat était de maîtriser pleinement les ressources et d'en orchestrer l'abondance de manière à accroître la productivité agricole (Bookchin 1977). Cette "modernisation" vise à orienter le Cambodge dans une dynamique de mondialisation poussant les agriculteurs locaux à s'engager vers une augmentation de productions destinées à l'exportation vers la sous-région ou l'Europe. En aval de Phnom Penh, le contrôle de l'eau peut être considéré comme un poison et un antidote (Bookchin 1977). Celle-ci doit être évacuée le plus rapidement pour accélérer la mise en culture et prolonger ainsi la période culturale. Mais, en même temps, il est nécessaire de la stocker pour les cultures pendant la saison sèche. Traditionnellement, les agriculteurs s'organisaient collectivement pour réaliser de petits ouvrages permettant de ralentir la submersion ou stocker l'eau. La réhabilitation de canaux d'irrigation et drainage en terre, appelés localement Preks et datant de la fin du 19ème siècle, se traduit aujourd'hui par l'établissement de barrières physiques dans un paysage auparavant continu. Cette discontinuité, créée artificiellement, et ce contexte d'intensification de la production risquent de conduire à l'individualisation des pratiques et de menacer les biens communs qui composent cet espace. Avec l'Université Royale d'Agriculture (RUA) et l'Irrigation Service Center (ISC ; ONG cambodgienne), deux organismes de recherche français (Cirad et IRD) ont participé au développement d'outils participatifs innovants (jeux sérieux) pour discuter des différentes options de développement des infrastructures au niveau local et provincial et de leur dimension environnementale, tant en termes de justice distributive - comment les coûts et opportunités de chaque option seront répartis sur le territoire et sur la société ? - et procédurale - quelle place les préférences des agriculteurs doivent-elle avoir dans les choix d'infrastructures et la gestion des eaux ? ? Un jeu a été développé dans le cadre d'une approche de modélisation d'accompagnement (ComMod ; Etienne et al. 2013). Le plateau de jeu représente les espaces écologiques des terres hautes (chamkar) et inondables (boeung) le long et entre plusieurs preks sur la partie sud de la rivière Bassac. Les terres le long des preks sont inondées saisonnièrement en raison d'une pluviométrie plus ou moins abondante et d'un niveau haut des eaux dans la rivière (intensité) et plus ou moins longtemps présente sur les parcelles (temporalité). D'un point de vue social, deux types d'acteurs sont représentés : des usagers directs (agriculteurs, pour l'instant) dont les activités agricoles sont impactées par les dégradations des sols (suite aux inondations), et des décideurs politiques en charge de la réhabilitation des preks et aménagements hydrauliques du territoire. Les usagers directs ne sont pas des joueurs alors que les décideurs sont physiquement présents. Une des originalités de ce jeu est de représenter physiquement les réseaux sociaux des usagers au sein desquels se diffuse le " mécontentement " suite aux conséquences des inondations sur leurs activités. Après une première analyse des pratiques agricoles, une première session de jeu a été menée, en octobre 2018 avec des responsables des ministères en charge de la réhabilitation des preks, du bureau d'étude en charge des études de faisabilité, et de l'AFD (qui finance ces réhabilitations). Les échanges réalisés entre les joueurs ont permis de montrer l'intérêt de penser ce territoire de façon intégrée et de reconsidérer la solidarité socio-environnementale et les risques d'envisager cet espace uniquement comme une simple succession de canaux isolés. A terme, l'objectif de l'usage du jeu est d'influencer les modalités actuelles de réhabilitation de ces preks afin de mieux prendre en compte voire de renforcer les communs que constituent ce territoire.

Problem setting. According to the key principles of new public management and good governance, the practice of implementation of various types of public policy (for example, social policy, development policies, etc.) imply the understanding of the notion of power in a broader sense, covering the entire spectrum of activities of actors and stakeholders, involved in tangible public policy. In this regard, from the 1950's, the division of public policy and politics as a political struggle for power has become central to the United States and Western Europe.Recent research and publications analysis. The main approaches to public policy analysis are: a) rationalist approach, within which theory of rational choice, theory of games and stages models have been used; b) interpretive approach (policy networks, theory of social constructivism, theory of competing coalitions); c) critical approach (critical theory, theory of distributive of justice, theory of power and conflict). From last decades of the 20th century the analysis of public policy transferred to postpositivist, interpretivist, and social constructionist discourses.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The essential part of public policy is to explain the emergence of new forms of governing and to propose for government systemic actions regarding new public issues important for society. Influencing its meaning public policy includes three main components: public interest, public morality and public security. Each of them requires separate methods to analyze functioning and effectiveness of the implementation of concrete type of public policy. Active search for Ukrainian model of public administration and policy estimates to consider more closely the evolution of "public policy" concept in the Anglo-Saxon tradition and its components, which could be essential to adopt in Ukrainian tradition.Paper main body. Public policies vary in cultural, economic, political, systemic and institutional levels in different countries. In scientific literature still the main principles and ideas, dealing with public policy and public administration, have the origin from Anglo-Saxon tradition. Moreover in English language there are many concepts and terms related to public policy, translation of which into other languages causes broad scientific debates. This could be explained by several centuries of usage history and value implies of the term "public policy", which refers to the tradition of English common law and such contemporary concepts as government, administration, governance, policies.Public policy as a separate from politics discipline began to be established in the United States from the 1950's. In the 1970 – 80's the subject field, main objectives, methods of research had caused a broad discussion among scientists of the second generation and led to the appearance of different approaches and theories ("top-down", "bottom-up", and hybrid). During this period searching optimal models of public policy in Anglo-Saxon tradition shifted to the sphere of public management and administration, where the basic are such economic principles as efficiency, accountability, span of control. The crucial component of public policy as a science was its practical value, the capacity to respond to social changes. Actually these issues, as well as the inclusion of different actors in the process of adoption and implementation, analysis and evaluation of specific public policy programs, were the main objectives of the third generation of scholars in the late 80 – 90's of the 20th century.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. From the beginning of the 21st century global changes in the role of government and state institutions led to the search for effective models of interaction between current key actors and institutions. The harmonization of different value systems is one of the central issues for constructing the effective model of public policy, where the actors from three sectors (government, business, and civil society) can act together. ; Досліджено ціннісно-смислові особливості формування публічної політики в англосаксонській традиції. Зазначено, що історичний контекст англосаксонської традиції слововжитку терміна "публічна політика" пов'язаний із англійською системою прецедентного права, однак публічна політика як окрема наукова дисципліна почала формуватись у 50-х рр. ХХ ст. Наголошено на тому, що для вітчизняних пошуків української моделі публічної політики важливим джерелом є осмислення англосаксонської традиції, етапів її формування та їх відмінностей, а також врахування сучасних глобальних умов творення нових типів публічних політик із широким колом суб'єктів.

Problem setting. According to the key principles of new public management and good governance, the practice of implementation of various types of public policy (for example, social policy, development policies, etc.) imply the understanding of the notion of power in a broader sense, covering the entire spectrum of activities of actors and stakeholders, involved in tangible public policy. In this regard, from the 1950's, the division of public policy and politics as a political struggle for power has become central to the United States and Western Europe.Recent research and publications analysis. The main approaches to public policy analysis are: a) rationalist approach, within which theory of rational choice, theory of games and stages models have been used; b) interpretive approach (policy networks, theory of social constructivism, theory of competing coalitions); c) critical approach (critical theory, theory of distributive of justice, theory of power and conflict). From last decades of the 20th century the analysis of public policy transferred to postpositivist, interpretivist, and social constructionist discourses.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The essential part of public policy is to explain the emergence of new forms of governing and to propose for government systemic actions regarding new public issues important for society. Influencing its meaning public policy includes three main components: public interest, public morality and public security. Each of them requires separate methods to analyze functioning and effectiveness of the implementation of concrete type of public policy. Active search for Ukrainian model of public administration and policy estimates to consider more closely the evolution of "public policy" concept in the Anglo-Saxon tradition and its components, which could be essential to adopt in Ukrainian tradition.Paper main body. Public policies vary in cultural, economic, political, systemic and institutional levels in different countries. In scientific literature still the main principles and ideas, dealing with public policy and public administration, have the origin from Anglo-Saxon tradition. Moreover in English language there are many concepts and terms related to public policy, translation of which into other languages causes broad scientific debates. This could be explained by several centuries of usage history and value implies of the term "public policy", which refers to the tradition of English common law and such contemporary concepts as government, administration, governance, policies.Public policy as a separate from politics discipline began to be established in the United States from the 1950's. In the 1970 – 80's the subject field, main objectives, methods of research had caused a broad discussion among scientists of the second generation and led to the appearance of different approaches and theories ("top-down", "bottom-up", and hybrid). During this period searching optimal models of public policy in Anglo-Saxon tradition shifted to the sphere of public management and administration, where the basic are such economic principles as efficiency, accountability, span of control. The crucial component of public policy as a science was its practical value, the capacity to respond to social changes. Actually these issues, as well as the inclusion of different actors in the process of adoption and implementation, analysis and evaluation of specific public policy programs, were the main objectives of the third generation of scholars in the late 80 – 90's of the 20th century.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. From the beginning of the 21st century global changes in the role of government and state institutions led to the search for effective models of interaction between current key actors and institutions. The harmonization of different value systems is one of the central issues for constructing the effective model of public policy, where the actors from three sectors (government, business, and civil society) can act together. ; Досліджено ціннісно-смислові особливості формування публічної політики в англосаксонській традиції. Зазначено, що історичний контекст англосаксонської традиції слововжитку терміна "публічна політика" пов'язаний із англійською системою прецедентного права, однак публічна політика як окрема наукова дисципліна почала формуватись у 50-х рр. ХХ ст. Наголошено на тому, що для вітчизняних пошуків української моделі публічної політики важливим джерелом є осмислення англосаксонської традиції, етапів її формування та їх відмінностей, а також врахування сучасних глобальних умов творення нових типів публічних політик із широким колом суб'єктів.

The New Political Economy1 is based on the postulate of homo politicus that Downs (1957) presents as the clone of homo oeconomicus, a rational agent mo- tivated by the maximisation of his material self-interest. Goodin and Roberts (1975) were the first to propose an alternative to the homo politicus postulate by introducing the notion of 'ethical voter' 2. The 'ethical voter' describes a rational agent who is not only motivated by the maximisation of his short term material self-interest but also by the promotion of what he considers as fair for the society as a whole. There have been so far only few attempts to model 'ethical voting'. Most of them liken 'ethical voting' to caring about the well-being of the worst-off when voting (see Snyder and Kramer (1988), Kranich (2001) and Galasso (2003)). Alesina and Angeletos (2005) constitute an exception. Following responsibility-based theories of justice, they assume that individuals share the conviction that one deserves the income on the basis of his skill and effort and that only luck creates unfair differences they are consequently willing to compensate. However, the 'responsibility cut' (Dworkin (1981)) used by Alesina and Angeletos (2005) lacks justification, should one consider the theoretical literature on fair redistribution or the empirical literature on individual opinions on distributive justice. I propose to analyze 'ethical voting' in a more comprehensive way. The thread of this work is a 'fair utility function'. More precisely, I specify in paper 1 a 'fair utility function' to model citizens' trade-off between their self-interest and some of their major concerns for fairness. Paper 2 and paper 3 rely on the 'fair utility function' to study voting behavior over the (re)distribution of economic surpluses in different contexts of democracy4. In paper 2, my coauthor and I compute the politico-economic equilibrium that emerges when citizens are endowed with the 'fair utility function'. We model the institutional setting of a typical Western democracy where political cleavages are mainly income-based. In paper 3, I estimate the 'fair utility function'. I base my estimation on survey data that I collected in an ethnically polarized democracy where political cleavages are mainly ethnic-based. Paper 1 investigates whether concerns for fairness influence the aggregate out- come in real life interactions so that economic analysis should complete the postulate of homo economicus with the postulate of homo ethicus. I conduct a three-step analysis addressing the following research questions: • Which are the main concerns for fairness that individuals are able to show? • Do these concerns for fairness influence the aggregate outcome in the eco- nomic field? • Do these concerns for fairness influence the aggregate outcome in the po- litical field? Based on experimental evidence, I identify three main concerns for fairness likely to influence individual behaviors besides self-interest: utilitarian altru- ism, 'Rawlsian' altruism and desert-sensitivity. Utilitarian altruism consists in maximizing the sum of all utilities. 'Rawlsian' altruism consists in maximizing the utility of the worst-off. Desert-sensitivity consists in weighting one's con- cerns for fairness towards others, should they be utilitarian altruistic concerns or 'Rawlsian' altruistic concerns, depending on these others' deservingness with respect to their responsibility characteristics. I find out that concerns for fairness have no impact on market aggregate out- comes, should I focus on markets involving complete contracts or on markets involving incomplete contracts. I provide evidence that concerns for fairness have a significant impact on po- litical aggregate outcomes. More particularly, concerns for fairness (utilitarian altruism, 'Rawlsian' altruism, and desert-sensitivity) seem to express through citizens' position on a liberalism/conservatism scale which ultimately impacts their voting behavior. However, evidence also shows that ethnic prejudice, an unambiguously unfair motivation, constitutes a serious challenger to individual concerns for fairness, even in the Western democratic context where political parties are officially divided along income-based, not ethnic-based, lines. My findings suggest that economic theory in general (and the New Political Economy in particular) should pay more attention to the modelling of ethical voting behaviors to improve its explanatory and predictive power. I propose a provisional 'fair utility function' to model citizens' trade-off between their self-interest and the three various concerns for fairness which are utilitarian altruism, 'Rawlsian' altruism and desert-sensitivity. • Which is the politico-economic equilibrium emerging in a society where individuals are endowed with the 'fair utility function'? We study a simple voting model where a unidimensional redistributive parame- ter is chosen by majority voting in a direct democracy where political cleavages are income-based. We allow for heterogeneities in productivities and preferences for consumption and leisure and incorporate the incentive effects of taxation. We show that in a society where altruistic preferences are desert-sensitive, (i) strictly lower levels of redistribution emerge in political equilibrium comparedto a society where altruistic preferences are not desert-sensitive and (ii) lower or equal levels of redistribution emerge in political equilibrium compared to a society where preferences for redistribution are purely egoistic. We then investigate the following research question: • Can our theoretical result help explain the differences between the Ameri- can and the European social contract? Using data from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) 1992 dataset, we provide empirical evidence that: (i) preferences for redistribution are not purely egoistic, (ii) desert-sensitivity induces lower support for redistribution and (iii) differences in desert-sensitivity hold between both continents, inducing lower support for redistribution among Americans compared to Europeans. We see two apparent explanations helping to understand why preferences for re- distribution are more desert-sensitive among individuals in the US than among individuals in Europe (see Alesina et al. (2001) and Alesina and Glaeser (2004) for an extensive discussion). First, the myth of the US being the 'land of op- portunity' greatly entrenched its customs. Meanwhile, European perceptions are influenced by the historical (from medieval times till the nineteenth cen- tury) division of society into classes, where birth and nobility were the main determinants of wealth and success. Second, the American belief of undeserv- ingness of the poor may reflect racial prejudice against the black minority. Poor white voters might reduce their support for redistribution when they believe that poor black citizens also benefit from redistribution (see Luttmer (2001) for strong empirical evidence). Roemer et al. (2007) find out that marginal income taxes would have been much higher when racial prejudice would have been absent. They believe that racial prejudice is the major underlying factor explaining why in the US, while the past twenty years were characterized by a sharp rise in inequality, the effective marginal income taxes have fallen. • In an ethnically polarized country, does aversion towards inter-ethnic in- equity induce citizens to vote for a party promoting an equitable allocation of national resources among ethnic groups?5 or, in other words, Could ethical voting help reduce risks of conflict in ethnically polarized countries? Relying on data collected among students from Addis Ababa University, my answer is threefold. First, I show that aversion towards inter-ethnic inequity significantly lowers university students' temptation to vote for their ethnic party. This finding is encouraging. Under my initial assumption that the degree of ethical concerns of university students constitute an upper bound of the degree of ethical concerns of the average citizen, this finding indeed suggests that ethical concerns could also influence his voting behavior. In other words, nationwide civic education programmes could be a promising conflict-reducing strategy in ethnically po- larized countries. Finkel (2002, 2003) provides evidence that civic education programs have a significant impact on participants' 'political tolerance', while his concept of 'political tolerance' is close to our notion of 'aversion towards inter-ethnic inequity'. Second, I find out that, though significant, the relative impact of ethical concerns is very small in comparison to the impact of ethnic group loyalty, an important determinant of ethnic voting. This finding is discouraging since it suggests that the relative impact of ethical concerns will be even lower across a more representative sample of the Ethiopian population. In other words, the 'return' on nationwide civic education programmes in terms of switch from ethnic voting to ethical voting is expected to be low. Third, I analyse the sociodemographic determinants of university students' aver- sion towards inter-ethnic inequity and ethnic group loyalty. I provide confirma- tion that some specific sociodemographic characteristics significantly (i) increase the degree of aversion towards inter-ethnic inequity and (ii) lower ethnic group loyalty. Those characteristics have in common that they reduce the 'psycholog- ical' distance between ethnic groups, like living in a cosmopolitan city and hav- ing parents belonging to different ethnic groups (see Atchade and Wantchekon (2006) for a first evidence). Besides, I find that ethnic group loyalty is par- ticularly strong among ethnic groups experiencing a severe level of grievance. Finally, evidence shows that aversion towards inter-ethnic inequity depends pos- itively on the income of the household in which the respondent grew up in. ; La politique de la Nouvelle Economy1 est basée sur le postulat de l'homo politicus qui Downs (1957) présente comme le clone de l'homo oeconomicus, un agent rationnel mo- tivé par la maximisation de son intérêt matériel. Goodin et Roberts (1975) ont été les premiers à proposer une alternative à l'homo politicus postulat en introduisant la notion de «électeur éthique» 2. Le «éthiques des électeurs »désigne un agent rationnel qui n'est pas seulement motivé par la maximisation de son matériel à court terme l'intérêt mais aussi par la promotion de ce qu'il considère comme équitable pour la société dans son ensemble. Il ya eu jusqu'ici que peu de tentatives pour le modèle «vote éthique». La plupart d'entre eux vote éthiques assimiler »pour veiller au bien-être des plus démunis au moment de voter (Voir Snyder et Kramer (1988), Kranich (2001) et Galasso (2003)). Alesina et Angeletos (2005) constituent une exception. À la suite de la responsabilité fondée sur théories de la justice, ils supposent que les individus partagent la conviction que l'on mérite le revenu, sur la base de ses compétences et de l'effort et que la chance ne crée différences injustes, ils sont donc prêts à compenser. Toutefois, le «Couper la responsabilité» (Dworkin (1981)) utilisé par Alesina et Angeletos (2005) n'a pas justification, doit-on considérer la littérature théorique sur la redistribution équitable ou la littérature empirique sur les opinions individuelles sur la justice distributive. Je me propose d'analyser «vote éthique» d'une manière plus globale. Le fil de ce travail est une «fonction d'utilité équitable». Plus précisément, je précise en papier 1 une «fonction d'utilité équitable» au modèle des citoyens compromis entre leur intérêt personnel et certaines de leurs préoccupations majeures pour l'équité. Livre 2 et document 3 compter sur la «fonction d'utilité équitable» pour étudier le comportement des électeurs au cours de la (re) distribution des excédents économiques dans différents contextes de democracy4. Dans le document 2, mon coauteur et je calculer l'équilibre politico-économique qui émerge quand les citoyens sont dotés de la «fonction d'utilité équitable». Nous modélisons les institutionnels création d'une démocratie occidentale typique où les clivages politiques sont principalement fondée sur le revenu. Dans le document 3, je estimer la «fonction d'utilité équitable». Je me base estimation des données d'enquête que j'ai pu recueillir dans une démocratie ethniquement polarisés où les clivages politiques sont principalement fondées sur l'ethnie. Document 1 cherche à savoir si les préoccupations d'équité pour l'influence sur l'ensemble- viennent dans les interactions réelles de sorte que l'analyse économique devrait compléter le postulat de l'homo economicus avec le postulat de l'homo ETHICUS. -Je effectuer une analyse en trois étapes l'étude des questions suivantes: • Quelles sont les principales préoccupations d'équité que les individus sont en mesure de spectacle? • Ne ces préoccupations pour l'équité influence le résultat global de l'éco- domaine économique? • Ne ces préoccupations pour l'équité influence le résultat global de la po- litical domaine? Sur la base de données expérimentales, je identifier trois principales préoccupations pour l'équité susceptibles d'influencer les comportements individuels en plus de l'intérêt: utilitaire ALTRU- ISM, «l'altruisme rawlsienne et désert sensibilité. l'altruisme utilitariste consiste à maximiser la somme de tous les services publics. «Altruisme rawlsienne» consiste à maximiser l'utilité des plus démunis. Desert sensibilité consiste en un coefficient de con- préoccupations d'équité envers les autres, devraient-ils être utilitaires préoccupations altruistes ou «préoccupations altruistes rawlsienne», selon le caractère méritoire de ces autres avec fonction de leurs caractéristiques responsabilité. Je trouve que les préoccupations d'équité n'ont pas d'impact sur le marché global hors vient, dois-je mettre l'accent sur les marchés portant sur des contrats complets ou sur les marchés impliquant des contrats incomplets. Je fournis des éléments de preuve que les préoccupations d'équité ont un impact significatif sur le Po- litical résultats globaux. Plus particulièrement, les préoccupations d'équité (utilitaires l'altruisme, «l'altruisme rawlsienne», et le désert de sensibilité) semblent exprimer à travers citoyens position sur une échelle de libéralisme conservatisme qui a un impact à terme leur comportement de vote. Toutefois, la preuve montre également que les préjugés ethniques, une ambiguïté déloyale motivation, constitue un concurrent sérieux aux préoccupations individuelles pour l'équité, même dans le contexte occidental de démocratie où les partis politiques sont officiellement répartis le long de revenus, pas à base ethnique, des lignes. Mes résultats suggèrent que la théorie économique en général (et les nouveaux enjeux politiques Économie en particulier) devrait accorder plus d'attention à la modélisation de l'éthique les comportements de vote pour améliorer sa capacité explicative et prédictive. Je propose à titre provisoire «fonction d'utilité équitable» au modèle des citoyens compromis entre leurs l'intérêt et les trois différentes préoccupations d'équité qui sont utilitaires l'altruisme, «l'altruisme rawlsienne et désert sensibilité. • Quel est l'équilibre politico-économique émergent dans une société où les individus sont dotés de la «fonction d'utilité équitable»? Nous étudions un modèle simple de vote où une redistribution unidimensionnelle para- ter est choisi par vote à la majorité dans une démocratie directe où les clivages politiques sont fondées sur le revenu. Nous tenons compte de l'hétérogénéité dans les préférences et les productivités à la consommation et de loisirs et d'intégrer les effets incitatifs de la fiscalité. Nous montrons que dans une société où les préférences altruistes sont désertiques sensibles, (i) strictement niveaux inférieurs de la redistribution émerger dans comparedto équilibre politique d'une société où les préférences ne sont pas altruistes désert sensibles et (ii) inférieur à ou des niveaux équivalents de redistribution émerger dans l'équilibre politique par rapport à un société où les préférences pour la redistribution sont purement égoïstes. Nous avons ensuite étudier la question de recherche suivante: • Peut notre résultat théorique aider à expliquer les différences entre les Améri- peut et du contrat social européen? En utilisant les données de l'International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) 1992 dataset, nous fournir des preuves empiriques que: (i) les préférences pour la redistribution ne sont pas purement égoïste, (ii) du désert sensibilité induit support inférieur pour la redistribution et (iii) les différences dans le désert sensibilité tenir entre les deux continents, induisant support inférieur pour la redistribution entre les Américains contre les Européens. Nous voir deux explications apparentes aide à comprendre pourquoi les préférences pour les re- de distribution sont plus sensibles du désert entre les individus aux États-Unis que chez personnes en Europe (voir Alesina et al. (2001) et Alesina et Glaeser (2004) pour une discussion approfondie). Tout d'abord, le mythe des Etats-Unis étant le "pays de l'op- portunity «fortement enracinées ses coutumes. Pendant ce temps, les perceptions européennes sont influencés par les historiques (de l'époque médiévale jusqu'à la dix-neuvième de la CEN- siècle), une division de la société en classes, où la naissance et la noblesse ont été les principaux déterminants de la richesse et de succès. Deuxièmement, la croyance américaine de undeserv- disponibilité manifestée des pauvres peuvent refléter les préjugés raciaux contre la minorité noire. Pauvres électeurs blancs pourraient réduire leur soutien à la redistribution quand ils croient que les pauvres citoyens noirs aussi profiter de la redistribution (voir Luttmer (2001) pour de solides preuves empiriques). Roemer et al. (2007) constatent que marginal impôt sur le revenu aurait été beaucoup plus élevé lorsque les préjugés raciaux aurait été absent. Ils croient que les préjugés raciaux est le principal facteur qui sous-tendent expliquant pourquoi les États-Unis, tandis que les vingt dernières années ont été caractérisées par une forte hausse des inégalités, les impôts en vigueur du revenu marginal ont chuté. • Dans un pays ethniquement polarisés, ne aversion envers inter-ethniques en l'équité amener les citoyens à voter pour un parti de promouvoir une répartition équitable des ressources nationales entre les groupes ethniques? 5 ou, en d'autres termes, Pourriez vote éthiques aider à réduire les risques de conflit dans des environnements ethniquement polarisés pays? S'appuyant sur des données recueillies auprès des étudiants de l'Université d'Addis-Abeba, mon réponse est triple. Tout d'abord, je montre que l'aversion envers l'inégalité inter-ethniques réduit considérablement la tentation des étudiants universitaires à voter pour leur parti ethnique. Cette constatation est encourageant. Sous mon hypothèse de départ que le degré de préoccupations éthiques des étudiants constituent une limite supérieure du degré de préoccupations d'ordre éthique du citoyen moyen, cette constatation suggère en effet que les préoccupations éthiques pourraient également influer sur son comportement de vote. En d'autres termes, l'éducation civique à l'échelle nationale programmes pourraient être une stratégie prometteuse de réduction des conflits dans des environnements ethniquement po- tif pays. Finkel (2002, 2003) fournit la preuve que l'éducation civique programmes ont un impact significatif sur la tolérance des participants «politique», tandis que son concept de «tolérance politique» est proche de notre notion de «aversion envers l'inégalité inter-ethnique ». Deuxièmement, je trouve que, bien que significative, l'impact relatif des préoccupations d'ordre éthique est très faible par rapport à l'impact de la loyauté envers le groupe ethnique, un important facteur déterminant du vote ethnique. Ce résultat est décourageant, car elle suggère que l'impact relatif des préoccupations d'ordre éthique sera encore plus faible sur une plus échantillon représentatif de la population éthiopienne. En d'autres termes, le «retour» sur les programmes d'éducation civique à l'échelle nationale en termes de passage du vote ethnique au vote à l'éthique devrait être faible. Troisièmement, je analyser les déterminants socio-démographiques des étudiants de l'Université moyenne- sion vers l'inégalité inter-ethnique et loyauté envers le groupe ethnique. Je fournis des confir- tion que certaines caractéristiques socio-démographiques spécifiques de façon significative (i) augmenter le degré d'aversion pour l'inégalité inter-ethnique et (ii) inférieur à un groupe ethnique fidélité. Ces caractéristiques ont en commun qu'elles réduisent la «psycholo- iCal «distance entre les groupes ethniques, comme vivre dans une ville cosmopolite et HAV- ING parents appartenant à différents groupes ethniques (voir Atchade et Wantchekon (2006) pour une première preuve). D'ailleurs, je trouve que la fidélité groupe ethnique est par- particulièrement forte parmi les groupes ethniques connaît un niveau sévère de grief. Enfin, il est prouvé que l'aversion envers l'inégalité inter-ethnique dépend pos- itively sur le revenu du ménage dans lequel le répondant a grandi po