Suchergebnisse

435 p. ; Tabl as, Gráficos, ; Libro Electrónico ; Over the last decade, worldwide initiatives from the private sector have turned the legal and regulatory environment for food businesses upside down. Litigation is no longer solely framed by legislative requirements, but ever more by private standards such as GlobalGAP, BRC, IFS, SQF and ISO. Private standards incorporate public law requirements, thus embedding them in contractual relations and exporting them beyond the jurisdiction of public legislators. Private standards are used to remedy shortcomings in legislation, to reach higher levels of consumer protection than the ones chosen by the EU legislature, to impose new obligations on contracting parties, to manage risks and liability beyond the traditional limits of food businesses and inally to give substance to corporate social responsibility. Private standards also play a role in deining speciic markets of growing importance and in self-regulating the commercial communication/advertising for foods and beverages. Organic standards have found an interesting symbioses with public law. Halal standards express the demands of some two billion consumers worldwide. Food businesses are inspected more often by private auditors than by public inspectors. Effects in terms of receiving or being denied certiication often far outweigh public law sanctions. In short, based on private law, an entire legal infrastructure for the food sector emerges, in parallel to, and sometimes complementing, the public law regulatory infrastructure. ; Durante la última década, las iniciativas a nivel mundial en el sector privado se han convertido el entorno jurídico y reglamentario para las empresas de alimentos al revés. Litigio ya no es el único enmarcado por los requisitos legales, pero cada vez más por las normas privadas como GlobalGAP, BRC, IFS, SQF y la ISO. Las normas privadas incorporar los requisitos de derecho público, lo que les inserción en las relaciones contractuales y su exportación fuera de la jurisdicción de los legisladores públicos. Las normas privadas se utilizan para corregir las deficiencias en la legislación, para alcanzar mayores niveles de protección al consumidor que los elegidos por el poder legislativo de la UE, a imponer nuevas obligaciones a las partes contratantes, para gestionar los riesgos y responsabilidades más allá de los límites tradicionales de las empresas alimentarias y inalmente dar a sustancia a la responsabilidad social corporativa. Las normas privadas también juegan un papel importante en los mercados Deining speciic de creciente importancia y en la auto-regulación de la comunicación comercial / publicidad de alimentos y bebidas. Los estándares orgánicos han encontrado una simbiosis interesante con el derecho público. Las normas Halal expresar las demandas de unos dos mil millones de consumidores en todo el mundo. Las empresas alimentarias son inspeccionados con mayor frecuencia por los auditores privados que por los inspectores públicos. Efectos en términos de recibir o ser certiication les negaba a menudo son muy superiores a las sanciones de derecho público. En resumen, basado en el derecho privado, toda una infraestructura legal para el sector de la alimentación surge, de forma paralela a, y algunas veces complementar, la infraestructura de ley de regulación pública. ; About the authors 15 Foreword 21 Abbreviations 23 1. Private food law 29 The emergence of a concept Bernd van der Meulen 1.1 The irst book on private food law 29 1.2 Private food law 30 1.3 Cover 32 1.4 Food law 32 1.5 Classiications in private food law 37 1.6 Topics covered in this book 38 1.7 Law and governance 48 1.8 Last but not least 49 Acknowledgements 49 References 50 2. Quasi-states? The unexpected rise of private food law 51 Lawrence Busch 2.1 Introduction 51 2.2 Building neoliberalism 51 2.3 Transformation of the global economy 55 2.4 Rise of the Tripartite Standards Regime (TSR) 59 2.5 Can governance be plural? Legitimacy and markets revisited 62 2.6 Conclusions 68 Acknowledgements 70 References 70 3. The anatomy of private food law 75 Bernd van der Meulen 3.1 Introduction 75 3.2 The history of private standards 77 3.3 Chain orchestration 78 3.4 Owning a standard 78 3.5 Enforcement 79 3.6 Adjudication 79 8 Private food law Table of contents 3.7 Audits 79 3.8 Certiication mark 80 3.9 Accreditation 80 3.10 Beyond accreditation 82 3.11 Standard setting 83 3.12 Structure of private food law 83 3.13 Interconnected private schemes 84 3.14 Public – private interconnections 85 3.15 Motives 88 3.16 Examples 89 3.17 Underlying concepts 92 3.18 EurepGAP/GlobalGAP 93 3.19 BRC 97 3.20 IFS 98 3.21 SQF 99 3.22 FS22000 102 3.23 GFSI 103 3.24 Public law on private food law 105 3.25 WTO 106 3.26 Conclusions 108 References 109 4. Inventory of private food law 113 Theo Appelhof and Ronald van den Heuvel 4.1 Introduction 113 4.2 Controlling food safety by quality management system/standard 119 4.3 Description of commonly used Standards 124 4.4 To conclude 147 References 147 5. Codex Alimentarius and private standards 149 Spencer Henson and John Humphrey 5.1 Background 149 5.2 Nature of private food safety standards 151 5.3 Trends in the development and functions of private food safety standards 157 5.4 Role of Codex in the context of private standards 162 5.5 Do private standards jeopardise the work of Codex? 165 5.6 Challenges and opportunities for Codex 168 5.7 Conclusions 170 References 171 Private food law 9 Table of contents 6. Private retail standards and the law of the World Trade Organisation 175 Marinus Huige 6.1 Introduction 175 6.2 What are private standards? 176 6.3 Private standards, what drives them? 177 6.4 Private standards and the WTO SPS Committee 178 6.5 The current discussion on applicability of the SPS Agreement 181 6.6 Food for thought 184 References 185 7. Private law making at the round table on sustainable palm oil 187 Otto Hospes 7.1 Introduction 187 7.2 The normative content of the RSPO 189 7.3 Principle(d) actors 192 7.4 Compliance and complaints 195 7.5 How voluntary are the RSPO principles and criteria? 196 7.6 Governments as consultative cheerleaders or competitive law makers 198 7.7 Conclusion 199 References 201 8. GlobalGAP smallholder group certiication 203 Challenge and opportunity for smallholder inclusion into global value chains Margret Will 8.1 Challenge or opportunity? An introduction to GlobalGAP option 2 smallholder certiication 203 8.2 Challenge and opportunity! The GlobalGAP smallholder pilot project 208 8.3 Turning challenges into opportunities: conclusions from the GlobalGAP smallholder pilot project 213 8.4 GlobalGAP: challenge and opportunity! Conclusions and recommendations 221 References 226 9. Towards the self-regulation code on beer advertising in Italy 229 Steps on the long lasting path of competition/co-operation of public and private food law Ferdinando Albisinni 9.1 The peculiar relation between innovation and food law 229 9.2 Private regulatory law 230 9.3 The IAP – Institute of self-regulation in Marketing Communication (1963) 231 9.4 Legislative reforms in the 1990's: cooperative competition between public and private law 233 9.5 The Beer Advertising Code: private regulation as tool to expand and anticipate consumer protection 236 9.6 Some open questions 238 References 239 10. Self-regulation code on beer advertising 241 Alessandro Artom 10.1 Introduction 241 10.2 Underlying principles 242 10.3 The Code 246 10.4 The Code as Private Food Law 253 References 254 11. Franchising strengthens the use of private food standards 255 Esther Brons-Stikkelbroeck 11.1 Introduction 255 11.2 Private food standards 255 11.3 Vertical agreements and franchising 257 11.4 Conclusion 264 References 264 12. On the borderline between state law and religious law 265 Regulatory arrangements connected to kosher and halal foods in the Netherlands and the United States Tetty Havinga 12.1 The developing supply of halal foods 265 12.2 Regulating halal and kosher food 266 12.3 Kosher certiication in the Netherlands 269 12.4 Halal certiication in the Netherlands 270 Private food law 11 Table of contents 12.5 Religious slaughter in the Netherlands 271 12.6 Regulation of kosher food in the United States 273 12.7 Religious slaughter in the United States 276 12.8 Comparative conclusions 277 12.9 Explaining the different position of the government 282 References 285 13. Organic food 289 A private concept's take-over by government and the continued leading role of the private sector Hanspeter Schmidt 13.1 Introduction 289 13.2 'Bio' and 'Eco' and 'Regular'? 289 13.3 Comprehensive protection of organic terminology 290 13.4 The friendly take-over by government in the 1990s 290 13.5 Contaminants 291 13.6 2011: still the same concept 291 13.7 Positive lists for farming and processing 292 13.8 The friendliness of the take-over 293 13.9 Take-over of norms, but not of controls 293 13.10 Toxins from non-regulated sources 295 13.11 BNN orientation values 295 13.12 Pesticide traces as misleading labelling 297 13.13 The statutory role of doubt 298 13.14 Conclusion on the role of private organic food regulation 298 References 299 14. Food online 301 Reconnaissance into a consumer protection no-man's land between food law and the Civil Code Lomme van der Veer 14.1 Introduction 301 14.2 The distance contract, buying food online 302 14.3 Information and expectations about the product 308 14.4 Conformity 309 14.5 Conformity requirement and distance contracts 313 14.6 Conclusions 317 References 318 12 Private food law Table of contents 15. National public sector and private standards 319 Cases in the Netherlands Irene Scholten-Verheijen 15.1 Public law and private standards 319 15.2 Public procurement and private standards 323 15.3 Public enforcement and private standards 326 15.4 Conclusions 328 Postscript 328 References 329 16. The outside of private food law 331 The case of braided private regulation in Dutch dairy viewed in the light of competition law Maria Litjens, Bernd van der Meulen and Harry Bremmers 16.1 Introduction 331 16.2 Background 332 16.3 Private regulation structured in the food chain 336 16.4 The big picture 342 16.5 Developments in competition law 345 16.6 Conclusions and discussion 349 Acknowledgements 351 References 351 17. The limit of private food law 353 Competition law in the food sector Fabian Stancke 17.1 Introduction 353 17.2 The requirements of competition law compliance 354 17.3 Addressees of competition law in the food sector 354 17.4 The restrictions on anticompetitive conduct 355 17.5 The restrictions on non-collusive / unilateral conduct by market dominant companies 357 17.6 Groups of cases relevant under competition law in the food sector 358 17.7 Concluding remarks 376 References 377 18. EU 'new approach' also for food law? 381 Nicole Coutrelis 18.1 What is the 'new approach' 381 18.2 Is the 'new approach' unknown in EU Food Law? 383 Private food law 13 Table of contents 18.3 Public/private – regulation/standards: present situation and questions 384 18.4 Is the 'new approach' now possible/desirable in EU Food Law? 386 References 388 Appendix 1. Commission Communication – EU best practice guidelines for voluntary certiication schemes for agricultural products and foodstuffs 391 Appendix 2. Communication from the Commission to the Council, the European Parliament and the European Economic and Social Committee 401 Keyword index 423

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In the 15-years I have served in the United States Army, the focal point of my tactical and academic study has been almost entirely centered on the Middle East and its unique cultural complexities. As an Infantryman, I was embroiled in the early efforts to prevent a Sunni-Shia civil war in post-invasion Iraq, while also hunting down al-Qaeda operatives under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. A year later, during General Patraeus's troop surge, I was in the urban sprawl of Northwest Baghdad fighting not only a Sunni insurgency, but also the Iranian-backed Jaysh al-Mahdi, comprised of local Shia militia groups. In 2010, I led a battalion reconnaissance team in the Arghandab River Valley of Afghanistan against the Taliban near the very birthplace of their Salafi-jihadist movement. In subsequent years, following my graduation from the Special Forces Qualification Course, I served in the 5th Special Forces Group (SFG) on a variety of missions in support of Operation Inherent Resolve in Turkey and Syria. As a fluent Arabic speaker, I was heavily involved in early efforts to train and equip the Free Syrian Army for its fight against the Islamic State. Following this deployment, I served as a liaison officer to the United States Embassy and Turkish General Staff in Ankara, having daily interaction with foreign dignitaries, defense attachés, and military officials in strategic level planning and coordination efforts. I culminated my time with 5th SFG as the assistant operations sergeant of a detachment fighting the Islamic State in Syria. My understanding of the culture of jihad, the various jihadist groups operating throughout the Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility, and the intricacy of Middle Eastern problem sets as a whole, has come from years of dedicated cultural analysis, in-depth study of Sunni and Shia Islam, and field experience from the strategic to the tactical level. It is because of this experience that I am compelled to discuss the culture of jihad in the 21st Century. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the College of Graduate and Continuing Studies Degree Completion category. ; 1 The Culture of Jihad in the 21st Century Michael J. Bearden Norwich University SOCI401: Cultural and Anthropology Studies Dr. Timothy Maynard April 30, 2020 2 The Culture of Jihad in the 21st Century In the 15-years I have served in the United States Army, the focal point of my tactical and academic study has been almost entirely centered on the Middle East and its unique cultural complexities. As an Infantryman, I was embroiled in the early efforts to prevent a Sunni-Shia civil war in post-invasion Iraq, while also hunting down al-Qaeda operatives under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. A year later, during General Patraeus's troop surge, I was in the urban sprawl of Northwest Baghdad fighting not only a Sunni insurgency, but also the Iranian-backed Jaysh al-Mahdi, comprised of local Shia militia groups. In 2010, I led a battalion reconnaissance team in the Arghandab River Valley of Afghanistan against the Taliban near the very birthplace of their Salafi-jihadist movement. In subsequent years, following my graduation from the Special Forces Qualification Course, I served in the 5th Special Forces Group (SFG) on a variety of missions in support of Operation Inherent Resolve in Turkey and Syria. As a fluent Arabic speaker, I was heavily involved in early efforts to train and equip the Free Syrian Army for its fight against the Islamic State. Following this deployment, I served as a liaison officer to the United States Embassy and Turkish General Staff in Ankara, having daily interaction with foreign dignitaries, defense attachés, and military officials in strategic level planning and coordination efforts. I culminated my time with 5th SFG as the assistant operations sergeant of a detachment fighting the Islamic State in Syria. My understanding of the culture of jihad, the various jihadist groups operating throughout the Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility, and the intricacy of Middle Eastern problem sets as a whole, has come from years of dedicated cultural analysis, in-depth study of Sunni and Shia Islam, and field experience from the strategic to the tactical level. It is because of this experience that I am compelled to discuss the culture of jihad in the 21st Century. 3 Since its beginning in circa 610 CE, when the prophet Muhammad ibn Abdullah was visited by the angel Gabriel in a cave near Mecca, Islam has shaken the foundations of the Middle East and remained in a state of near-perpetual conflict with the Western world. Islam is an Arabic term most closely relating to the English words submission or surrender. Mujahedeen, or holy warriors, spread this new religion by the sword throughout Asia, forcing the "submission" of thousands, and have hardly been at peace with their neighbors since. Centuries later, in the two decades following the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon in the United States, radical Islam's stance against the West has altered the diplomatic landscape between the world's great powers, fundamentally changed the United States' national strategic direction, and caused youth from all walks of life to sacrifice the best years of their lives in holy war to protect the supra-national community of Islam. From the invasion of Afghanistan to the subsequent invasions of Iraq and Syria to the ongoing peace talks with the Taliban, diplomatic and military efforts to eradicate jihadists from the Middle East have to-date been nearly ineffectual. Not only have these efforts failed to contain or defeat jihad, but at times have served to strengthen Islamic extremists' resolve in their call to arms against the West. Because jihad is such a fundamental part of the Islamic faith, it can never be "defeated" in the sense of traditional military eradication of an enemy force, but it can be confronted, contained, or refocused, as this paper will address. I argue that enabling local solutions and promoting education, alongside tailored surgical strike and security cooperation operations where necessary, are the keys to confronting, containing, and countering jihad. 4 Background Defining Jihad and Salafism Jihad is a transliterated form of the Arabic word meaning to struggle or to strive. In the traditional teachings of the Islamic faith, jihad is broken into two distinct categories: Greater jihad and lesser jihad. Greater jihad includes the personal struggle against selfish desires, emphasizing discipline and morality, as well as the struggle against Satan and the forces of evil. It includes jihad of the heart, jihad of the mind, and jihad of the tongue, involving praise for those who follow the will of Allah and correction for those who have gone astray (Gorka, 2016). The second category, lesser jihad, is viewed as the struggle against the enemies of Islam and the defense of its people. Lesser jihad is commonly referred to as Jihad of the Sword. Gorka (p. 60) reveals that, over time, this category of jihad has been used as justification for at least seven different subsets of holy war: 1. Using holy war to build an empire 2. Going after apostate regimes or individuals 3. Revolting against non-pious Muslim leaders 4. Fighting against the forces of imperialism in Muslim lands 5. Countering the West's pagan influence 6. Guerrilla warfare against a foreign invader 7. Using jihad as justification for terrorist attacks against civilian targets In a broad sense, lesser jihad can be viewed as offensive or defensive martial action. On the offensive side, jihadists use religion to justify building an empire, such as the Islamic State, attack apostate regimes, like those of the Taliban against Afghan government forces, and use terrorism against civilians, like the attacks on the World Trade Center. This offensive action 5 often takes jihadists beyond the borders of the ummah, or the people of Islam, striking fear into hearts of unbelievers around the globe. The defensive variety, especially in recent history, has most often correlated directly with the use of guerrilla warfare against foreign invaders, such as al-Qaeda's attacks on the international military coalitions that invaded Afghanistan and Iraq. This radical view of Islam is mostly practiced by those who follow the way of the Salafi, or the pious predecessors from the time of Muhammad, who experienced Islam in its purest form. It is believed that the first three generations who practiced the teachings of the prophet Muhammad are the ones who all Muslims thereafter should try to emulate. Themes of Salafism focus on complete adherence to sharia law, the fight against apostate Muslim regimes, and the spread and protection of Islam and its followers. At its core, Salafism is a very traditionalist view of Islam and has been practiced by multiple 21st Century terrorist organizations. The terms jihad and Salafi have shared such a close relationship in the last few decades that they have become nearly synonymous, at times described as Salafi-Jihadism or Jihadi-Salafism (Gorka, 2016; Nilsson, 2019) What Cultural Influences Lead One to the Path of Jihad? Before the attacks on 9/11, the largest call to jihad answered by the international Muslim community was in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Stopping the spread of communism and defending the ummah against the atrocities of Russian ground forces was seen as a noble and just cause for young Muslim men, and not just among Muslims (Gorka, 2016; Nilsson, 2019). Many nations, including the United States, funded, equipped, and trained the Afghan mujahedeen (those who conduct jihad) for the fight against the Soviet empire. Jihad in the 21st Century has been viewed in a much different light, as it is most closely associated with acts of extreme violence against Western nations. While the piles of rubble that used to be the 6 World Trade Center smoldered, and a gaping hole scarred the wall of the Pentagon, people of the world were forced to ask themselves, "How could a person do this? Why would someone take their own lives and thousands of others in the name of Allah?" Religious Justification for Jihad. Though jihad has become almost entirely associated with Islamic holy war, the term itself is still simply the Arabic word for striving. Struggling against one's selfish desires, striving to maintain traditional values, and defending a community against a common enemy are not just Islamic concepts, they are universal to most tightly-knit cultures. Similarly, Christians and Jews are taught self-discipline, adherence to moral codes, and defending their belief against enemies of their faith. So, why has the Islamic flavor of this common cultural theme become so violent, causing deep unrest around the world in our modern era? Verses from the Qur'an can begin to unpack why horrific public executions, suicide bombings, and advocating for generalized violence against non-Muslims may be justifiable in jihadist culture. The Qur'an (2015) lays out the following decree in chapter 9, verse 29: Fight those from among the People of the Book who believe not in Allah, nor in the Last Day, nor hold as unlawful what Allah and His Messenger have declared to be unlawful, nor follow the true religion, until they pay the tax with their own hand and acknowledge their subjection (p. 208). My personal study of Islam and conversations with Muslims in the field revealed that this bit of prose has been used as motivation and justification for jihad by groups like al-Qaeda, the Taliban, the Islamic State, and Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham of our modern age. Some of the following themes are evident in the translation: 7 • Jews and Christians are recognized as People of the Book, but are required to accept the following—Allah as the one true god, sharia as the acceptable law, and Islam as the one true religion. • If Jews and Christians refuse to accept these statutes, they must pay a tax called the jizyah to show their subjugation. • If they refuse to do either of these, they are to be put to the sword (p. 208). Salafi-jihadist groups such as the Taliban and Islamic State have tried to revive the jizyah tax in areas under their control. Likewise, hundreds of Christians, Jews, and even Muslims who refuse to adhere to strict sharia law have been publicly executed. This vehement enforcement of arcane Islamic law is seen as a return to the purest form of Islam, as pious as the first few generations who followed the Prophet Muhammad. Another common religious cultural theme that ties these jihadist organizations together is a message of religious oppression. They preach to young Muslims that the Islamic world is under siege by the West and that their god, their value systems, and their way of life are being threatened by the evils of capitalism and democracy (Venhaus, 2010). In joining organizations like al-Qaeda or the Islamic State, young men from across the globe find a sense of purpose and direction in their cause to protect the ummah. This theme is manifested in the teachings of Anwar al-Awlaki, the spiritual leader of al-Qaeda and the father of home-grown terrorism in the United States. He calls on Muslims living among those in the West: How can your conscience allow you to live in peaceful coexistence with a nation that is responsible for the tyranny and crimes committed against your own brothers and sisters? How can you have your loyalty to a government that is leading the war against Islam and Muslims? Hence, my advice to you is this, you have two choices: either hijra [migration 8 to an Islamic land] or jihad. You either leave or you fight. You leave and live among Muslims or you stay behind and fight with your hand, your wealth, and your word. I specifically invite the youth to either fight in the West or join their brothers on the fronts of jihad: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia (as cited in Gorka, 2016). This way of thinking is also captured in chapter 9, verse 5 of the Qur'an (2015): Kill the idolaters wherever you find them and take them prisoners, and beleaguer them, and lie in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they repent and observe Prayer and pay the Zakat, then leave their way free (p. 204). When taken literally, as they are by followers of Salafi-jihad, scriptures such as these leave no choice. To these men who have committed themselves fully to the ways of the pious ones, they are compelled to become shahid, or martyrs in the protection of the ummah. The Qur'an promises paradise for those who do: Surely, Allah has purchased of the believers their persons and their property in return for the Garden they shall have; they fight in the cause of Allah, and they slay and are slain—a promise the He has made incumbent on Himself in the Torah, and the Gospel, and the Qur'an. And who is more faithful to his promise than Allah? Rejoice, then, in your bargain which you have made with Him; and that it is which is the supreme triumph (p. 222). The concept of becoming a martyr in the struggle for Islam is romanticized by jihadist groups, like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, and even state governments in local programming. In Lebanon, Mothers of Martyrs are interviewed to share the stories of their sons' glorious end while fighting abroad against the infidels (Venhaus, 2010). The Qur'an itself calls this sacrifice the supreme triumph for a jihadist, striving for the glory of Allah. 9 Though enforcing the jizyah, publicly executing those who do not follow sharia law, and seeking opportunities to kill infidels through suicide attacks represent a very small, extremist cultural sect of Islam, each of these practices is still justifiable if one looks to the Qur'an. This could be viewed as no different than a rural Pentecostal church in the Deep South who maintains strict standards for how women must dress and act: it all comes down to interpretation and a community's willingness to subjugate themselves to these standards. Spiritual leaders of jihadist groups in the 21st Century have used the Qur'an as continued justification for a variety of cruel, inhumane, and brutal actions that served to shock the West. The holy book of Islam acts as the essential glue, binding together all facets of Arab and Islamic culture. Artistic Inspiration for Jihad. A far cry from the harsh proclamations of the Qur'an, Arabic poetry predates Islam by centuries and serves as a bedrock of Arabic culture across the Middle East. Early desert nomads composed poems mostly in mono-rhyme and in one of sixteen standard canonical measures, which made them easy to commit to memory (Creswell & Haykel, 2015). Naturally, this beautiful form of cultural expression has found a home in the modern jihadist movement, where it has become an inspiration for new recruits to join the cause and crucial in the sustainment of those already fighting infidels abroad. Creswell and Haykel assert that although analysts have generally ignored this facet of jihadist culture, it is woven deeply into the fabric of modern Islamic extremism. Osama bin Laden, most recognized as the former head of al-Qaeda, was also a highly-celebrated jihadist poet. Without question, his lyrical genius inspired young Arabs with stories of a return to the heroic and chivalrous past of Islam. One of his most famous works celebrates the martyrdom of the 9/11 hijackers. This is a theme among modern jihadist poetry, which preserves the tales of suicide bombers, the conquered apostate regimes of Iraq and Syria, and the glories of jihadist heroes (Creswell & Haykel). Likewise, in a 10 group of individuals who have each traveled far from home to defend Islam against the kuffar, these poems help to establish a sense of cultural identity, strengthening their wartime bond and solidifying their resolve. In seeing the videos of the Islamic State as they carved a path of destruction across large swathes of Iraq in early 2014, it may be difficult for one to believe that its members were motivated by the rhythmic lines of jihadist poetry. It is hard to accept that the same young fighter who is willing to behead an infidel for all the free world to see, could also be found passionately reciting lines celebrating the glorious return of an Islamic caliphate. During its rise, the Islamic State capitalized on the lyrical talent of a Damascus-born woman named Ahlam al-Nasr. In her first broadcast, called the Blaze of Truth, she sang each one of her 107 works a cappella, in accordance with the Islamic State's ban on musical instruments. The video was uploaded to Youtube, receiving thousands of views and further shares on multiple social media platforms (Creswell & Haykel, 2015). In the early days of the group's brutal campaign in Iraq, al-Nasr celebrated victory in Mosul as a new dawn for the country: "Ask Mosul, city of Islam, about the lions— how their fierce struggle brought liberation. The land of glory has shed its humiliation and defeat and put on the raiment of splendor" (as cited in Creswell & Haykel, 2015). Her choice of words helps one sense her deep passion for jihad, hidden within the lines. Mujahedeen are called lions and liberators. Mosul is called both a city of Islam and a land of 11 glory that, because of its liberation, has been released from the chains of shame and can now live in the splendor and pride of its former renown. Poetry has succored those serving in times of war for hundreds, even thousands of years. In the same manner, this key element of artistic cultural expression has helped bind together the modern jihadi movement, capturing the heroic deeds of martyrs who would otherwise remain nameless and unrecognized by the outside world. Serving in lands far away from home, young jihadists find inspiration, strength, and a renewed sense of identity in these haunting bits of rhyme. Social Pressure to Join Jihad. Abdullah Anas was an Algerian who served as one of the mujahedeen in Afghanistan in the 1980s and spent several years studying under Abdullah Azzam, the Palestinian "Father of Resistance to the Soviets" (Gall, 2020). Working to help Algerians achieve nonviolent change in their government, Anas, now in his 60s, has spent a life living and working among jihadists. To Anas, jihad is a fundamental principle of Muslim culture through which mujahedeen receive rewards in heaven: "I will never denounce jihad. As a Muslim, I know this to be a noble deed—where man can be the most beastly" (Gall). In a study of three Swedish jihadists, with experiences ranging from 1980s Afghanistan to the modern fight in Syria, Nilsson (2019) suggests that one of the fundamental social justifications for joining jihad is the sense that Islam and Muslims are collectively under attack. This, again, is a theme that applies to more than just the modern jihadist movement: Americans lined up in droves outside recruiting stations following the attacks on Pearl Harbor and decades later after September 11, 2001. Following the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, many Muslims from around the world began to see this not as just the West going after the 9/11 conspirators, but as a global attack on Islam. Each day, fresh news stories of coalition soldiers' crimes against 12 Muslim civilians and pictures of burning villages continued to motivate men to join the fight to protect the ummah from the foreign invaders. Nilsson contends that since most jihadists are very young, in their teens and early twenties, they are very susceptible to the influences of close friends and social groups. Safet, a young Muslim living in Sweden, was pressured by a friend to join the Islamic State in Syria, saying that he became convinced by his friend Ahmed that the group was fighting to protect Muslims (Nilsson). However, after realizing that the Islamic State was actually killing other Muslims in a practice called takfir, or excommunication, Safet became disillusioned and returned to Sweden (Nilsson). From the fight against the foreign invaders in the early 2000s in Afghanistan and Iraq, to the struggle for the establishment of an Islamic caliphate in 2015, it seems jihadists have most often been motivated by the need to protect the international Muslim community. Aside from the social responsibility of defending their faith and people, the need for adventure also seems to permeate the ideations of young men seeking to join a jihadist group. One of Nilsson's (2019) most interesting theories is that jihad is not the radicalization of Islam, but rather the Islamization of radicalism. Individuals who are already naturally predisposed to such adventurous or nihilistic behavior get caught up in the social dynamics of their time, ending up in a jihadist movement. Venhaus (2010) explains that in interviews with over 2,000 al-Qaeda prisoners from Iraq to Guantanamo Bay, he found that young Muslim men sought the cause of jihad for a number of normal social pressures felt by normal teens worldwide: "Revenge seekers need an outlet for their frustration, status seekers need recognition, identity seekers need a group to join, and thrill seekers need adventure" (Venhaus). The Effects of Social Media and Technology on Jihad. In the modern era, news is no longer bound by the time it takes for an article to be published, printed, and distributed across 13 great distance in a community. Social media platforms like Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, and Instagram have made sharing news instantaneous. Additionally, the advent of the smartphone, which acts simultaneously as a hand-held computer, high definition camera, and telephone with nearly world-wide coverage has forever changed the media landscape. In the era of modern jihad, one can post a single video that moves the minds of thousands in a matter of seconds. Following the 2003 invasion of Iraq to topple Saddam Hussein's regime, news stories of atrocity among the efforts of coalition troops over the next decade served to further the cause of local and foreign jihadists to protect the ummah from these invaders. Accidental bombing of civilians, mistreatment of the prisoners at Abu Ghraib, and a general ignorance toward Muslim culture were fueled by social media and smartphone technology. Venhaus (2010) claims that throughout this early phase of the war in Iraq, al-Qaeda very rarely had to actively recruit, their global brand was aggressively promoted through satellite television, internet chat rooms, and social media platforms; willing candidates sought them out. This use of media continued to be perfected by jihadist organizations like the Islamic State, who published a digital magazine called Dabiq, named for the ideological capital of the proposed caliphate, which rallied Muslims to jihad through stories of glory and heroism in the cause for Islam. The Islamic State also posted grisly execution videos, with stunning music and production value, including super high-definition shots of their brutality. Publications and videos such as these could be copied, saved, shared, and re-shared before any sort of government intervention could stop them. Creswell and Haykel (2015) reveal that jihadists were running a massive, secret network of social media websites and fake accounts that could be rapidly assembled and dissembled by hackers. The effects of social media and technology on modern jihadist culture are easy to understand, but challenging to measure in scope and reach. Just as easily as videos of Islamic 14 State propaganda or poetry can be shared, so too can stories of coalition force atrocities in Afghanistan and Iraq. This has put strategists in a unique position, where it is nearly impossible to control the narrative. Unfortunately, the story that breaks first is still the one that is liked and shared the most, even if the truth comes out after. Effects of Western Culture on Jihad. Rapid globalization, including the widespread diffusion of the internet and technology into the Middle East in the last two decades has continued to foment jihadist hatred for the West. Personal conversations with multiple Muslims in Iraq and Afghanistan revealed that the decadence, lavish richness, and sinful lifestyles portrayed by Western movies and media served to fuel the fires of disdain among the pious Salafi-jihadists. Additionally, Muslim men living in Western nations following the attacks on the World Trade Center were ostracized and feared by society, often leading them to an eventual radicalization process. Being denied a peaceful coexistence because of continued Western misperception, caused many young Muslims to become angry and seek community and brotherhood among other Muslims experiencing the same problems. Venhaus (2010) notes that out of the over 2,000 captured jihadists interviewed, more than 30 per cent of them sought al-Qaeda because they were angry. Under the tutelage of local al-Qaeda mentors, the frustrations of these young men were then turned upon their neighbors through careful instruction and manipulation. They were taught to see the West as the enemy of Islam, with hundreds of the ummah being harmed by their military coalitions in Afghanistan and Iraq each day. They were instructed in the ways of the pious ones who came before them, inspiring them to turn from the sinfulness of their Western neighbors and take pride in their newfound self-discipline and righteousness in the eyes of Allah. Eventually, many of these young men would travel to their 15 ancestral homelands to join the struggle, or conduct terrorist attacks on their own Western communities. Analysis A Unique Challenge Given the litany of reasons one might join jihad, the incredibly complex cultural and social environment, and the fluidity of the modern jihadist movement, how can the United States begin to contain this problem? The reasons one individual might join a jihadist cause are as various and sundry as why one might choose to join any movement or profession over another. As Nilsson (2019) and Venhaus (2010) have detailed, there appears to be no singular marker: one could be an extremely religious or a passive Muslim, rich or poor, single or married with a family, have a completely stable social life or be isolated with no friends. Jihadists can be from any country, any walk of life, and usually do not widely broadcast their intentions prior to taking part in acts of violence for the cause of Islam. It is because of the near-impossibility of clearly identifying a pattern of distinguishable cultural markers that make it such a challenge for the United States government and its allies to address the threat of jihad. Targeting an individual before they become a jihadist or before they commit a terrorist act has been one of the most formidable challenges of our time for military and law enforcement professionals alike. Usually, the much simpler job is finding a jihadist who has allowed their communications discipline to slip before an act, or catching them in a pitched battle on foreign soil. In order to protect citizens of the West and East alike against jihadists' aims, the United States Government must be prepared to confront, contain, and counter the jihadist narrative "left of bang," before an attack occurs. 16 The Global War on Terrorism: Taking the Fight to the Jihadists. In the months that followed September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush deployed Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) paramilitary officers and US Special Operations Forces (SOF) to find, fix, and finish pockets of al-Qaeda militants being harbored by the Taliban in Afghanistan. A fierce campaign of relentless aerial bombardment and mounted assaults by the forces of the Afghan Northern Alliance led to a swift and decisive defeat of al-Qaeda and the Taliban. With Kabul and Kandahar in allied hands, and an interim government established under the leadership of the Pashtun Hamid Karzai, the future of a free and prosperous Afghanistan seemed assured, but what came to be known as The Long War had only just begun. Trillions of dollars, thousands of lives, and 19 years later, the United States and its allies have been forced to the negotiating table with the Salafi-jihadist Taliban. Likewise, after Saddam Hussein's continued disregard for international law, threats against the United States, and open violence against his own people, the administration of President Bush decided again to pursue a military option. Much like Afghanistan, the coalition was led by CIA operatives and SOF operators, coordinating airstrikes on key positions in a tactical display of American firepower affectionately titled Shock and Awe. However, unlike Afghanistan, a massive conventional invasion followed the bombing campaign, bent on toppling the Baathist regime and finding Saddam's chemical weapons stockpiles. What followed was a series of policy failures, leading to a steady influx of jihadists partnering with local insurgents seeking to oust the foreign invaders and protect the ummah from the atrocities of the kuffar. In my professional opinion, Iraq is still recovering from the decade-long military occupation, cleaning up the destruction left by the Islamic State, and on the brink of civil war due to concerns about being an Iranian puppet state. 17 Ineffective Military Methods to Combat Jihad Operation Iraqi Freedom. During my first combat rotation as an Infantryman in the Triangle of Death in southern Iraq in 2005-2006, I experienced the initial rumblings of a civil war between the Sunni and Shia Muslims in Iraq, each wrestling for power in a post-Saddam world. I was also witness to the inundation of foreign jihadists, joining the ranks of al-Qaeda in Iraq under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who at times headquartered in my area of operations. As I analyze our highly-kinetic and aggressive initial campaigns years later, I can see that the coalition's fight, first against Saddam, then against al-Qaeda, only bolstered jihadist motivation. In being a foreign invader, we inadvertently created a jihadist resistance movement, bent on the removal of their occupiers. Kilcullen (2010) explains this dilemma by explaining that focusing on the wrong metrics in a fight against insurgents can be deceptive: If you kill 20 insurgents, they may have 40 relatives who are now in a blood feud with your unit and are compelled to take revenge. Again in 2007-2008, I was deployed to Iraq as an Infantry squad leader to the sacred city of Khadimiyah in Northwest Baghadad. This was during the famous troop surge, meant to fix the ongoing problems with stability throughout the country. Being in the home of the beautiful Shrine of the Seventh Imam, it was a predominantly Shia area. Over the course of 15 months, my unit fought several engagements against Iranian-backed Shia militias and worked on project after project to strengthen local civil infrastructure, all while maintaining the utmost discretion against damaging homes or creating civilian casualties. Yet again, although we had conducted a nearly perfect counterinsurgency fight, it seemed that Kilcullen's insurgent math still applied: Fighting the jihadists only served to create more unrest within the population, no matter if we were restoring essential services and reducing damage to homes or not. 18 Operation Enduring Freedom. Nearly a decade after the fall of al-Qaeda and its Taliban hosts, I was deployed to the mountains of Afghanistan from 2010-2011. Stationed along the Arghandab River, just north of Kandahar, we were in the heart of the Pashtun Taliban. Again, the same story remained true: We fought the Taliban jihadists almost daily, but could not seem to win over the true key terrain in a counterinsurgency fight: The hearts and minds of the people. The Taliban would harass our unit's base of operations with a few pop shots as we called them, which would unleash a massive response in firepower and resources. Thousands of rounds of machine gun ammunition would be fired into the farm fields surrounding our Combat Out Post (COP), squads would be sent in pursuit of the attackers, and helicopters would spend hours scouring the terrain in an attempt to heap justice on the insurgents. This massive effort against so few served to erode the unit's motivation, exhaust our supplies, and alienate the civilian population whose homes and fields had been damaged in the process. Reflections on Personal Combat Experience. After years of combat experience and deeply studying Muslim culture, I can now see how the mistakes the coalitions made early-on in both operations only fueled the fires of insurgency, resistance to foreign occupiers, and generalized hatred for the West. Porch (2013) argues brilliantly that US counterinsurgency doctrine made the same mistake as its imperialistic predecessors of centuries before: Believing that military action was a proper vehicle for providing Middle Easterners with Western values, as well as a foundation for governance, social programs, and economic transformation in a region. This became evident in my own experience, realizing that no matter what sort of social, infrastructure, or economic programs ran alongside our military efforts, the people of both Afghanistan and Iraq felt the enormous social weight of being occupied by a foreign power, rendering these efforts nearly ineffectual. On the contrary, local and foreign jihadist movements 19 capitalized on each and every mistake of coalition forces, increasing their recruitment and resolve against the West. Though our military may have been winning every major battle against the jihadists, our policy makers and field commanders made the fundamental mistake of believing that these non-Western nations lived in some sort of time-warp, in which the adoption of Western democracy, rule of law, and capitalism would allow them to thrive as a nation (Porch). Effective Military Methods to Combat Jihad Surgical Strike and Precision Targeting. A unique feature of the Global War on Terrorism was the US military's continued perfection of covert strike operations with surgical precision deep into enemy safe havens. This was put on display in the rout of al-Qaeda by CIA and SOF in Afghanistan, in the kill/capture missions against the Baathists in the deck of cards in Iraq, and later in the killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan and Sheik Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in Iraq. Having the ability to appear out of nowhere in the middle of the night, kill or capture an intended target with zero damage to infrastructure or civilian casualties, and leave within minutes of arrival struck fear into the hearts and minds of jihadists across the globe. The success and efficacy of this type of operation was acknowledged in the 2015 National Military Strategy, which stated: "The best way to counter VEOs [violent extremist organizations] is by way of.military strengths such as ISR, precision strike [emphasis added], training, and logistical support" (p.11). Likewise, President Obama's massive expansion of the use of drones, which could watch individuals for days and execute a precise strike that only touched the intended target, has continued to sow fear and deny jihadists' freedom of maneuver on a global scale. The US military and its allies have only continued to master these types of operations throughout the 20 fights in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and other locations. The jihadists know this, and realize that one wrong move at any time could mean disaster. Security Cooperation. An additional theme that has spelled the end for jihadists throughout the globe has been the training, advising, and equipping of security forces and partners within Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and other nations. Enabling the host-nation military to handle jihadist movements on their own helps the United States military work itself out of a job. US Army Special Forces are uniquely suited to accomplish this mission: With specialized training, language capability, and cultural understanding, they are able to train foreign security forces through a variety of Principle Tasks. These tasks include Foreign Internal Defense, which focuses on a holistic approach to internal security and protection of citizens against lawlessness and insurgency, and Security Force Assistance, which can be focused internally or externally against threats to a nation's stability and security. The success of these mission sets was evident in 2014, during my own experience with the Afghan Commando Kandaks' continued fight against the Taliban and in closely following the Iraqi Counterterrorism Service's efforts against the Islamic State. Both of these forces, built from the ground-up by US Army Special Forces have continually fortified weak conventional military force operations against jihadist groups in their respective nations. Muslim Youth Efforts Against Jihad Globalization, though it has been proven to bolster the jihadists' narrative against the West, has also been beneficial to the movement against jihad itself. Because youth of the world have access to technology that allows them to see the atrocities and lies associated with global jihadist organizations, they are beginning to turn the tide. During the Islamic State's rise to power in Iraq and Syria, Muslim youth from across Europe travelled to join the jihadists in their 21 fight against the West. However, groups of Muslim youth also spoke up to counter this narrative. In 2015 the Muslim Youth League, an anti-Islamic State cultural movement, declared a holy war against all extremist organizations (Dearden, 2015). The group called on all Muslims to stand united against those who have hijacked Islam and misrepresented the faith. Through engagement work in schools and communities, as well as a robust online campaign, the Muslim Youth League is fighting back against jihadist propaganda that bids young Muslims join the Islamic State and other extremist groups (Dearden). Since the time of this publication, the Muslim Youth League has spread to several countries throughout the Middle East, Asia, and Europe, each with their own social media presence, outreach programs, community events, and websites. Local Government Efforts Against Jihad In the years following the Islamic State's spread across Iraq and Syria, the United Kingdom has developed a robust strategy to help at-risk Muslims avoid the radicalization process. The program itself is called Contest, and includes four distinct categories: Prevent, Prepare, Protect, and Pursue (British Broadcasting Corporation [BBC], 2017). Police departments and social organizations have built relationships with doctors, faith leaders, teachers and others, who are required to report suspicious persons to the proper authorities. In response to these reporting requirements and recommendations, over 7,500 reports were filed between 2015-2016, with one in 10 being actionable intelligence for government and police forces (BBC). In 2015 alone, over 150 people, including 50 children, were kept from traveling to conflict zones in Iraq and Syria (BBC). The strategy has of course drawn criticism, for fear that it will further alienate Muslims from their local communities, but it presents as an excellent plan of action for identifying individuals who are at risk beyond just using traditional signals intelligence and 22 surveillance techniques. It does more than just target the individual, it also seeks to reform them through education, outreach, and community programs. Counterarguments You Can Kill an Idea. I have heard the opinion throughout my time in the military that jihad and the idea of Islamic supremacy can be completely eradicated. The example most often given is that Nazism, including the idea that the Aryan race was superior to all others, was effectively destroyed by a global military campaign. This argument is weak. The Nazis represented a very small portion of German culture, including among those serving in the military, so it was relatively easy to contain once there was an overwhelming military victory by the Allies. However, although the German Army of the 1940s was defeated militarily, the idea of white supremacy lives on in small social groups throughout the world to this day. The Ongoing Taliban Peace Talks. I have colleagues throughout the military who are convinced that the current negotiations with the Taliban are a key indicator of success in our two decades at war against the Salafi-jihadist group. The issue with this is that temporary cease fires have already been violated several times, leading one to believe that the strategic level leadership's messages are simply not reaching their subordinates or that local factions are not adhering to the agreement. Trusting that radical Muslim extremists will not allow Afghanistan to become a future safe haven for other jihadists, as it has in the past, is simply unrealistic. Believing some sort of quasi peace deal is going to miraculously pacify an organization that hates everything the West stands for is misguided. My own experiences throughout the Middle East have proven that the spirit of jihad and hatred will live on in Afghanistan. The Islamic State is Nearly Defeated. Multiple global media outlets continue to run stories about the dismantling of the Islamic State, as though the battle is won. Though Sheik Abu 23 Bakr al-Baghdadi has been killed, and the proposed Islamic caliphate was never fully realized, it would be naïve to think that the Islamic State's jihad is over. The movement will metastasize and take on new forms in other parts of the globe: It is already happening. Jihadists are continually leaving the battlefields of Iraq and Syria, headed back to their former homes in mainland Europe. As these individuals reenter the diaspora, the concern is that they will radicalize other individuals and conduct terrorist attacks within the continent. Conclusion The reasons an individual seeks to join a jihadist movement are deeply rooted in personal social dynamics, the security situation of their country, and a multitude of other religious, cultural, and economic factors. I agree with Venhaus (2010) and Gorka (2016) who assert that there is no singular military operation or strategy that can bring about a decisive victory against something so intangible as why one might join the modern jihadist movement. Use of the US military as a vehicle for the establishment of Western democracy and nation-building efforts in tribal nations like Afghanistan and Iraq only served to invigorate the jihadists' call to arms. Jihad is not something that can be eradicated completely by military force. Jihad must be confronted, contained, and countered through a comprehensive approach that empowers state and non-state actors to develop local solutions and directs expeditious military applications only where completely necessary. Recommendations Promote and Protect the Muslim Youth Leagues In order to truly create a cultural paradigm shift in Muslim youth at risk of radicalization, groups like the Muslim Youth League (BBC, 2017) should be promoted by governments worldwide as a bastion of true and peaceful Islam. While they should no doubt be supported, 24 governments must also protect these organizations from becoming targets for violent acts of terrorism or influence operations by jihadists. Through a combination of deep cultural understanding and positive messaging, the Muslim Youth League has already shown its effectiveness in the United Kingdom and beyond. Because the youth of each nation understand the social pressures and cultural influences that may lead one to seek jihad, they can effectively develop tailored, local solutions to persuade at-risk individuals. The Muslim Youth Leagues are on the front lines of countering the jihadist worldview, taking a stand and declaring war on jihad and its misrepresentations of Islam. Enable Local Solutions for Local Problems This should be accomplished through unified government action that involves all the United States' instruments of national power including diplomacy, information sharing, military action where necessary, and economic stimulus as needed. The specific issue with efforts like these, is that they cannot be accomplished during what is perceived by locals as a military occupation. This was proven true in Afghanistan and later in Iraq. Despite massive efforts to rebuild infrastructure, aid in agricultural processes, build schools, and organize community projects, the United States and its allies were still viewed as pushing Western values and democracy on nations through military occupation. As much as possible, we must limit our military presence in areas that are ripe for developing a jihadist movement, or in ones that are recovering. I have seen firsthand that government efforts against jihadist organizations or at-risk communities have often been fragmented, poorly staffed, and uncoordinated. Venhaus (2010) suggests the creation of an agency that is staffed, trained, funded, enabled, and equipped for strategic communications, calling it the United States Strategic Communications Agency. An 25 agency like this could ensure that a comprehensive national communications strategy is developed and achieved, with a focus on enabling local community efforts to counter the jihadist narrative. By promoting social outreach, religious education, and community programs, this agency could bolster the efforts of community leaders and stifle jihadist aims in their areas. Support Religious Education and Reintegration Reintegration programs in Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Singapore and elsewhere have successfully rehabilitated former jihadists through religious education (Venhaus, 2010). Countering the apocalyptic world view of jihadist groups like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State requires local religious leaders who understand their community's issues to band together and refute the extremist narrative. Through careful, patient, and individually-tailored instruction, Muslim religious leaders can invalidate each and every one of the extremists' claims. Individuals who turn to jihad are often seeking this type of direction, they just find it in the wrong places. Counter Threats with Tailored Military Force Packages Continued themes among the military failures in counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations during the early years of the Global War on Terrorism are indiscriminate use of force, lack of cultural understanding, and hyper-focus on tactical gains while failing at the strategic level. US government nation-building efforts on the backs of the military cost our country trillions of dollars, thousands of lives, and years of frustration, bogged-down in an endless quagmire of misunderstanding. US Army Special Forces are selected, trained, equipped, and enabled to clandestinely handle complex problem sets in denied or politically-sensitive environments. Each Special Forces Group is regionally-aligned, with Operational Detachments developing deep cultural understanding through Area Studies and continuous relationship-building with regional state and 26 non-state actors. Special Forces operators understand the complex cultural and security situations in their areas of responsibility and have the language capability and strategic understanding to operate with complete independence of outside support. Frankly, if given the authority and autonomy to do their jobs, Special Forces can coerce, disrupt, or overthrow jihadist organizations unilaterally, or train, advise, and equip foreign security forces to accomplish this task on their own. This can all be done independent of a large, slow, and expensive conventional military occupation. Organizations like al-Qaeda must be kept in a state of constant fear and uncertainty. US Special Operations Forces are uniquely suited to this task. Through structured, rapid application of military force, SOF can find, fix, and finish intended targets with surgical precision. This has proven true in the capture of Saddam Hussein and the elimination of Osama bin Laden and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, among numerous other targets throughout the Global War on Terrorism. Continuing to deny safe havens through short, precise applications of combat power is crucial and does not rely on a conventional military occupation of the target area. Operations such as these, characterized by discriminate use of force and strategic impact, should be the main avenue for denying the relative safety, security, and freedom of maneuver of jihadist organizations. 27 References British Broadcasting Corporation (2017, June 4). Reality check: What is the prevent strategy? Reality Check. https://www.bbc.com/news/election-2017-40151991. Creswell, R., & Haykel, B. (2015, June 1). Battle lines: Want to understand the jihadis? Read their poetry. The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2015/06/08/battle-lines-jihad-creswell-and-haykel. Dearden, L. (2015, March 21). Young British Muslims declare own jihad against ISIS and other terrorists who 'hijack' Islam. Independent. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/young-british-muslims-declare-own-jihad-against-isis-and-other-terrorists-who-hijack-islam-10146534.html. Dempsey, M. (2015). The national military strategy of the United States of America 2015: The United States military's contribution to national security. The Joint Staff. https://www.jcs.mil/Portals/36/Documents/Publications/UNCLASS_2018_National_Military_Strategy_Description.pdf. Gall, C. (2020, January 31). From armed struggle to peaceful protest, a road still to travel: A veteran of the Afghan jihad working for nonviolent change in Algeria. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/31/world/middleeast/from-armed-struggle-to-peaceful-protest-a-road-still-to-travel.html. Gorka, S. L. (2016). Defeating jihad: The winnable war. Regnery Publishing. Kilcullen, D. J. (2010). Counterinsurgency. Oxford University Press. Nilsson, M. (2019, 18 June) Motivations for jihad and cognitive dissonance: A qualitative analysis of former Swedish jihadists. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2019.1626091. 28 Porch, D. (2013). Counterinsurgency: Exposing the myths of the new way of war. Cambridge University Press. Qur'an (M. Ali, Trans.; 7th ed.) (2015). Islam International Publications. (Original work published ca. 1537). Venhaus, J. (2010). Why youth join al-Qaeda. Special Report, 236(1), 1-12. https://www.usip. org/sites/default/files/SR236Venhaus.pdf.

AMÉRICA LATINA Triunfo de la derecha en elecciones en Honduras. Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2013/12/03/honduras-le-tribunal-electoral-va-recompter-les-proces-verbaux_3524291_3222.htmlhttp://www.cnn.com/2013/11/30/world/americas/honduras-elections/index.htmlhttp://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-25196157http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1642009-hernandez-se-impone-en-honduras-pero-los-zelaya-denuncian-fraudehttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/manuel-zelaya-llama-a-honduras-a-protestar-por-elecciones_13233235-4http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/juan-orlando-hernndez-ganador-de-elecciones-en-honduras-tribunal-electoral_13229000-4http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1642336-confirman-el-triunfo-de-la-derecha-en-hondurashttp://www.cnn.com/2013/11/27/world/americas/honduras-presidential-election/index.html Peña Nieto, entre las reformas y las inercias de México. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/11/30/actualidad/1385787588_689042.htmlhttp://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-25180472http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/11/28/actualidad/1385668708_568949.html Ortega se topa con la Iglesia en Nicaragua. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/11/28/actualidad/1385664030_979193.html Maduro intensifica 'guerra económica' en Venezuela. Para más información:http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-25196223http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/03/actualidad/1386034079_705347.htmlhttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/bajaran-el-precio-de-los-carros-en-venezuela-_13248154-4http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1644020-en-barinas-la-cuna-del-chavismo-la-oposicion-busca-dar-el-golpehttp://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2013/12/03/le-gouvernement-venezuelien-veut-fixer-le-prix-des-voitures_3524335_3222.html Venezuela es el país más corrupto de América Latina. Para más información:http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2013/venezuela-transparencia-ti-970090.html Paraguayos se levantan contra la corrupción. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/paraguayos-se-levantan-contra-la-corrupcin_13245395-4 Nicaragua da vía libre a Estados Unidos y Rusia para patrullar en el Caribe. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/nicaragua-autoriza-ingreso-de-naves-de-estados-unidos-y-rusia_13224495-4 54 cadáveres son encontrados en fosa común en México. Para más información:http://www.cnn.com/2013/11/27/world/americas/mexico-mass-graves/index.html Cuba se queda sin banco en Estados Unidos. Para más información:http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2013/11/27/21642809-cuba-travel-threatened-by-us-bank-dilemma?litehttp://www.cnn.com/2013/11/26/world/americas/cuba-us-consular-services/index.htmlhttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/cuba-sin-banco-en-ee-uu_13233236-4 Mueren 30 inmigrantes haitianos al naufragar embarcación en Bahamas. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/muerte-de-inmigrantes-en-naufragio-de-embarcacin-en-bahamas_13225236-4 Alarma en Río: aumenta apresuradamente el número de personas sin techo. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1643496-alarma-en-rio-aumenta-rapidamente-el-numero-de-personas-sin-techo Michelle Bachelet adelanta complejo escenario para el próximo gobierno. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/01/actualidad/1385922610_677978.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2013/12/03/chili-levee-partielle-d _3524309_3222.htmlhttp://www.emol.com/noticias/nacional/2013/12/02/632821/michelle-bachelet-adelanta-complejo-escenario-para-el-proximo-gobierno.html Refuerzan la seguridad en las playas de Río de Janeiro tras una ola de asaltos. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1642187-refuerzan-la-seguridad-en-las-playas-de-rio-de-janeiro-tras-una-ola-de-asaltos Las negociaciones con la FARC, cuestión fundamental para posible reelección en Colombia. Para más información:http://www.cnn.com/2013/11/21/world/americas/colombia-santos-re-election/index.html Piñera advierte sobre "cuchillos largos" en Chile tras elección. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/pinera-advierte-sobre-cuchillos-largos-en-la-derecha-chilena-tras-eleccion_13246515-4 Colapso en estadio mundialista brasileño mata a dos personas. Para más información:http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2013/11/27/21643011-brazil-world-cup-soccer-stadium-collapse-kills-two-people?lite ESTADOS UNIDOS /CANADÁ Descarrilamiento en Nueva York deja cuatro muertos y decenas de heridos. Para más información:http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-25194804http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1643883-descarrilamiento-en-nueva-york-el-gobernador-apunta-a-un-exceso-de-velocidadhttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/descarrilamiento-de-tren-en-nueva-york_13243796-4http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/02/actualidad/1385999520_092965.html Volvió Obama con jugadas audaces. Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2013/12/02/la-californie-espoir-de-l-obamacare_3523838_3222.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1641838-volvio-el-obama-de-las-jugadas-audaceshttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/la-apuesta-pacifista-de-barack-obama_13243037-4 Estados Unidos y Japón desafían a China: naves militares y civiles volaron sobre una zona de defensa. Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2013/12/03/les-etats-unis-profondement-preoccupes-par-la-zone-aerienne-chinoise_3524320_3222.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1642711-eeuu-y-japon-desafian-a-chinahttp://security.blogs.cnn.com/2013/12/02/u-s-navy-deploys-new-reconnaissance-planes-to-japan/?hpt=hp_t3&hpt=ias_c2http://www.cnn.com/2013/12/02/world/asia/japan-china-us-tensions/index.html?hpt=ias_c2http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-25180811 Estados Unidos se dispone a asumir todo el peso de destruir los arsenales químicos sirios. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/01/actualidad/1385924798_486857.html Estados Unidos se moviliza para liberar estadounidense en cárcel cubana. Para más información:http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2013-12/03/content_17147606. Obama apuesta por Hillary y le prepara el terreno para 2016. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1643500-obama-apuesta-por-hillary-y-le-prepara-el-terreno-para-2016 Estados Unidos apoya el proceso de paz, pero seguirá persiguiendo a las FARC. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/estados-unidos-reitero-que-apoya-firmemente-el-proceso-de-paz-_13247270-4 Sargento a juicio por red de prostitución en Estados Unidos. Para más información:http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2013/sargento-a-juicio-por-red-de-prostitucion-en-eu-970096.html EUROPA Ucrania al borde de otra revolución por el alejamiento de la Unión Europea. Para más información:http://www.cnn.com/2013/12/02/world/europe/ukraine-protests/index.html?hpt=ieu_c1http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2013/12/02/les-visages-de-la-contestation-en-ukraine_3524061_3214.htmlhttp://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2013/12/02/21714289-pro-west-protesters-besiege-ukraines-seat-of-power?litehttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1644029-acorralado-por-las-protestas-europeistas-el-gobierno-de-ucrania-denuncia-un-golpehttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/anlisis-de-las-presiones-rusas_13245419-4http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/02/actualidad/1386016704_617519.htmlhttp://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-25196907http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/02/actualidad/1385975707_863477.htmlhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2013-12/03/content_17147888.htm Merkel pactó otro gobierno con una agenda más social y afianza su alianza con la social democracia. Para más información:http://www.cnn.com/2013/11/27/world/europe/germany-coalition/index.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1642430-angela-merkel-formara-una-gran-coalicion-con-la-centroizquierdahttp://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/01/actualidad/1385922762_459228.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1642598-cameron-duro-contra-la-inmigracion David Cameron arremete contra los inmigrantes. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/david-cameron-arremete-contra-los-inmigrantes_13237738-4 Portugal refuerza la supervisión de sus 950 kilómetros de costa. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/02/actualidad/1385992907_544398.html Grecia: neonazis exigen frente al Parlamento la liberación de sus líderes. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1643457-grecia-neonazis-exigen-frente-al-parlamento-la-liberacion-de-sus-lideres Angela Merkel fue espiada por los servicios secretos de cinco países. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/espionaje-a-angela-merkel_13219037-4 Helicóptero cae encima de un pub en Glasgow . Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/cae-helicptero-en-escocia_13236212-4http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1643497-escocia-la-caida-de-un-helicoptero-sobre-un-pub-dejo-8-muertos Colapso de centro comercial en Lituania deja decenas de heridos. Para más información:http://www.cnn.com/2013/11/27/world/europe/latvia-roof-collapse-resignation/index.html Gobierno escocés presentó una guía para separarse de Gran Bretaña en 2016. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1642338-escocia-lanzo-su-plan-para-la-independencia Putin promulga una ley que prohíbe la publicidad del aborto. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/putin-promulga-una-ley-que-prohbe-la-publicidad-del-aborto_13221055-4 Gobierno de Croacia realiza presión para permitir la unión civil entre individuos del mismo sexo. Para más información:http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-25172778http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/03/world/europe/croatian-government-to-pursue-law-allowing-civil-unions-for-gay-couples.html?ref=world La policía francesa usa en Lyon gases lacrimógenos contra niños rumanos. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/02/actualidad/1385989760_645317.html Un incendio en un taller textil revela la esclavitud de los chinos en Italia. Para más información:http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2013/12/02/21714872-deadly-factory-fire-highlights-near-slavery-conditions-in-italy?litehttp://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/02/actualidad/1386018190_636332.html Berlusconi fue expulsado del Parlamento. Para más información:http://www.cnn.com/2013/11/27/world/europe/italy-berlusconi/index.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1642634-fin-de-una-era-en-italia-berlusconi-fue-expulsado-del-parlamento Berlusconi enfrentaría más cargos por el caso 'Ruby'. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/justicia-italiana-acusara-con-dos-nuevos-cargos-a-silvio-berlusconi_13237739-4 Europa da un vuelco a su imagen exterior y negocia con Irán. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/11/30/actualidad/1385833393_695763.html Refugiados de la guerra en Siria se asoman en el escenario europeo. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/30/world/middleeast/out-of-syria-into-a-european-maze.html?ref=world Papa Francisco se reúne con Netanyahu. Para más información:http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-25191175http://www.cnn.com/2013/12/02/world/europe/pope-netanyahu/index.html?hpt=ieu_c2 ASIA- PACÍFICO/ MEDIO ORIENTE Continúa la violencia extrema en Siria. Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2013/12/02/crimes-de-guerre-en-syrie-des-preuves-pointent-vers-bachar-al-assad_3523997_3218.htmlhttp://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/02/actualidad/1386001878_501681.htmlhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2013-12/03/content_17146977.htmhttp://www.cnn.com/2013/12/02/world/meast/syria-damascus-suburb-pleitgen/index.html?hpt=imi_c2http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-25189834http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-25167053http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2013/12/02/21720317-un-evidence-on-syria-war-http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1644031-acusan-a-al-assad-de-crimenes-de-guerracrimes-implicates-assad?litehttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/crimenes-de-guerra-en-siria_13246487-4http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2013/11/30/21686393-us-to-destroy-syrias-chemicals-at-sea-weapons-watchdog-says?lite Más de 11.000 niños han muerto en conflicto sirio. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/asia/11000-nios-han-muerto-en-conflicto-sirio_13219438-4 Tensión en Tailandia por violentas protestas.http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2013/12/03/thailande-intervention-des-etats-unis-pour-appeler-au-dialogue_3524293_3216.htmlhttp://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-25190314http://www.cnn.com/2013/12/03/world/asia/thailand-protests/index.html?hpt=ias_c1http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/02/actualidad/1385986444_892199.htmlhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2013-12/03/content_17146614.htmhttp://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2013/manifestantes-entran-en-la-sede-de-gobierno-en-tailandia-970094.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/video/2013/12/02/gaz-lacrymogenes-contre-bulldozer-lors-d-affrontements-en-thailande_3524013_3216.html Histórico acuerdo: Irán aceptó limitar su programa nuclear. Para más información:http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-25194946http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1641836-historico-acuerdo-iran-acepto-limitar-su-programa-nuclearhttp://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/11/29/actualidad/1385751805_758156.html El vuelo de cazas chinos sobre las islas en disputa con Japón eleva la tensión en Asia. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/03/world/asia/chinese-leaders-rise-came-with-new-attention-to-dispute-with-japan.html?ref=worldhttp://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/11/29/actualidad/1385711461_838657.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1644033-el-mar-de-china-oriental-escenario-de-una-nueva-y-peligrosa-pulseada-por-el-poder-globalhttp://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/03/world/asia/biden-faces-delicate-two-step-in-asia-over-east-china-sea-dispute.html?ref=worldhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2013-12/02/content_17146368.htm Terremoto de 6.3 sacude a el Pacifico Sur. Para más información:http://www.cnn.com/2013/11/30/world/asia/indonesia-earthquake/index.html?hpt=ias_c2http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/oceania/un-terremoto-marino-de-65-grados-sacude-fiyi_13217195-4 Mujeres saudíes fueron detenidas por manejar automóviles. Para más información:http://www.cnn.com/2013/12/01/world/meast/saudi-arabia-female-drivers-detained/index.html?hpt=imi_c2 Evacuadas 18.000 personas en China por temor a explosión en oleoducto. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/asia/tragedia-por-explosin-de-oleoducto-en-china_13217295-4 La violencia vuelve a adueñarse de Irak y temen una guerra civil. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/03/world/middleeast/kurds-oil-deals-with-turkey-raise-fears-of-fissures-in-iraq.html?ref=world&_r=0http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2013/12/02/actualidad/1385977378_783831.htmlhttp://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/violencia-en-irak-34-muertos-en-atentados_13223707-4http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-25173722http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1642964-la-violencia-vuelve-a-aduenarse-de-irak-y-temen-una-guerra-civil Violencia en Afganistán. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/03/world/asia/attacks-rise-on-aid-workers-in-afghanistan.html?ref=worldhttp://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/03/world/asia/afghanistan-suicide-bombing-kills-4.html?ref=worldhttp://www.cnn.com/2013/12/02/world/asia/afghanistan-violence/index.html?hpt=ias_c2 Hong Kong en alerta por caso de fiebre H7N9. Para más información:http://www.cnn.com/2013/12/03/world/asia/hong-kong-h7n9-case/index.html?hpt=ias_c2http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-china-25181387 Gracias a la fiebre de consumo China es la nueva reina de las cibercompras. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1643502-gracias-a-la-fiebre-de-consumo-china-es-la-nueva-reina-de-las-cibercompras ÁFRICA Continúa la inestabilidad política en Egipto. Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2013/12/02/en-egypte-le-projet-de-constitution-maintient-de-larges-pouvoirs-a-l-armee_3523600_3212.htmlhttp://www.cnn.com/2013/12/02/world/meast/egypt-protests/index.html?hpt=iaf_c2http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-25183139 Crisis diplomática entre Egipto y Turquía: expulsado embajador turco. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/gobierno-egipcio-expulsa-al-embajador-de-turqua_13217216-4 Somalia es el país más corrupto del mundo. Para más información:http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2013/dinamarca-somalia-transparencia--970091.html Ataque de islamistas a base en Nigeria. Para más información:http://www.cnn.com/2013/12/02/world/africa/boko-haram-attack/index.html?hpt=iaf_c2http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2013/11/29/21677286-nigeria-more-than-50-islamist-insurgents-killed-in-airstrike?lite OTRAS NOTICIAS "The Economist" presenta su informe semanal Politics this week. Para más información:http://www.economist.com/news/world-week/21590971-politics-week?spc=scode&spv=xm&ah=9d7f7ab945510a56fa6d37c30b6f1709

1.- Ce livre de Jean-Fabien Spitz (1) parvient en Uruguay avec un certain retard. Ceci ne devrait pas surprendre les lecteurs compatriotes habitués à une certaine marginalité de notre marché et à des librairies peu vouées à la commercialisation de publications en langue française.Cependant, étant donné les caractéristiques du sujet et de son abordage, la publication ne souffre que très marginalement d´une éventuelle perte d´actualité –(celle-ci n´est perceptible qu´à niveau de la bibliographie)- car Spitz affronte dans son texte une problématique fort classique dont l´intérêt est permanent et la pertinence assurée.Le livre de Spitz épouse une structure montée sur une séquence historique des évolutions théoriques subies par les concepts politiques modernes qui sous-tendent la notion de "liberté". Partant de la question qui souligne l´importance de l´existence d´une version "institutionnelle" du Souverain dans tout système politique moderne, le texte suit un parcours relativement complexe à travers l´analyse d´auteurs tels que Paine, Rousseau, Sieyès, Rutherford, Hunton et Filmer pour déboucher, finalement, dans une perspective lockéenne, sur le débat du statut théorique des individus libres, à l' état de nature, c´est à dire, celui du "pré-contrat social" .Le noyau dur du texte de Spitz repose sur l´effort de revendiquer, simultanément, l´importance de l´individualisme moral le plus radical et la reconnaissance de l´existence d´une communauté (community) "de nature", préalable à toute association politique constituée dans le but d´instaurer un gouvernement.Contre toute lecture "hobbesienne" de Locke, le texte de Spitz fouille le terrain escarpé des diverses théories relatives aux formes d´association des individus, moralement équipés de leur liberté et de leur rationalité, et "naturellement appelés" à agir en communautés, avant que la question du contrat spécifiquement politique se pose.2.- L´épisode, bien connu (2), du débordement du Parlement britannique pendant l´année 1716, qui prolongeât son mandat de 3 a 7 ans par simple voie législative, est prise par Spitz comme point de départ pour ouvrir le débat autour des difficultés posées par la distinction entre pouvoir législatif et pouvoir constituantdans un contexte historique où ce dernier n'est pas passé par une institutionnalisation écrite."Rights of man", de Thomas Paine, sera le texte élu par Spitz pour établir le point de départ théorique de son périple: ".T. Paine remarque à quel point celle-ci (une constitution) est impensable si l´on n´est pas en mesure de distinguer le peuple de son gouvernement, et de comprendre que le peuple n´a pas besoin du gouvernement pour exister en tant que peuple incorporé et en tant que société: il est antérieur au gouvernement, et il en est la cause. Pour penser l´idée de constitution… il faut être en mesure de penser la distinction entre la société et le gouvernement".(3)Mais cette distinction "…est une imposture et une illusion…" lorsque elle est fondée sur la fiction d´un hypothétique contrat passé entre le peuple et le gouvernement car, comme remarque judicieusement Paine, l´idée de ce contrat suppose la mise sur pied d´égalité d´un gouvernement qui serait doué d´une autonomie égale à celle du peuple dont il est théoriquement issu. Spitz signale avec précision que la problématique existe en tant que telle uniquement si l´on se place dans la perspective de l´établissement d´un gouvernement "limité" car, pour les théoriciens de la souveraineté (même républicaine) contractuelle au sens fort et radicalement déléguée par le peuple, le problème ne se pose pas de la même façon.Mais, pour la tradition théorique qui nous occupe dans ce texte et dont l´auteur est l´un des représentants français les plus en vue, le problème est décisif et les effets théoriques de la démarche lourds de conséquences. En effet, s' il est clair qu´une nette distinction entre le peuple et le gouvernement devient un besoin théorique insurmontable afin d´éviter la fiction d´un "contrat" qui mettrait "peuple" et "gouvernement" au même niveau, la solution implicite dans la démarche de Paine pose problème.Dans la foulée d´une constitution radicale du peuple, "préalable" à un contrat fondateur du gouvernement, on risque d´admettre dans "… une forme de rousseaunisme larvé…", un moment premier qui permet d´associer le peuple et de fonder la souveraineté, suivi d´un second moment, celui du contrat par lequel le peuple institue son gouvernement.Pour notre auteur cette démarche non seulement nous rapprocherait de Rousseau: en fait elle nous ramène d´une certaine manière, bien en arrière, à Hobbes (4) et le processus de constitution d´une souveraineté préalable à toute forme constitutionnelle et/ou gouvernementale fondé sur une "autorisation" que les individus libres et isolés, las de la guerre entre loups humains, décident d´octroyer à "un corps politique" devenu "souverain" et "supérieur à tout autre pouvoir".Un cheminement plus éclectique (qui souffre inévitablement d´une trop large "flexibilité théorique") sera suivi par Sieyès qui aura recours à l´idée de "nation" et qui pourrait permettre d´échapper au dilemme mis en lumière par les théories de Paine et de Hobbes. La nation de Sieyès ne sera pas "un corps constitué" préalable à l´instauration du politique, mais elle est plutôt la manière de désigner les éléments individuels qui serviront, plus tard, à former la volonté commune. Le détour est quelque peu gratuit mais Spitz arrive à redresser relativement l´argumentation quand il nous affirme qu´en fait, pour Sieyès, "la nation se forme par le seul droit naturel" (5) . Cette approche conserve l'avantage de partir de la référence à l´état de nature des individus (pas d´association politiquement constituée) tout en offrant la possibilité de concevoir ceux-ci autrement qu´en qualité d´un éparpillement anarchique d´atomes possessifs et belliqueux en état de guerre perpétuelle:Pas très loin de Sieyès, bien qu´historiquement antérieur, l´espagnol Suarez était parti lui, dans une approche assez similaire, vers l´idée d´une conception organiciste d´un "peuple"(6) , "universitas naturalis", libre de tout pouvoir politique commun mais muni du sens de la quête de la justice et du droit. "Ils (les individus) forment donc une société qui comporte du pouvoir politique en puissance, mais non pas en acte"(7) conclue Spitz. Autrement dit, la "nation" de Sieyès ressemble assez fortement au "peuple" de Suarez, du moins dans la mesure ou il évite la radicale solitude des états de nature hobbesien et rousseauiste, en admettant l´existence de quelques liens "naturels"(8) (et non pas politiques).Ce n´est certes pas un hasard si l´argument de Spitz commence par rappeler l´incident du débordement du Parlement britannique de l´année 1716. Aux yeux de notre auteur, l´originalité de Locke, qui serait précisément "aux fondements de la liberté moderne", réside dans l´obstination de Locke de refuser "…toute idée de souveraineté au Parlement…"(9) puisque ce dont il s´agit c´est non pas de limiter les pouvoirs de certaines institutions par le pouvoir d´autres institutions (10) (le scénario journalistique classique du législatif "populaire" luttant pour limiter un exécutif tendanciellement "autoritaire"), mais, bien plus radicalement, de limiter tous les pouvoirs "institués" par un pouvoir préalable "non-institué" formellement qui repose toujours (et en dépit de tout contrat) sur les individus libres."De même, Locke n´entend pas situer la question entre un peuple muni de lois dont il a besoin et l´instance chargée d´exécuter ces lois, mais bien entre un peuple dépourvu de toutes les lois et l´instance souveraine qui fait les lois et qui les exécute. C´est le législatif lui-même qu´il s´agit de limiter." (11)L´originalité de l´argumentation de Spitz à propos de ce qu´il désigne comme "l´innovation lockéenne" commence à devenir visible une fois que l´on conçoit les effets théoriques de cette idée de la limitation de tous les pouvoirs constitués, par le pouvoir constituant. En effet, dans cette ligne (plutôt : suivant cette logique.) c´est la remise en question de l´attribut fondamental traditionnel du pouvoir qui finit par être en jeu. Ce n'est ni le pouvoir législatif, ni le pouvoir exécutif, ni le peuple lui-même en tant qu´instance constituée qui ne peuvent prétendre à la souveraineté. Locke ne se limite pas "…à récuser toute souveraineté du roi, mais à récuser la souveraineté elle-même en tant que concept politique qui permettrait de définir la nature du pouvoir du peuple lui-même. Il la récuse à la fois entre les mains du roi, entre celles du Parlement, mais aussi entre celles du peuple en tant qu´entité légale incorporée, et il ne la reconnait qu´au peuple constituant, ou à l´ensemble discret que forment les raisons individuelles invitées à interpréter par elles-mêmes (et de manière imprescriptible) ce qu´exige la loi de Dieu et de la nature."(12)C´est ici que l´on comprend plus clairement les efforts menés par Spitz dans son texte pour articuler une relecture non monarchomane de la vieille tradition du "droit de résistance" à l´idée du "gouvernement limité" qui adjuge à l´œuvre politique lockéenne une cohérence que l´on a parfois remise en question.Il n´est pas moins vrai que, si l´on laisse de coté la "tentation" de la lecture hobbesienne de Locke, le travail de Jean-Fabien Spitz redécouvre le noyau dur de la pensée libérale moderne qui n´est vraiment localisable que chez Locke: l´idée de la prééminence absolue d´ "…une communauté morale, un peuple ou une "société´" composée de créatures distinctes et non-hiérarchisées entre elles, mais également rationnelles et convergeant dans l´assertion de principes identiques de coopération entre des personnes libres et égales. C´est ce peuple comme communauté de personnes égales qui institue du pouvoir en acte et qui le limite."(13).(1) - Jean-Fabien Spitz, professeur à l´Université Paris I, Panthéon-Sorbonne, est auteur de plusieurs ouvrages. Notamment "La Liberté Politique. Essai de généalogie conceptuelle" (PUF, 1995), "L´amour de l´égalité" (PUF, 2000), "Le moment républicain en France" (Gallimard, 2005).(2) .- "L´Acte du Septennat" est le nom avec lequel cette épisode sera baptisé et son analyse permettra à Thomas Paine de conclure non seulement à son illégitimité mais aussi au fait que l´ Angleterre ne s´est jamais vraiment donnée de véritable Constitution.(3) .- Paine, Thomas, cité par Spitz, J. F., op. cit. p. 23.(4) .- Il a été souvent signalé, qu´au delà des apparences, l´appareillage conceptuel de Rousseau, son "bon sauvage" et sa "volonté générale", sont assez solidaires de la construction du "Léviathan". Norberto Bobbio l´a fort bien mis en relief dans un texte déjà largement connu. ("Quand Rousseau fait le reproche a Hobbes… d´avoir situé l´état de nature au début de l´histoire de l´humanité…il ne renonce pas, pour cela à l`une des thèses fondamentales du modèle (jusnaturaliste), celle selon laquelle la société politique nait comme antithèse (et non pas comme continuation) de l´état précédent." Bobbio, Norberto: "Thomas Hobbes", Ed. Paradigma, Barcelona, 1991, p. 22), En ce qui nous concerne, nous ne suivons pas la démarche de Spitz sur une filiation à la fois rousseauiste et hobbesienne de ce raisonnement car, à la différence de ce qui arrive dans le dispositif théorique de Rousseau, chez Hobbes il n´y a aucun moment de socialisation entre les individus (autre que la guerre) dans l´état de nature, préalable à l´autorisation ou "contrat" qui fonde la souveraineté de Léviathan. Ceci est d´autant plus clair que l´autorisation sera conçue comme "la somme des autorisations" des individus et en aucun cas, l´autorisation octroyée par un quelconque corps, même constitué de façon éphémère. Cf. Bonilla Saus, Javier: "Apuntes sobre el dispositivo teórico de Thomas Hobbes". Ed. FACS-ORT, Montevideo, 2006, pp. 11-13.(5) .- Spitz, J.F., op. cit. p. 30(6) - Et il n´est pas surprenant que ce soit avec Suarez que le mot "peuple" apparaisse à ce niveau car, en espagnol, le terme "pueblo" désigne bien plus une sorte de "communauté", plutôt locale, issue de l´association spontanée des individus que l´ensemble des citoyens comme dénote le terme "peuple" en français et même le "We the people" des nord-américains.(7) .- "Suarez distingue en effet explicitement deux concepts: d´une part la communauté en tant qu´elle est simplement un assemblage dont l´ossature n´est qu´en puissance, une simple société inchoative dans laquelle le pouvoir de gouvernement législatif et exécutif n´existe pas en acte; et d´autre part, la communauté pleinement constituée en un corps politique parfait, comportant ce même pouvoir d`une manière effective et achevée,", Spitz, J.F., op. cit. p. 47.(8) .- Il ne sera pas difficile de conclure en lisant de plus près, que, chez Suarez, ces liens préalables sont plus que naturels; ils sont des liens qui se forment comme effets de la volonté de Dieu.(9) .- Spitz, .J.F., op. cit. p. 290.(10) .- Ce qui est une formulation qui nous mène directement vers ce qui serait, en théorie, l´intention "générale" de "L´Esprit des Lois".(11) .- Spitz, J.F., op. cit. p. 290.(12) - Ibidem.(13) .- Spitz, J.F., op. cit. p. 265.

III) DIFFÉRENTES APPROCHES THEORIQUES DU MSTL´approche par les Nouveaux Mouvements Sociaux (NMS).Il paraît inconcevable à première vue, et en se basant sur la définition même des préceptes des NMS, de classer le MST parmi cette "nouvelle" catégorie de mouvements sociaux. Si une caractéristique des NMS semble générer le consensus parmi les critiques, c´est bien leur nature post-matérialiste. On assisterait alors à une espèce nouvelle d´organisation sociale présente uniquement dans les pays occidentaux et développés, là où la révolution silencieuse du changement des valeurs dont parlait Inglehart (1977) aurait conduit au dépassement des affrontements et préoccupations traditionnels des sociétés capitalistes industrialisées. Or, et en défendant cette thèse, il ne semble avoir rien de plus "matérialiste" que la lutte pour la terre, son partage et son utilisation. Le précepte fondateur du MST s´inscrit bien dans une dialectique marxiste d´exploitation et de rébellion des travailleurs opprimés face à une élite capitaliste. On est, certainement, bien loin des préoccupations post-matérielles.D´autres composantes des NMS ne se retrouvent pas non plus dans le MST. En particulier leur approche culturelle plus que politique. Le consensus général sur les NMS c´est qu´ils sont apolitiques, ou pré-politiques (Buechler, 1995 : 451) dans la mesure où leurs actions ne sont pas orientées à la modification des structures de pouvoir présentes dans la société ni à une lutte pour celui-ci. Pour Mellucci (1989), leur nature apolitique leur permettrait d´échapper aux formes de cooptation traditionnelles dont sont victimes les mouvements politiques dans toute étape de négociation et représentation. Dans ce sens, le MST, de par leur lutte pour la représentation et la négociation permanente avec les différentes autorités politiques pour la reconnaissance des droits des travailleurs sans terre, se positionne clairement comme un mouvement politique.Une autre caractéristique classique des NMS, quoique sujette aux critiques, serait l´importance réduite des loyautés de classe parmi ces nouveaux acteurs. Ces mouvements prétendent dépasser les anciennes divisions fondées sur la classe, la race, le genre ou autre facteur socio-structurel pour tendre à une conscience unique sur les nouveaux enjeux de la civilisation postmoderne (Buechler : 453, 1995). Dans la pratique, cette union sacrée des différents acteurs sociaux est loin d´être parfaite. Les NMS présentent tout de même un profil de classe relativement distinct, ce que l´on appelle la nouvelle classe moyenne. Pour Klaus Offe (1985) le support des NMS viendrait de la nouvelle classe moyenne, une partie de l´ancienne classe moyenne et de certains groupes "écartés" du marché du travail. Pour ce qui en est du MST, il parait évident qu´il s´agit d´un mouvement "à l´ancienne", où l´articulation du mouvement se fait justement sur une notion de classe traditionnelle, entre travailleurs et capitalistes, entre exploitants et exploités. La conscience de classe donne sa force et la raison d´être du MST.Néanmoins, certaines caractéristiques du MST, en particulier son organisation et certaines de ses méthodes d´action, pourraient parfaitement prendre leur place dans la définition des caractéristiques-type des NMS. Un important point de recoupement entre un NMS et le MST c´est leur structure organisationnelle. Pour Nelson Pichardo, les NMS s´organisent d´une façon fluide et non rigide pour éviter l´oligarchisation du mouvement, le leadership est changeant et ils votent de manière communale sur les différentes affaires (Pichardo, 1997 : 416). Leurs structures sont en conséquence moins hiérarchiques, plus souples et décentralisées. Le MST s´organise lui, d´une façon collégiale. Il n´y a ni président, ni secrétaire général, ni trésorier. L´organe décideur est le "Congrès National", élu tous les cinq ans. Il existe également différentes commissions exécutives par Etat (23). A l´intérieur des différents camps se créent des commissions d´administration et coordination des actions du mouvement. Les différentes communautés paysannes qui s´organisent pour l´occupation et l´exploitation de la terre ont une large autonomie de manœuvre par rapport aux orientations générales définies par le MST (Harnecker : 89, 2003), sous le principe que chaque communauté doit faire face à des réalités particulières et doit donc être capable de définir la voie qui s´ajuste le mieux à sa propre réalité. Il n´y a pas, en théorie, deux communautés identiques, mais toutes partagent certains traits caractéristiques qui affirment leur appartenance au MST (Stedile, 2003).Un dernier point de similitude entre le MST et un NMS c´est leur répertoire d´action. Le répertoire des NMS est divers et varié, caractérisé par des formes de participation et protestation non-traditionnelles1, disruptives et destinées à mobiliser l´opinion publique grâce à des coups spectaculaires et visibles (Pichardo, 1997 : 415) : Les marches, les mobilisations, les occupations, les sit-in, les détournements de convois, sont toutes des formes prééminentes d´expression des NMS. Le MST a lui aussi recours à des tactiques de mobilisation non-traditionnelles, deux en particulier: "occuper et camper". L´occupation peut revêtir plusieurs formes, il peut s´agir d´une occupation limitée, destinée à occuper un espace précis ou délimité, ou une occupation massive lorsque le mouvement réalise qu´il y a d´autres terrains adjacents qui peuvent aussi être occupés; s´ensuit alors un processus d´expansion par les occupants. Le MST s´engage aussi dans d´autres formes de mobilisation comme les marches et les manifestations pour tenter d´influencer le pouvoir politique et faire connaitre leurs revendications à l´opinion publique.Ainsi, s´il semble que l´on ne puisse en aucun cas cataloguer le MST dans la catégorie des NMS, on peut constater néanmoins que certaines caractéristiques des NMS, particulièrement les formes d´organisation et participation, sont transposables à d´autres mouvements comme le MST.La mobilisation par les ressourcesUne deuxième approche classique dans l´étude des mouvements sociaux c´est l´approche par les ressources. Contrairement aux premières théories de l´action individuelle ou les breakdown théories qui cherchaient à comprendre ce qui motive les individus à se mobiliser, l´approche par les ressources s´intéresse au comment et non au pourquoi de la mobilisation. Pour McCarthy et Zald (1977) la théorie de la mobilisation par les ressources met l´emphase sur les liens entre disponibilité de ressources, les structures organisationnelles du groupe ainsi que les stratégies d´action des groupes. Stratégies, ou répertoires, qui sont le produit des infrastructures en place et du développement historique des formes d´action.Une notion clé de la théorie des ressources est celle d´intégration verticale ou horizontale des groupes développée par Anthony Oberschall (1973). La dimension horizontale fait référence aux liens qui unissent les membres d´une même communauté entre eux, le niveau de cohésion, l´allégeance à des leaders ou à des référentiels communs. L´intégration verticale se réfère au niveau de stratification de la société en général et aux liens qui unissent les différents groupes entre eux. Une intégration verticale forte implique des divisions marquées des taches et un éloignement entre le centre et la périphérie. Un groupe est intégré lorsqu´il a accès aux autorités et peut raisonnablement faire valoir ses demandes. Un groupe est au contraire segmenté lorsqu´ il ne dispose pas de canaux réguliers et se trouve isolé par rapport au centre du pouvoir. Lorsque le groupe est fortement intégré horizontalement, mais segmenté au niveau vertical, le risque c´est de voir des mouvements de protestation qui auront recours à la force et à la violence alors que s´il est intégré verticalement, on assisterait à des luttes communautaires pour l´accès au pouvoir central.Les principales critiques que l´on puisse faire à la théorie des ressources sont, tout d´abord, la nature quasi-tautologique de la définition des ressources. En effet, il existe un consensus sur la définition de ressources, car est une ressource tout ce qui aide à la mobilisation, donc les ressources n´existeraient pas à priori mais à posteriori dans la mesure qu´elles aident ou non à la mobilisation. Une critique plus sérieuse c´est la faiblesse de la théorie pour résoudre la question de l´engagement individuel.Cette approche nous permet de considérer le MST sous un nouvel angle, celui de l´intégration horizontale et verticale. Sur le plan des liens communautaires, on peut avancer que le groupe est fortement intégré. Le moteur unificateur se trouve dans le partage d´un idéal commun et l´appartenance à une même classe sociale, celle des travailleurs sans terre, les laissés pour compte de la marche en avant, du progrès technologique et de l´accumulation capitaliste. Même si l´on a vu que le MST est composé d´une multitude de communautés éparpillées dans un pays immense et que chaque communauté dispose d´une marge de manœuvre relativement importante, toutes les communautés se réclament membres du mouvement. C´est par cette union et cette conscience collective que le MST peut revendiquer son rôle comme un acteur important dans la vie socio-économique du Brésil. Il ne s´agit pas ici d´une centaine de personnes mécontentes de leur sort, mais bien d´un mouvement qui mobilise de centaines de milliers de familles dans un but commun et avec un répertoire d´action similaire2.L´intégration verticale du MST est plus complexe. Certes le mouvement dispose de canaux légaux et des moyens de pression sur les autorités, il n´est pas moins vrai que le mouvement n´est pas parfaitement intégré à la société brésilienne, ses revendication ne sont pas partagées par une importante partie de la population et leurs actions se déroulent souvent dans l´illégalité, d´où l´importance de l´accès au pouvoir et d´une importante capacité de négociation pour éviter des situations violentes, assez courantes par le passé. L´incompréhension des uns et des autres conduit souvent à l´affrontement.On a vu que la définition de ressources peut être assez large. Parmi les ressources dont dispose le mouvement, et toujours selon la vision de que tout ce qui peut favoriser la mobilisation est une ressource, on peut en citer quelques unes. En premier lieu la taille même du mouvement est un atout non négligeable. Le nombre est parfois le meilleur moyen de pression et, qui plus est, le potentiel électoral des laissés pour compte dans un pays comme le Brésil, et il ne s´agit plus ici exclusivement du MST, est suffisamment important pour que l´establishment politique réfléchisse sérieusement avant d´attaquer frontalement le problème. Une deuxième ressource importante c´est le répertoire d´action développé par le MST : les stratégies d´occupation et de protestation ont évolué avec les ans pour être plus efficaces. Le mouvement conseille même juridiquement ses membres sur les meilleures options à suivre et toute une série de garde fous sont présents pour optimiser les résultats. On peut ou non être d´accord avec le mouvement et ce qu´il représente, mais une chose est certaine, ce n´est pas une meute affamée, comme certains ont pu penser, qui dévale les pentes en quête de pillage.La Structure des Opportunités Politiques (POS)Une dernière approche peut permette d´observer le MST sous une nouvelle perspective, celle de la structure des opportunités politiques. La POS tente d´expliquer la mobilisation par les conditions de l´environnement structurel qui vont conditionner les chances et les formes de mobilisation. La théorie se focalise aussi sur les facteurs culturels et symboliques qui affectent les perceptions de cet environnement.Un des premiers à travailler sur cette question fut Peter Eisinger (1973) lorsqu´il analysa le degré d´ouverture ou de fermeture d´un système politique pour expliquer les mouvements de protestation. Son principal apport est la découverte d´une relation curviligne entre ouverture-fermeture et niveau de protestation. Il conclut que lorsque un système est fermé (peu de possibilités d´accès pour les citoyens ordinaires et très faible implémentation et control des politiques publiques par les autorités), la protestation est quasi nulle (ou prend alors des formes très violentes). A mesure que le système s´ouvre, la protestation augmente car les individus voient des brèches dans le système et des espaces à prendre. A mesure que le degré d´ouverture augmente au delà d´un certain seuil, diminue la protestation car dans un système parfaitement ouvert les individus sont incorporés d´office dans la gestion des affaires (Eisinger, 1973:27).Kitschelt complétera cette approche en ajoutant une nouvelle dimension. Il ne se focalise plus uniquement sur la composante d´ouverture du système, mais également sur la capacité du système à donner des réponses aux demandes. Il s´agit donc d´un double processus ou il faut aussi bien analyser les inputs (l´ouverture du système) que les outputs (la réponse du système.). Pour évaluer le degré d´ouverture du régime politique l´auteur propose 4 indicateurs (Kitschelt, 1986 :63) : 1) Nombre de partis politiques et de groupes qu´articulent les demandes dans la cadre électoral. Plus ce nombre est important, plus il y a de chances que le système soit ouvert. 2) Le degré d´ouverture augmente avec la capacité du pouvoir législatif à élaborer et contrôler les politiques publiques avec indépendance du pouvoir exécutif. 3) Un système pluraliste est censé être plus ouvert que les systèmes corporatistes. 4) L´ouverture dépend en dernière instance de la capacité de formaliser les demandes à travers des coalitions viables. Ces quatre facteurs vont caractériser le degré d´ouverture ou fermeture du système. La capacité du système de répondre et d´implémenter des politiques en réponse aux demandes dépend de 3 conditions : 1) Le degré de centralisation de l´Etat. 2) Le contrôle de l´Etat sur l´économie, le marché et les finances.3) L´ indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire.Considérons ici le degré d´ouverture du système, c´est à dire la volonté et capacité du système à incorporer les demandes du MST ou au contraire de les rejeter ou même réprimer le mouvement. Pendant la dictature le système était fermé. Une preuve de cela c´est qu´aucun des mouvements historiques qui précédèrent le MST ne réussirent à survivre pendant les années de répression et seulement le processus de transition permit l émergence progressive du MST. Par la suite, la négociation avec les gouvernements démocratiques connu des hauts et des bas. Entre sa création en 1985 et 1990, le mouvement grandit sans discontinuer et les occupations se multiplièrent face à la relative clémence des nouvelles autorités démocratiques qui mirent sur pied en 1986 un programme spécial de crédit agricole, le Procera, destiné à permettre l´achat de semences et outillage agricole avec des taux d´intérêts très bas. Ce même programme fut par la suite éliminé par Fernando Henrique Cardozo en 2000. En 1990, avec le triomphe de la droite et de Collor de Mello, les perspectives s´assombrirent pour le mouvement. Le nouveau gouvernement avait une politique beaucoup moins tolérante vis-à-vis du MST et l´une des premières actions fut de réprimer violemment le mouvement et entreprendre des actions légales à son encontre. Ceci conduit le MST à radicaliser sa posture et orienter sa stratégie sur la résistance (Stedile, 2003).Suite à la destitution de Collor de Mello en 1992 pour des affaires de corruption, le nouveau gouvernement acceptait de négocier à nouveau avec le MST, et un président de la république reçu pour la première fois une délégation du MST. A partir de 1995, le gouvernement de Cardozo et le MST ont expérimenté des cycles d´amour-haine, qui se sont soldés par une énorme marche sur Brasilia du mouvement en riposte à la politique d´isolation que pratiquait le gouvernement suite à une grande vague d´occupations qui eut lieu en 1996. Par la suite, dès son accès au pouvoir, Lula promis au MST une importante reforme agraire, mais, suite à ses promesses non tenues et la poursuite du modèle agro-exportateur, le MST se distancia officiellement du président Brésilien.On peut constater que la structure des opportunités politiques influence, au moins en partie, le comportement du MST. Dans un système fermé ou partiellement fermé, le mouvement a peu de chances de survie. Si le système a recours à la répression, le mouvement radicalise sa position et adapte ses stratégies en conséquence. Si le système s´ouvre et tend la main, le MST coopère et va même jusqu´à proclamer son support à un candidat. Le MST, à travers ses dirigeants, a même soutenu la candidature de Dilma Roussef.IV) CONCLUSIONIl est possible de s´attaquer au même problème avec des approches diverses et des théories différentes. Dans la quête du paradigme parfait on oublie souvent que les théories ne peuvent expliquer qu´une partie de la réalité, et qu´en conséquence la nécessité est grande de regarder ailleurs. L´étude des mouvements sociaux n´échappe pas à ce phénomène de complémentarité entre approches, et si certaines sont plus renommées que d´autres c´est aussi car le poids de la recherche s´oriente plutôt vers cette direction et non pas ailleurs. Le mouvement des Sans Terre au Brésil représente une possibilité intéressante de contraster et comparer diverses théories. Ces revendications ne sont pas nouvelles mais ont tendance à être oubliées dans une société de surabondance où, pour une partie de l´humanité ces questions font partie du passé, alors que pour une autre partie, elles sont biens réelles.1. Les formes de participation traditionnelles ont recours aux canaux officiels pour faire valoir leurs demandes ou leurs opinions, comme le vote, la participation politique, le recours à l´administration, etc.2. Jusqu´à l´an 2000, le MST aurait permis l´accès à la terre à plus de 300000 familles paysannes (Harnecker, 2003 :7).Germán Clulow es Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales por la Universidad ORT –Uruguay, Master en Ciencia Política por la Université de Genève – Suiza, y Master en Estudios de Desarrollo por el Instituto de Altos Estudios Internacionales y de Desarrollo (IHEID-The Graduate Institute) Ginebra, Suiza.

The global toll of human suffering and material loss due to disasters has led to growing public concern and expanded institutional response in the form of disaster relief and recovery assistance from individuals, governments, and intergovernmental organizations. Initial humanitarian concern has primarily been focused on dealing with the consequences of disasters. However, we must begin to address the causes of these events while ensuring the implementation of policies to reduce disaster risks or losses. Low- and middle-income countries will experience a doubling of their building stocks in the next 15- 20 years, and it is crucial to assure that this new construction does not recreate and expand the disaster vulnerability of the present. Priority must be placed on the production of safe and resilient cities, communities, and homes. While safer, code-compliant construction may add to initial construction costs, these investments can be balanced against the reduced loss of life and property in future disasters. The agenda provides the international community with an opportunity to leverage regulatory governance as a powerful means to shift the focus from post-disaster relief and response to proactive population protection, disaster prevention, and sustainable and resilient urban development.

Transcript of an oral history interview with Maurice Homer Smith, conducted by Jennifer Payne at Colonel Smith's home in Northfield, Vermont, on July 30, 2013, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Maurice "Moe" Smith was a member of the Norwich University Class of 1934 from Morrisville and Hyde Park, Vermont. After graduating from Norwich University, he taught school in Barton, Vermont, for a couple of years before joining the Army and serving in the military from 1940 to 1956. He later returned to Norwich University as an employee, working many different jobs over eighteen years. At the time of this interview, he was Norwich University's oldest living alumnus at age 102. ; Page 1 Colonel Maurice Smith, NU 1934, Oral History Interview July 30, 2013 112 Winter Street, Northfield VT 05663 Interviewed by Jennifer K. Payne Transcribed by Lindsay J. Gosack, February 4, 2014 Edited by C.T. Haywood, '12, January 13, 2015 Jennifer Payne (JP): This is Jennifer Payne with Maurice Homer Smith. The date is Tuesday, July 30, 2013, and we're at his home at 112 Winter Street in Northfield, VT. So let me start with some of the basic questions. I know we've gone over some of this, but this is just for the people who will hear it for the first time. Um, which class, what are you, what is your Norwich class? Maurice Homer Smith (MHS): 1934. JP: And, ah, your date of birth? MHS: 26 July, 1911. [sound of a door opening and closing in background] JP: Which makes you? MHS: 102 JP: 102 MHS: [Chuckles] I'm being interviewed here, FRIEND OF MHS: Go ahead! MHS: Can you stand by? MHS: Sit down. [Introducing someone] This is my buddy. We play cribbage together. [Friend chuckles] FRIEND OF MHS: We met. MHS: Huh? FRIEND OF MHS: I said we've met. JP: We have met. [Moe chuckles] MHS: Oh you have? Oh I did not know that. JP: Um so, um, do you have any other names you are known by? Page 2 MHS: Uh [slightly clears throat] well Moe is most of the names. I, in the, in the three years I was in Japan I was called Hank 'cause when they asked me what my middle name was, which is Homer, it's ugly. That was my father's first name. So I said Henry, so they called me Hank. And so even the official Commanding General Yokohama command wrote me a letter and they knew they called me Hank so he addressed it (this was official mail): Major Henry Smith [laughs and coughs]. JP: So where were you born, Moe? MHS: I was born in Hyde Park, Vermont. JP: Were you born at home? MHS: Yes, yes, I was born at home, in the home. I guess most people were in those days, yup. JP: Yeah. MHS: Morrisville now has a hospital, has Copley Hospital, and if it had it then I'd have been born there in the Copley, but they didn't have it then. JP: When you were at school, what was your major? MHS: In college, [sighs] it was language was one. I had [clears throat] really three majors. You normally don't have three majors, but my academic advisor, K.R.B. Flint, told me, said, "You've got the equivalent of three majors." So there's language, which was Spanish, language, I think social, uh, history, and political science. So I had three majors. He said, "you have enough credit in each one of those to declare a major." So I had three majors. JP: Wow MHS: Normally you have a major and two minors or some combination. But, he said, "You got three majors." [laughs] JP: What was your… I know you've had a number of different jobs, but what do you consider your occupation? MHS: Well, I would say most of my life was the Army. I went in the Army full time. I was on, day one, I was in Fort Knox, was activated on June 15, 1940. And that's when the Armored Force came into being. I was there four days before that and the—I was assigned to the 37th Calvary Regiment, cavalry regiment. So when I got down there my advisor said, "Calvary is out, Armor is in." So he said, "get yourself a place to live, you can't live on the post, we don't have room for you." So I went to Elizabethtown, Kentucky, which is about seventeen miles from the post. And, uh, [laughs] what was I about to say though? JP: Your occupation was in the military.Page 3 MHS: Yeah, was in the military. So I've been in the military, well, sixteen years. I went in in 1940 and came out in '56. JP: Wow. MHS: So it was sixteen years. So I was going, at twenty years, you can retire in twenty years on fifty percent, so that's what I was shooting for. And I was in Chicago at the time and I wanted to stay in. And I liked it, I liked my job, liked my work, liked the people. And my mother called up and said, "If you want to come home," which I didn't want to do, and said, "Your father will sell his shares of the drive in theaters to you." So she wanted me to come home, and so I came home after sixteen years in the Army. And but I didn't really want to. And so I bought out my father's share of the Green Mountain Drive-in Theaters Incorporated and drive-in theaters. The largest one in the state was in Newport and then one in Morrisville. And so that's what I did. And then, then I came down to Norwich, and so but I still owned the theaters, but I took the dividends. I didn't work, never did work at the theaters, didn't have to, so I just took my dividends. At that time I think we got $10,000 a year, which is pretty good money, separate. So I had five incomes: Social Security, Norwich, and I'm full time at Norwich, what was the job I said I had? And I had five jobs either way. And so I had a pretty, pretty nice income, so I was living high on the hog. Sent Bill to Northeastern, my son. He didn't do anything, and he is smart enough to do it, but he didn't. He didn't like it. He came back. He said one semester and said, "College isn't for me." So he went off in carpentry and did his own thing. And that's what he wanted to do, so. JP: Wow. So why didn't you want to leave the military? MHS: I didn't want to leave the military, because like I said I had sixteen years and at twenty years you get two and a half percent a year. So if I stayed in for twenty years, I would have gotten, I was a colonel, I would have gotten fifty percent of a colonel's full pay. The maximum is 75%. You could stay in long enough to get 100%, but it stops at 75%. And I would have gotten four more years. I wanted to stay in, I did not want to get out, but mother wanted me to get out and so I did. But I, I…Chicago was my last duty station and so I think I made a mistake, but it doesn't make any difference. I probably made more money by getting out than I did by staying in, so [chuckles]. JP: So it was the money, it was the income, the plan, yeah. So you were born in Hyde Park and you moved to Morrisville as a youngster? MHS: One year, I asked my mother when we moved, she said, "you were about a year old when you [moved]." Hyde Park is only about three miles from Morrisville. I was born at Hyde Park and a year later, so I grew up in Morrisville. And graduated from Peoples. JP: Academy? MHS: Academy. JP: Yeah, how did you know, in high school, that you wanted to go to Norwich? Page 4 MHS: Well, I did not have any college picked out and my brother was at Norwich, and my folks were paying the way and they said, "You're going to go to Norwich." So I never questioned it because my brother was here already ahead of me. He was two years older than I was and he was already here at Norwich. And they said, "You are going to go to college, you're going to go to Norwich." My brother had two colleges he wanted to go to. One was Georgia Tech and the other one was University of Alabama, and the folks said, "You aren't going to either one of them. You're going to go to Norwich." So my brother was here and my—the three of us, only five of my graduating class at Peoples, and three of us came to Norwich. And so I guess I was destined [laughs] to be a, a graduate of Norwich. JP: So your brother's, your brother's name was…? MHS: Phillip. JP: Phillip. And he was class of…? MHS: He was, well he would have been, he took a, he was four years ahead of me but he took a PG course in high school so he lost a year there. He was really two years ahead of me. He was two years older than me so two years ahead of me. And we both went to, he went to Norwich too, my brother did. But he didn't graduate. We'd have the quiet hours from 7:30 [P.M.] to 9:30 [P.M.], and at 9:30 we could, all hell would break loose in the barracks. The whistles would blow and we would get dragged into our holes, and dragged into your hole, we would get in our rooms and it was quieted down and during study hours it was very quiet and, uh, I don't know what brought that on. What were we talking about? JP: Your brother, your brother being ahead of you at Norwich. MHS: Yeah, he was two years ahead of me. And but he didn't graduate. But during study hours, what he was doing was playing cards. What I did was studying. I said—I was really driven to study. I said, "If I don't study, if I don't succeed, I'm going to be carrying a lunch basket to work. And if there is anything I don't want to do, it is carrying a Goddamn lunch basket, a lunch box." And you will if you don't succeed so I was driven to, for success, and I was, and I graduated number three in my class. [Laughs] I was driven I had a desire to do it I said, "I can't fail, I just got to do it." I dug in. So my brother was playing cards and I was studying, so he didn't graduate he, well I won't say he failed out but I used to do his Spanish. We took a Spanish class together and he would be playing cards and I was studying during all that time. I said, "Phil, I got maybe ten sentences all translated so you can copy them off if you want to learn this." Same Spanish class together. [laughs] JP: Was he playing poker or what? MHS: Oh yeah he was playing any kinds of cards. Probably poker or anything like that. In the barracks, quiet. It was very quiet you couldn't talk above a whisper and if you did like whoever was on guard could hear you out in the hallway, you were placed on report and given demerits. You had, allowed 9, were given 9 merits and for every demerit, like I guess walking on the grass I guess was 2 demerits. And so you could, so of all the years my brother was working towards, Page 5 all the time he was there shoveling horse manure on the Sabine Field and things like that, walking tours or either working tours off, punishment tours. And I only, I was a corporal. I only—one month I went over, I had 10. So I slept in, I mean I couldn't sign out for home, I normally sign out for noon so I just stayed in my room till 2:00, from one till two to get rid of that 1 tour and then I went home that weekend. And that was the difference between my brother and me. He was, my brother was in CMC, Close Military Confinement. And that's 10 demerits, 20 tours and 30 days Close Military Confinement. And that's pretty rough on a cadet. And a lot of them quit when they get that. You have to do something really bad. My brother was, he was a, he broke his collarbone. Harmon was leading a charge in the stable; my brother was riding a horse named Ham, H-A-M. And they were racing, and the horse stumbled and my brother went over, pitched over his head there and it was a mad rash. They made Pathè News, Norwich did, Pathè News. So my brother went over the, stumbled Ham, and landed and broke his collarbone. So he was in the hospital and on the post, the post hospital there. And he went to the sign out, he didn't sign out, he went to the movies and he got a good, that's a no-no. So he got caught, got 10-20-30, 10 demerits, 20 tours, and 30 days Close Military Confinement. It's pretty pretty rugged. So he was in a jam most of the time and I wasn't. I said I was a corporal and all sophomores are corporals, juniors are sergeants if you are made, you are sergeants, and the seniors are officers. That is the way it works up there now, I think, even now. Was in my day. Everybody was a corporal that was made, you were either a private or a corporal. I do not know what percentage probably 20% maybe, or 15%, were non-commissioned officers. So all sophomores, you cannot be over a corporal. A junior, you can be different classifications of different sergeants. And as a senior, then you are a non-commissioned officer in the militia, not the army, in the militia. So that's how it works. JP: What does Close Military Confinement consist of? What did that mean? MHS: Well you're like a prisoner, it's like being in prison. And when you go to meals you have to, there is a pass book on the floor, there would be a desk there and you would have to sign out for your meals and sign in for your meals, just like a prisoner. And you were a prisoner. And you have to copy where you are at all times and have to check in and it's pretty rough, it's pretty rough. And you can't speak to anybody, and the cadets can't speak to you. You are ignored, completely ignored. And I had one when I was up on the staff and his father was a superintendent of schools in southern Vermont. Quite a big shot. And he got on CMC, Close Military Confinement, and I'll tell you, he said, "It's no fun being ignored by the people you can't speak that way and they can't speak to you, like a prisoner." And it is, I guess, pretty rugged. He said, "I just kinda laugh smiling about it." He said, "It's nothing to laugh about it," I said, "that's pretty rough stuff." [laughs] JP: Do you have other siblings? Brothers or sisters? MHS: No, just the, well I had a sister, three years old, and we were close 'cause I was seven, my brother was nine. And so I was there enough to my sister. So I paid attention to my sister, my brother didn't, he was nine when she was three and she got appendicitis and died. She had appendicitis for a week, her face was flushed and everything and the doctors didn't know what was wrong with her! So they had a consultation of doctors, of 3 doctors. So at the consultation one of the doctors said, "I think she has got appendicitis," and that's what she had. So they put Page 6 her in the car, my father took her to Burlington, over the rough roads. The roads weren't like they are now, they were gravel roads, and he complained, my father, about hitting all the bumps and everything. And well they were too late, the peritonitis set in, she took her. JP: So what did your parents do, you said that he had a theater, did they have a theater when you were growing up? MHS: No no, that came later in life. That was when I was in the Army. And I get out in 1956, yeah 1956, well that's right I came down here. No. JP: So when you grew up what did they do? MHS: Well, I taught high school in the Northeast Kingdom as the, who was it they called it that, one of the, they called it Northeast Kingdom it stuck. And so, what were you about to say?1 JP: Oh, just asking what it was like when you were growing up. MHS: Well, I, ask me that again. JP: What did your parents do when you were growing up? MHS: Well, of course my mother was housewife, my father was real estate, real estate. And he'd sell it either on a commission, like someone would have a farm and turn it over to my father and father would find a buyer for it, he would get commission like 5% or 8% of the sale. And so that's what my father did. Real estate. JP: So, your parents helped you to decide to go to Norwich and you liked it? MHS: They didn't, they told me where I was gonna go. I told you my brother wanted to go to Georgia Tech and Alabama, one of those two. And they said, "No, you're gonna go to Norwich." I guess they figured he needed the discipline, the military, the discipline. And when I went, I was only, in Peoples, there was only 30 in my class, 25 girls and 5 boys. So 3 of us, 3 of the 5 boys all went to Norwich. JP: Wow, that's a pretty high percentage. MHS: Yes it is! [laughs] JP: So who was your roommate at Norwich? MHS: My roommate was, well that time, four in a room. So the—it's a big right room and I lived in Jackman Hall, was the dormitory. And the people I graduated—White, June White, Ross Grey, and I graduated from Peoples. So we were there and the fourth one was Bob Washburn, and he was from Massachusetts.2 1 Attributed to George D. Aiken (1892-1984) Vermont governor and senator. 2 MHS might be referring to Leon Morris White and Charles Russell Graves of Morrisville, VT. Page 7 JP: So the people you went to high school with your roommates. MHS: Yeah, yeah. They were. Yeah. JP: Oh that's great. And how did you decide which fraternity to join? MHS: Well I didn't have to make it, my brother was ahead of me, and he was a Sigma Alpha Epsilon, and so I was just automatically. I guess I did get a bed at one of the fraternities and but I could go—I wanted to go S.A.E. anyway. So I was just automatic, I mean, you have to accept the brother if he wants to go. And so I was S.A.E. And S.A.E. is the largest fraternity, in my day, in the country. And they had I think, I think the number was twenty-eight, I think throughout all the whole United States there were twenty-eight universities that had S.A.E. and the next one was Kappa Sigma they had twenty-five chapters. S.A.E. had the most in the nation, had twenty-eight chapters. JP: Wow, and do you remember the song that you sang for Sigma Alpha Epsilon? MHS: Oh yeah. JP: Would you mind singing it? MHS: [Singing] Oh sing for Sigma Alpha Epsilon, (lets see) Oh sing for Sigma Alpha Epsilon, and to Minerva (that's not a good key). Oh sing, Oh sing for Sigma Alpha Epsilon and to Minerva who will lead us on! And to Phi Alpha with her guiding light. To royal sons who fight, fight, fight, fight, fight! And when some day we will tell our sons, about the very best fraternity, oh sing for Sigma Alpha Epsilon, our dear old S.A.E. [laughs] JP: [laughs] That is wonderful; would you like a drink of water? Are you okay? MHS: Yeah I am okay, sometimes your voice is clear but now it's not. JP: That was great. MHS: So sometimes in bed I'll sing, and I'll just sing myself to sleep. I'll hum, and it's pretty good. And this is one of my off days [laughs]. My voice isn't in the singing mode. JP: [laughs] It was wonderful! That was terrific. Do you remember your uniform at Norwich? MHS: Yes, yes. JP: What was it like? MHS: I had my picture in the yearbook when I was a corporal and yes, we had the War Whoop was the yearbook, and I was in there because I was a corporal. And all the non-commissioned officers get special caption, a picture of you and well that's, well I was a corporal. All, well most Page 8 the people, most of them were privates, but the few, I don't know what, 20, 25 or 30% of them are non-commissioned officers and all. Corporal is the highest you can go as a sophomore. If you are appointed, sophomores are corporals, that is all. Sergeants are juniors, and commissioned officers are seniors. So I was a corporal, and a sergeant, and a second lieutenant in A Troop. We were troops then, A Troop, cavalry, horse cavalry. JP: Tell me about the horse cavalry. MHS: Well we had, I don't know how many horses we had. The stables are still up there, the original stables. We would have to, once a week, just like your classroom schedule would meet Monday, Wednesday and Friday or Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, it was on there. So once a week we had to go out to riding hall, the riding house, they're still down there, think the riding— no the stables, the riding hall is gone. You would go to this riding hall and do all these different formations inside. By the right hand, Hooo! By the left hand, Hooo! [laughs] and that sort of thing. JP: Did you learn how to ride a horse at Norwich or did you know before? MHS: No, I had a pony of my own at home. So I was, I know the head of the horse to the tail of the horse. People came up from Massachusetts and didn't know what a horse was, but I did. I had a saddle horse for two years before I went to Norwich so I was a veteran [laughs]. Most of the people were, didn't know one end of the horse from the other! JP: Do you know what breed the horses were that you had? MHS: Well no, but they were well trained. When you first went for drill, for close order drill, number one, one, two, three, four in a column. For example, so we would be in a line, and they would say, "Fours left, Hooo!" And you, first they would say to you, "Column fours, be one, be in a line. Column one, two, three, four. Column fours turn your head to the right in your line, and now one, two, three," and I would say, "Four, one, two, three, four." The next row, one, goes "One, two, three, four." And the next one, "two, three, four." So when you were in the line, they'll say, like we are marching for chapel they'll say, "Fours left, Hooo!" And we, everybody, the number one would pivot and the other went around and we went around in a column. There was nothing to it, a piece of cake. JP: It must have looked wonderful. MHS: Yes, it was good, it was a, it got the job done. JP: Did you drive a car on campus? MHS: I had a car my senior year. Yes I had a Buick Coupe. You had to be a senior. Underclassmen could not have a car, but that was a senior privilege. You could have a car, so my dad [telephone rings in background for a few minutes] had a Buick Coupe that he gave me. So I had a car which was nice. Because we could go from the barracks to downtown which was, Norwich was about a mile. We would pile in, go down to the movies, then come back. It came in Page 9 kinda handy. And when we got home weekends, we didn't think of hitchhiking, I had a car right there. So with four from Morrisville we would pile in the car and go to Morrisville [laughs]. JP: That must have been grand. MHS: It was good. You had to be a senior to have a car. JP: Now I noticed in the War Whoop that you were an expert swordsman, an expert pistol, and an expert rifle shot. MHS: I was. I think I was a marksman as a rifle, sharp-shooter as a pistol, and an expert in the saber. And the saber course was be these dummies, would be men, you would come galloping down, like a column, and you'd just, you would lunge forward. I said "Geesh, I'll probably break my arm, but well I'll do it because it was what we were supposed to do." Worked like a piece of cake. So it was on a pivot, like a row, and so we go galloping down, we gallop past, take the saber, and jam the dummy and follow it right around. And when we went past it, we would pull it back. And it worked like. JP: Was it a real sword? MHS: Huh? JP: Was it a real sword? MHS: A real? JP: Was it a real sword or like a wooden sword? MHS: Oh oh, it was real, I mean it was-- JP: It was sharp. MHS: Yeah, it was, you got a medal for it. I said I was a marksman with a rifle, a sharp-shooter, a higher class, as a pistol, and an expert in the saber, in the saber course. JP: And you all learned those things at Norwich? Or did you practice as a kid? MHS: At Norwich, yeah. JP: So they taught you all that, they taught you how to be all that. MHS: Yep, learned it at Norwich. You got it at Norwich. So I had on my tunic, I had those medals, three different kinds of medals on my tunic. JP: Very good. So what was it like to be a Rook, I know you've talked about being a senior, but what was it like to be a Rook?Page 10 MHS: Ooh boy was that bad. It really was. You were not supposed to haze, but it was, it was mild hazing, mild hazing. For example, they would say, "alright get the rooks on the floor like a row boat, you are rowing a boat." It was hazing, you were not supposed to haze, but they did. About two weeks, the first game of the season was Dartmouth we always played at Hanover. They never came here, but we went, the whole Corps marched at Dartmouth. We would march, line up on the street there, and then march onto the field. The whole Corps for the game. We were there for two games. We did that with Dartmouth for the first game of the season, and we did it in the state series. Middlebury, Vermont, Saint Michaels, and Norwich. And we'd marched. If we played Middlebury, we would march at Middlebury. Middlebury, I think there, most everybody came here. I know we went there. The whole Corps went to Coast Guard. Had a special train for the whole Corps. The whole Corps went down to New London, Connecticut to play the Coast Guard Academy in football. JP: On a special train? MHS: Yep, a special train yep. JP: That's always been a big rivalry for the Coast Guard. MHS: Yes, it has always been a good rivalry we have had with the Coast Guard. We always had, we have a nice, nice relationship with the Coast Guard. JP: Now you were quite a jumper. MHS: Yes I was. In the pole vault particularly. Well when I went there, in high school we had track and the coach, Coach Baker was my chemistry professor but he was also the track coach.3 And I went out for track, and I had the no form. It was just jump over, jump over any way you can get there, it was no form. He called it no form. He said, "I'll teach you the eastern roll or the western roll." He told me exactly how they went. So [he asked], "Which one do you think you will like to go on." And I said, "Let's try the eastern roll." That is: you don't come charging really fast, you've got to take a little hop, then take six or eight steps so it comes out just right. You know exactly where, and you go to the bar, you kick up like this, over the bar. With this foot, you twist it around so that the bar hits your body instead of your butt. You aren't dragging your butt, and knocking it off with your butt. So you kick up, with the eastern roll, and then do that, and twist your body right around and the bar passes your body. You want to get your butt out of the way. So I was a high jumper and in the pole vault, I did the 12 feet. The standards only went up to 12 feet and I guess they didn't think that anybody could do it, but I did. So I was the, and the broad jump. So every year, from freshman to senior, I got a little more as a sophomore, more as a junior, and more as a senior. I kept going up. So I was quite the track star. JP: You were, you were. MHS: And P.D. Baker was my chemistry professor and he was like a father to me. A wonderful, wonderful man. So he taught me all those things. He knew how they went. I stopped to think 3Perley Dustin Baker, NU 1920 (1897-1995), was dean from 1950-1957, worked from 1920-1962. Page 11 about it, I said, I think if I had chosen, he said, "you can have your choice." He explained how it was and I think if I had taken the western roll, I think I could have probably gotten, I just got a feeling, I could have probably gotten one or two more inches higher with the western roll. But he taught me the roll anyway. I liked P. D. Baker. He was dean there, and it might have been later, anyway, he was like a father figure to me. I guess that about covers it doesn't it? JP: That's great, what did you do for entertainment? MHS: Well we had, I was an S.A.E., as I told you it was the largest fraternity in the country. It had more chapters than any other college [fraternity], of all the colleges. We would have Freshmen Week, which would be around January. Classes were suspended and we would have 3 days, 3 days, on the weekend for just parties, dancing, and doing anything you wanted to do. It was dancing mostly and you would get your date there. And you would look around downtown get a rate or rent if they couldn't travel, if they were out in like Massachusetts. Then the cadet would get a room for their date, for like Freshmen Week or Junior Week were the two big weeks. Freshmen Week and Junior Week. Freshmen Week was around January, Junior Week would be around May I think. So I had, I had a girl, Cotting her name was, Emma Cotting, and I had her down for the weekend. And of course a lot of them, I would say probably about a fourth of the cadets had dates on those big weekends. The others didn't have them. Either they couldn't afford it or didn't do it for one reason or the other. But I did, I had a date down. And she lived right there during those three days, probably like Friday, Saturday, and Sunday or something like that for Junior Week, for Freshmen Week and for Junior Week in May and Freshmen Week was in January I think. And all the classes were off, and the parties were in. I remember I had some money, and I get through the fraternity and they made us, something, your boaters, not the boaters in something. We didn't want them in. So I went down there, this was during Prohibition, picked up a pint of whiskey and I paid $4.00 for it. I got to thinking, I said, "My God, I can't really afford four dollars." That would be quite a few trips to the theater, pay for a lot of the theaters. So I bought it for four dollars, I didn't have a date and so one of the cadets who did have a date said, "I'll give you $3.75 for it, and I said "Sold." So I lost twenty-five cents but I could go to more movies [laughs]. JP: So movies were a big thing? MHS: They were downtown, you had to get downtown. JP: So where did one procure liquor during Prohibition? MHS: Well I didn't ask, we just, we got it through the fraternities. The fraternities would, you would sign up for it and they, somebody would get a bootlegger or something and they got good liquor. Probably went up to Canada I presume, probably and got it. So I said, $4.00 for a pint, or half a pint, or a pint and I, like I said, I said "I can't afford that. I would rather spend the money on movies." So I sold it for $3.75, sold my pint for somebody that had a date. It was worth it. I remember we used to go to Lake Eden, during the summer time. Lake Eden was 2 hours, 17 miles I guess, 15 miles. And Eight Guide Dunbar, a wonderful band, 8 piece orches—geez, they were everywhere, they were from St. Johnsbury, Eight Guide Dunbar. We would go there every week, Lake Eden, to dance. The men would go up separately; the girls would go up separately. Page 12 Almost everybody took a date. The girls would get up there by bus or any way they could get there. And they would sit on one side of the room, and the men would stand up in the back. When they would wind up the music then we would go over and we'd pick out somebody or for dancing on the floor. I remember I was dancing with this girl, probably could have been my date, I don't know, I was dancing with this girl. Anyway, and a lot of stags went up there. So I would see this girl, and she would shake her head no, too. I said the next dance? No. The second dance? [laughs] While we were dancing, you have these singles. So like I said, the girls got there by bus or I don't know. They got there, they got there anyway. [laughs] JP: What kind of dances did you do? Do you remember? MHS: Most of them were, in those days we used to Jump the Hop. We did a lot of turning around. We would dance around or we would dance, dance, and we would dip. Or at Lake Eden we actually jumped. We would have your partner jump right in the air, jump, jump. It looked good from the outside. I said, gee that looks like great fun, so I learned how to do it and we would jump. Just jump with the steps rather than glide. Supposedly we would jump and twist in the air. It was good. JP: And you were a good jumper. MHS: We thought we were hot stuff! [laughs] JP: Do you remember any slang? MHS: Any what? JP: Any slang? Did you guys use slang? MHS: Slang? JP: Slang. MHS: S-L-A-N-G? Slang. JP: Correct. MHS: Oh, yeah I guess we did. The people from Massachusetts used to rip on the Vermonters for the way we, for the slang, for the way we talked. And the New Yorkers talked different, the Massachusetts talked broader. Vermont talks a lot flat, flat and hickish really, and Massachusetts were a little different and New York was different than them, just a little bit as a group you know. The rest of the states, you could tell, you could almost tell a state a man was from, whether he was from New York, Massachusetts or Vermont by just talking to them. And of course we were hicks. Of course, the Vermonters, we would usually take a ripping from the cadets from Massachusetts for the hickish way we talked. We probably did talk like hicks. [laughs]Page 13 JP: Did they call you hicks or anything else? MHS: No, not that I know of. But we, well they might have, might have called us hicks. If they did, they were right. We were hicks. [laughs] We wouldn't deny it. JP: Now was Mike Popowski one of your roommates? MHS: Yes, Mike was a—when you're—all sophomores, if you are promoted in the Corps. I think about probably 25% maybe are promoted, maybe not quite that maybe 20% are promoted. So you are supposed to live, not officers live with officers, if you are officers. Privates, senior privates, lived together. Juniors were sophomores were sergeants, and sophomores were corporals, juniors were sergeants, and seniors were officers. Now what did you ask? JP: About Michael Popowski. MHS: Oh, oh, well so well my room— I was an exception. I came to Norwich as a private. I had been there only one week. The very first week I was called into the commandant's office. You're promoted at the commissioning ceremony in the spring when, before you break up. You have a promotion parade and I wasn't on the list. Well when I got back, the first week of school I was called into the commandant's office and was promoted right there. And of course a corporal had to get his stripes sewn on. All sophomores are corporals, privates, and privates. You are a corporal, you are a non-commissioned officers, juniors are sergeants, and seniors are officers. First lieutenants through, well my day the highest rank was a major, was the highest rank. Later on they became a colonel was the highest in the Corps. But in my day it was a major, one major. Then there would be about four or five captains. It would be A Company, B Company, C Company, and Headquarters Company. They were commanded by a senior, by a captain, a senior cadet captain. They would have a captain of the company, command the company. A first lieutenant would be the second in command. Then you have your, like I was in A Troop, and we would have two, two second lieutenants. I was one of the second lieutenants as an A Troop when I was a cadet there. JP: Was Harmon the commandant when you were there? MHS: Harmon was a commandant my first year and then it was his last year there. My sophomore, junior, senior year was a, Harmon was the, my sophomore year. And, who was it? I can't remember his name now, I'll have to remember it, but my sophomore, junior, senior year, it was a new man that came in. They are Regular Army people. That was a duty. They are Regular Army, and it was a duty assignment. And, let's see, Harmon was a, well he was a captain when I came in there and he yeah, he was, he controlled the—the Army furnishes officers for each, each company, for the whole Corps I think there was 17 officers. We could appoint 17 officers, cadet officers. And they're appointed by a, well, a commission. I don't know as a group, I don't know who picks them out. I never did understand who picked them out. Well I was a corporal as a sophomore, and that's all. You are either a private or a corporal. Sergeants, you are either a private or a sergeant if you are made. And a senior, you are either a private or an officer. In other words, a company would have one captain, one first lieutenant, and two second lieutenants. Now I was in A Troop, so A Troop was in Jackman Hall. We had a captain, a first lieutenant, and two Page 14 second lieutenants in the company. Or then there was a, they didn't call them companies. They called them companies later on— we called them troops. We were a troop, troopers, cavalry. Cavalry called them troops. Infantry called them companies. So my freshman year we were troopers. Now they changed it to companies in the Corps. JP: So did you go on the ROTC Hike of 1932? MHS: Did I do what? JP: Did you did the ROTC Hike of 1932? MHS: The, um, no. The uh, that was the one year they did not have it. But the year before they had the summer hike, and I think the year after. But my year they had to cancel it so we went to Fort Ethan Allen. Before you would arrive in the post, [then] ride horses from the post to Fort Ethan Allen. Well this year, they could they were tight on money or something so they, we did not have that summer ride. I think ours was the only class that didn't. I think the class after us did. So we drove to the fort on automobiles and our parents dropped us off. But all the classes before and after us, they rode. They took this secured route from Norwich to Fort Ethan Allen. But my year we didn't take it, we drove in cars and rode our horses when we got there [laughs]. Or whatever it was we did, I don't know what we did. JP: So when you left Norwich, and you graduated, and you went in to the military? You went straight in? MHS: No, not immediately. I think it was only, it was hard to get in. As I remember only two people in my class got a Regular Army commission. You went into the Regular Army when the rest of us went into the Reserves. So for 95% went into the Reserves, we were reserve officers. We went down every two weeks out of, we didn't get a chance to go on active duty. So we didn't actually get our commissions. We didn't see much active duty. JP: What did you do after you graduated? MHS: Well I taught high school up in Northeast Kingdom in Barton. I taught there for four or five years. Well from '34 through '39, and then in '40 I went into the Army. JP: What caused you to go into the Army in 1940? MHS: Well, I, thank you [someone passes Col. Smith a drink]. Well I wanted to get in, you couldn't get in. It was good pay. So in 1940 apparentlyWashington got some money together and so those who wanted to could volunteer for active duty. That was 1940. So I jumped, and it was good pay. It was a lot better than teaching high school. I started at $900 at Barton, Northeast Kingdom, $900, then $1,000, $1,100, and then $1,200. I got a hundred dollar bump each year so my fourth year of teaching I got $1,200. When I went into the Army, I got a hell of lot more than that. When I was getting $1,200 I was getting $4,500 to $5,000, I got about four times as much in the Army. So I went in the Army, and the activation of the Armored Force. My order said the Page 15 37 th Calvary Regiment. When I put in for active duty they came through. When I got there and reported to the officer in charge, the Regular Army officer in charge, who was a lieutenant colonel I think he was, he said well. I said, "Mine said that I was assigned to a cavalry unit." He said, "Cavalry is out. Armor is in." So on the activation the Armored Force came into being on the 15 of June, 1940. The 1st Armored was at Knox, the 2nd Armored was at Benning. I was the 1st Armored Division on the first day of the activation of the Armored Force. On the ground level. JP: Ground floor. MHS: I was assigned to a, well, reconnaissance company. The recon company, the recon battalion, A Troop. A Company was armored cars. B Company was scout cars, C Company was tanks, which I was assigned to C Company. And D Company was half-tracks. Everyone had their own division type of vehicles and we all had cycles, motorcycles. That's what I was in. I remember we had old horse sheds that had no horses, and that's where we kept the tanks. So when we went to pick up our tanks they said, "Alright, anybody that has ever driven a tank, step forward or turn your name in." You were here to pick up some tanks. There was just a few handful had driven a tank, and so I was not one, but some of the old Army people had driven a tank. So they got enough tanks. They came out of a depot somewhere and so the people who had driven tanks stepped forward and drove the tanks into the motor park which were really converted horse stables. They were, now [instead of] horses there were tanks in there. Same place but different vehicle [chuckles]. JP: What kind of motorcycles did you ride? MHS: What kind of what? JP: Motorcycles. MHS: Oh, I think we had the Indian motorcycle, I think. It was Indian. And well they had the, the first ones we had, oh God it was a pleasure to ride. They were down, you sit right down, you had controls, sit right down. Well I'll be goddamned if they didn't give those up. They got the new ones and they are up in the air. Well Jesus, it's like learning to ride all over again. On those low ones you just sit right down, sheesh, you could just feel it, you melted right into the cycle on the road. You melted. Now you sitting up here and by god, I never did like them. They were hard, and if you got off balance, you would go down, you would fall down on the ground. Then you would have to get up shame-facedly and pick up your cycle and mount it again [laughs]. I remember one exercise we had, we were out in the field and we come riding into this spot and dismount. And somebody on the team would throw you a Tommy gun, through the air. I don't know where it would come from, but they would throw it to you, and you would have to catch it in the air, the Tommy gun. You would blast a couple [gun noises], it would rise up [gun noises], bring it down, you would take 3 or 4 shots and it rises on you. You do not try to hold it down. You know it is going to, so you do it, you let up on the trigger, then get out 3 or 4 more rounds. Page 16 Then it gets to ride up. Just the force of it forces the Tommy gun up. Then we, when we would finish that I would take the rifle and the submachine gun and toss it to the instructor, jump on the motorcycle, and you are gone [chuckles]. That was a test, I mean, I guess all the officers went through it. It was fun, it was fun. I liked it. It was good. JP: What other weapons did you carry? MHS: We didn't carry anything. We, uh, I'll tell you, in Germany General Harmon had the Constabulary. So when I went outside in Heidelberg and yellow, we had yellow shoelaces. We were special. Constabulary was a special group of soldiers. And we were hot stuff, I guess, under Harmon. And was everybody assigned, a quite few. Well I made the cavalry in Germany and uh, is that it? Does that answer? JP: So you were part of Ironsides? And did you take part in any combat action? MHS: Um, you mean real combat? Or, or, we had maneuvers and it was just like combat. I mean it was, it was. Well you are in a war! I remember I was in the recon battalion, reconnaissance battalion. We were deployed down on the line in a big field. We were there, nothing was happening. We were up front cause— we reconnaissance battalion is the forward most unit of a division, of an armored division, is the reconnaissance battalion. And I was a recon battalion. They lead the entire division. The reconnaissance battalion, and I was in recon bat. So we got here on this field here, nothing was happening and we were just holding there, waiting for something to happen. All of a sudden all hell broke loose and tanks just covered that field. I stood there and said, "My god, it was a maneuver." And that field was covered with tanks! I guess, I never saw so much tanks in my life! And I, uh, "Holy Jesus what am I seeing?" I was really captivated by it, I was a, it was a maneuver, it was maneuvers. JP: And where was this? MHS: Jesus. Well I can't remember. I was the 1st Armored and the 1st Armored was at [Fort] Knox. The 4th Armored, I think, was Drum, Fort Drum. 10th Armored was, I was the 1st, 4th, and 10th Armored as they were building up the divisions. They would send the cadre, a pit crew, to form a new division. They were forming new divisions. So I started out in the Armored, the 1st Armored, the very first beginning, the 1st Armored was in Fort Knox where I was. The 2nd Armored was activated on the same day. The first day of the activation of the Armored Force was the 15 of June, 1940. The 2nd Armored was at [Fort] Benning. Then they grew, so they had 18 armored divisions. They have cadre as a shell for the making of all the key positions of a unit. Then they send in recruit fillers, to fill it up to full strength. That's how they would increase. They had an outline, just an outline of key people who would be assigned as the cadre staff. I was the 1st Armored but I was picked as a cadre for 4th Armored Division. So it's a shell of the officers and non-commissioned officers and then the fillers come in and fill it up. And they go on and do it that way with the 18 armored divisions I think. So I was the 1st, 4th, and 10th Armored Divisions. Page 17 JP: So you were stateside. Were you overseas? MHS: Oh yeah, yes I was. That's, that's something. I went, I was overseas. Where the hell was I? Jesus. Goddamn [whispered with frustration]. I was overseas. Europe? FRIEND OF MHS: Moe, What did you train on tanks in Hawaii? You were a trainer, what did you train people [on]? MHS: My job there was to train Marines on the tank mounted flame-thrower. Hell, that was it. That was a school. Each Marine Division had one tank company or battalion, I can't remember which. They would send a whole unit of Marines over to—I was the head of the school at Kolekole Pass, that's where the Japanese flew in, over that cut in the mountains when they bombed Pearl Harbor. And uh, where was I now? FRIEND OF MHS: You were training Marines. MHS: Yeah, I was training Marines and we would set up trebles on the guns, on the flamethrowers. The flamethrowers were co-actually mounted. You would have a 76 sticking on the tank a big rifle, a big, long tube, a 76. And co-actually mounted to that was a flamethrower right beside it, or below it. So you could have your fire power. You're in the tank, you would have the ammunition in the tank. It was underneath the turret floor for your stored ammunition. So they were independent. They could fire, I can't remember how many, rounds of 76 you could fire or you could use the flamethrower. Either one. And we would make our own napalm. It is like a sawdust, soap, chips, I guess like soap. It's like sawdust, looks like sawdust. You can't get it, even a drop of water, or it breaks it down. So you have to be careful that the drums are dry and you had this napalm, that's the sawdust-like stuff, and mix it up, and it's rubbery. And you reach in there and pull it out like that and hold it and let it go a little snap back to base. It was heavy, it was elastic, like elastic. Now that's your flamethrower stuff. And it has to be that way so you can back off your tank, and that thing we couldn't throw a flame and it works out. They would, I wouldn't happen to be with the unit at that time. But the Japanese would hole up in these caves, so we'd get these flamethrowers and since it was almost impossible to dig out, 'cause the side was like a mountain, all rocks. They were inside with peepholes and everything. Hard to dig those people out. So we get these flamethrowers in there and course they had the aperture, they had it open so they could fire. And we would put the flamethrower and probably shoot it, probably, a couple hundred yards. If it was mixed just right, just right, it was like rubber, like rubber, and you could back your tank off and we would, they would, it had to be that particular action. But then they would fire these flamethrowers in these apertures, or whatever you call them, the rock where they fired. And they would put the flamethrowers in there and burn up the oxygen and those Japanese would be dead. D.E.D. Dead [laugh]. And not a mark on them, they wouldn't have a mark on them, but they'd be dead. It would burn up the oxygen in the air in these caves and kill them all. Just, just, just asphyxiated. JP: Where were you during, where were you when Pearl Harbor occurred? Page 18 MHS: I was in Hawaii. I was in Hawaii and I had a school there. I was the head of the school. Head of school on the tank mounted flamethrower and as I said, we work with; we made mostly Marines, training Marines. Those Marines, I couldn't sing their praises enough, the, the [fades out] FRIEND OF MHS: Moe, when Pearl Harbor was bombed, where were you located? Were you still in the States or were you elsewhere? MHS: No, no, no, when Pearl Harbor was, no, no. When Pearl Harbor was bombed I was in Hawaii with the, with the tank mounted flamethrower - FRIEND OF MHS: So you were training Marines. MHS: training Marines. When the peace came they dropped the bomb and so they gave us 48 hours. We had these big, these 55 gallon drums. We had like a mountain of them, just a heap of them. Gasoline rations for the states they sent it to us to burn up in the flamethrowers or whatever it was. It was hard to get gas for use here for the civilians during the war. So we, when the armistice, when they dropped that bomb they sued immediately for peace, so they gave us 48 hours to clear the range. So we had a veritable mountain of 55 gallon drums, long and high, filled with this napalm. And we opened those drums just as fast as we could open them. And we had a veritable pond of that napalm, that rubberized stuff there, and we would back a tank off, put a flamethrower on it and you would have thought the whole island was going up in flames. I mean it was some fire, I'll tell ya. That was the Kolekole Pass. It was a plateau. It was a low cut in the mountains, I said when the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor they came through that pass and I had been there at that time. They flew right over where I had my school. FRIEND OF MHS: So what did you do in Japan? When you went to Japan after the war? MHS: Let's see, I was, Oh! Here is a funny thing. I was, I was an obs-, obscure, obscure major. I'd been there 3 days. Nobody knew me. Hell, there probably a thousand, probably hundreds and hundreds of majors there. It was all in the Far East Command under General MacArthur's Far East, Far East Command. And I'd been there just 3 days and my name came up to be on the General Staff. And I said, "How in hell can I be made? They don't know me!" I said, "I'm the new man here! I am one of hundreds and hundreds of majors and they picked me out. There was a feather in my bonnet and God was with me. God appointed me. God had something to do with that." Three days I was on the General Staff. Seemed pretty good. It was about 18 or 17, we'd have a staff meeting every day. I would be there and it was under, we had reports that came into me and I had a guy in my division that wrote them up and all I had to do was sign them. So I signed them as if they were my reports because I was the head of the division. So, so I signed it, I signed it. I didn't change a word. Call McCarthy, I signed it, sent it up to G3 with my signature. G3 took my name off, put their name on it and sent it up to GHQ Far East Command, General MacArthur's headquarters. It went through all those chains, everybody put their name on it, and I didn't do a thing. I just, tt was all prepared, I never, in all the time I was there, only Page 19 one time there was a paragraph in there that was way off, and I took that out. I said, "By god that's not going to go into the report, that's for goddamned sure." So I took that out. When I said that was my report, when they get it, it was their report to GHQ they passed the line. It was a, I didn't do anything, no really, all I did was look at the reports and send them on up. I did not do anything. But I, it was important because it went to GHQ and the GHQ, when they got through with them, sent the reports to Washington. JP: And after the war what did you do? MHS: After the war I, well I was in Chicago Headquarters, Fifth Army. My mother called up and said, "If you want to come home, your father will sell his shares of the drive-in theaters to you." And I really didn't want to come out, I liked Chicago and I liked my job. I just, I had a good job, and I did not want to leave. I had it made. I had 16 years. All I needed was 4 more years to retire at 50%. Well, mother said, "Your father will sell," So I said, "Well I guess she wants me to get out," so I get out. I really did not want to go, but I got out after 16 years and went home, and bought out my father's shares of the Green Mountain Drive-in Theaters. There was a theater in Morrisville and the largest in the state was in Newport. And we got half. The trade was Canadian trade. They would come down because they did not have any, any, Canada could not have 'em. It was state law, they could not for quite a while, they couldn't have drive-in theaters. So we had a sell out every night and that was a, that was a good payment, but of course we didn't make as much money in those days as they do today. I got $10,000 a year sitting on my butt and doing nothing. [laughs] JP: When did you meet Isabel? When and where did you meet your wife? MHS: I met her before I went into the Army. For 4, 4 or 5 years from '35 to '40, I taught high school in Barton in the Northeast Kingdom. And I taught, coached, I coached and taught for four or five years, I can't remember. 1935 to 1940, and then in '40 I went into the 1st Armored Division at [Fort] Knox. JP: But how did you meet her? Where did you meet her? MHS: Oh my wife? Well we were teaching, teaching school. JP: She was a teacher. MHS: Right. And Issy [Isabel] was home economics, home economics. She graduated from uh, I can't remember the name of the school now. I did know that it was in Massachusetts. She had her degree from a school in Massachusetts. I know where it is but it doesn't come to mind right now what it was. So that's where I met Issy. So Issy was a, we were both teaching school there and we both, we got married. We skipped out one New Year's Eve and got married, came back, didn't tell anybody about it because we weren't supposed to be married, I guess. And we weren't supposed to be I guess. I don't know how they could keep a teacher from, from they could take a Page 20 married teacher or a single teacher. But either way, we got married and didn't tell anybody. Then, then we got out in 1940 and went into the Army. JP: So she couldn't tell she was married because they didn't want women who were married to be teaching. That's why you didn't? Was that it? MHS: I don't know. I don't know. I could never could figure out why didn't want, why they didn't want it. Never could figure that out. But they didn't, anyway, for some reason or another. So then we went to, that's when we were stateside, I was, we were teaching in Barton. So we got married, dropped out of teaching, and I went into the 1st Armored Division at Fort Knox in 1940. JP: Yeah? FRIEND OF MHS: Did you talk about how we ended up at Norwich? JP: No. I'm curious as to how you got from post-World War I [interviewer said one meant two], to Korea and then to Norwich. How did you get to Norwich? And what did you do in Korea? I know those are big questions. MHS: I was in the, ah, I, I, I got out of the Army. Oh! I got out of the Army to buy the theaters, that's why I got out of the Army. Mother said, "If you want to come home, your father will sell you [the theaters]." I didn't want to do it but I did. I got out of the Army and went home and bought out my father's share of the drive in theaters. So I was sitting one day when I got the Norwich Bulletin. I don't know what it's called now. It's a bulletin. It said they are looking for somebody for the commandant's office. It said, "apply to Colonel Black." I said, "Bull, bull, bullshit," I said "I'll jump in my Cadillac and go down and let them see me. I can see them and they can see me." And I did, and I was told by Black that I was one of the, there was only one other, a year later, putting in for my same job and I got it. So I report in as, to Black. Black went up to Harmon and said, "We got a man here on our plea for an assistant commandant." And he said, "He's a Norwich man." And Harmon goes. "Well sign him up and give him three days to get in and get down here." So I was home, I had to clean up and move and everything. So I did and I came down here and reported in in 1940, 1940 1st Armored Division. FRIEND OF MHS: No you started at Norwich in 1950, didn't you? MHS: I started at Norwich… [trails off] FRIEND OF MHS: '56? '54? MHS: In 1940… FRIEND OF MHS: You were in for sixteen years. It would be '56. MHS: Oh yeah. Uh huh. Page 21 JP: You worked seventeen jobs at Norwich for eighteen years, right? MHS: Yeah, yes, yeah. I was— oh here is a funny thing, but it's not really very funny either. One day we had the—I was registrar. I was the first registrar in Norwich history. And Bob Guinn, I knew him, he was a professor when I was cadet. And he wrote the history of Norwich and he said that, "Smith was the first registrar in Norwich history." See before they had the registrar duties, but they partialed all them out amongst different faculty. So they get them all together for the first time and I was the first. And this is in the history. I was first full time registrar in Norwich history. And that was in 1940, yeah 1940, wasn't it? FRIEND OF MHS: It couldn't have been '40, that's when you went into the Army. Sixteen years after that would have been '56 MHS: This was 19… [trails off]… this was, uh, '56 yeah. '56. Yeah '55. '56 was the first year I came to Norwich. Yeah '55-'56 was my first year at Norwich. JP: So, you, you were working on a master's at Columbia before you— MHS: I was uh, yes. I started in and that was, that was a funny thing. I went to one section at Columbia and Columbia had a new deal. It used to be you go to 5 years or 4 years and a thesis. You go to 4 summer sessions and then write a thesis and that was it. Or 5 years without a thesis. Then they finally said, they cut it out and said, all right, you can go 4 years, you can get it in 4 years without a thesis. So I was working towards a Master's Degree at Columbia when I, when I ah. So I got to the next summer, I was waiting to see if I was going to get called into the Army, that was in '39. See if we were called into the Army, I said, I have to make up a decision because after the 4th of July if you go to Columbia, you don't get any credits. You have to be on or before the 4th of July for a full, for the full term. You can miss 2 or 3 days but that was all. And after the 4th of July you could go if you wanted to, but you wouldn't get credit for the Master's Degree. So, where was I now? JP: What was your major? What were you getting a master's degree in at Columbia? What were you studying? MHS: Probably education, I'd imagine. Education. I remember, I remember two of my professors—one was a woman, Doctor Spesicka at Columbia. The other was Doctor Hunt. The one that was the most popular one, he had a theater. We had small classes, 7 or 8 of in the class, but there was this one big class and he was the big, we had it in the theater, about 2 or 3 hundred were in his class. And I can't remember his name! But I remember Spesicka and Hunt. And Issy was there and I took her to class with her one time, when I was working for a master's degree. But it helped, because ah 4, 4 sessions, there used to be 5 and they cut it down to 4. So I was waiting, I said, "Gee I don't want to lose out all around," and I was biting my fingernails wondering whether to – what was it? To decide whether I was going to do something or go back to Columbia? Can't remember what it was. My choice was go to Columbia or Army I guess it Page 22 was. And I said, "I got to make up my mind before the 4 th of July," and it went by. And anyway I went to Columbia anyway, and I got a full year at Columbia. JP: You've had a lot of experience in education. A lot of life experiences with teaching people things and - MHS: The courses that you take in education was dull, dull and meaningless in education. They did not carry any weight, there was no substance to it, education courses. I mean they were stupid, they were dumb. And you had to take 18 hours, you were supposed to have 18 hours to get a, I guess a degree. And ah, I took 2 or 3 courses, and they were stupid! A waste of time! There was a misnomer calling them education courses. They prepared you, they didn't prepare you for anything but took them because they were required and so I went just that one time, and then I went into the Army. I was debating between, I didn't want to lose out on the second term for Columbia, I was biting my fingernails, and I said, "Well it's too late now I have to take what I get," and then my orders came through for active duty. So I played that right. I was lucky [chuckles]. JP: Do you want to take a break now or are you okay? MHS: Oh I'm okay. FRIEND OF MHS: I gotta go along, Moe. Your checks are all set there you have to sign them. MHS: Oh uh, oh the bills. Yeah, okay… come tomorrow, will ya? Okay, you are learning something about me. [chuckles] FRIEND OF MHS: You should tell her all the stories you have about the different generals you have worked for. MHS: Oh yeah, that's right. I have worked for, here is a funny thing. General Newgarden4 had the 10th Armored Division. I was in his division, well he came to the Armored School, and I was, I was something in the Armored School. I was a big, kinda a big wheel. Big wheel. I was a department head and he, everyone, they go to class and then they have to take a 10 minute break and then they go back to class for 50 minutes then 10 minute break. He was a tactics guy, tactics class. So I came up to see him, he didn't know me, I said, "General Newgarden." I said, "You probably don't remember me," (cause he had a division, he didn't know all the people). I said, "I was in your 10th Armored Division!" I said. "I was under your command at one time." So we had a nice chat. I remember his stars were—a pep they call it, a little round thing that clips to your collar, it was gone. And I said, "Gosh I should have fixed that but I didn't." I said, I should have said something, what I should have said was, '"General, your general thing is askew, you lost your pep." And I'd take my pep, "Here take my pep I got another one." That's what I should have done but I didn't do it. I was kind of scared so I let him go with his U.S. dangled Major 4 Major General Paul Woolever Newgarden (1892-1944) Page 23 General. And we talked but he didn't know who I was, so I told him, I said "I was in your division." A lot of officers in a division, you don't get to know them all. FRIEND OF MHS: So you did a lot of, you were in charge of Army training for a lot of , a lot of your career. MHS: Oh yeah, and in Hawaii that's all I did do. And I was the head of the school. FRIEND OF MHS: Who were those, the Spaniards that came, or Spanish speaking group that came? MHS: Oh, well we'd have tourists from all over the country. Colombia, for example, sent two or three different groups at different times. But the colleges all around would send their handpicked people to study our system of education, which was, ah, you could see it! It wasn't that you read something in a textbook and then recite it, but you could see it. It was all hands education. We would take an engine apart and put it together again. Assemble it right on the floor so we, we had engine cells and we would set up engine troubles, trouble shooting, and then the class would come in. We had a little, we had this big dynamometer, a big dynamometer engine in the middle and little cells around there. And we divided, about six officers or noncommissioned officers to a cell and there would be an instructor in there. And depending on whether, maintenance 1, maintenance 2, trouble shooting, so forth and they'd go through that and that'd be one week at each section. And I had the trouble, trouble shooting for over 1 week. So there's 6, 8, I think 8, different sections and then they'd graduate either 6 to 8, they'd graduate after about 2 months. I didn't do it exactly because I can't remember but about 2 months. They would have it on their records that they were graduates of the Tactics Department. The Armored School was the Tank Department, armored cars, tanks, wheeled vehicles, and motorcycles. There were five divisions of the Armored School. It took every, every week, 100, every third class was an officer class. We had an enlisted class, an enlisted class, an officer's class. Enlisted class, enlisted class, an officer's class. So there are 1,200 students at all times in the Armored School. 1,200. So 100 would graduate, 100 would come in. And every third company was an officer's company, so it'd be 300 at any one time, be 300 officers and 900 enlisted men in the Armored School. I had the Trouble Shooting Division. We would have these engine cells, we'd set up troubles on the tank, tank wouldn't start and so they'd figure out why it wouldn't start. And for motorcycles, wheeled vehicles, tank, and halftracks. FRIEND OF MHS: So what happened when the Colombians came to visit? MHS: Well that was, that was a good thing. They, ah, they spoke in English. They came through and they could with just what they could see. I found after, they didn't know what the hell was going on. They didn't! We spoke English and while they could see something, but the instructor - Maintenance 1 or Maintenance 2 or whatever it was - would talk in English and they told me, they [the Colombians] didn't know what was going on. And when they got down to the engine task, I knew that in Spanish, because I took Spanishm, I majored in Spanish in college. So I had Page 24 a corporal, god he was good, he was good. So I had no English-Spanish/Spanish-English dictionary so I had my speech in Spanish. So this, and I had been, I majored in it so I knew quite a few of it but I needed some help in polishing up. So I called this corporal in, he was, god he was a whiz-bang, I'll tell you. So I said, "What's the, what's the word for troubleshooting?" And he said, "There is no word for troubleshooting. It's busca fias look for troubles, that's trouble shooting." And so he helped me with my speech and I memorized it, because I majored in it so I knew quite a bit of it and he filled in the gaps for me cause I had no dictionary. So when the, when the Colombians, when the Brazilians - particularly Eurico Dutra, Chief of Staff of the Brazilian Army - came around, they didn't, they told me, they didn't know what was going on. We just spoke in English. Well when they got up to my place, I delivered it in Spanish they went for their notebooks and started writing like mad. Of the 16 stations, mine was the only one that meant anything to them because they didn't know. My people didn't know Spanish and they'd deliver it in Spanish [means English] but it went over their heads so when I started my speech in Spanish, boy they whipped out their notebooks. I tell you they were writing furiously so it wasn't a complete failure [laughs]. It made me feel pretty good. JP: Thank you. MHS: Any other questions? [laughs] FRIEND OF MHS: Oh. Mike Popowski downtown, his father, what was his association with you? MHS: We were at Norwich together. [At] Norwich noncommissioned officers lived with noncommissioned officers, commissioned officers lived with commissioned officers, privates lived with privates. FRIEND OF MHS: So how did you know Popowski or Pop? What was his nickname? MHS: Well as a sophomore, at commencement the end of my freshman year, my name wasn't on, I was a private. Well I had been there just a week and I was called into the commandant's office the very first week of school and was promoted to, made a corporal. So I was already living with privates. Popowski was a private. There was four of us: Sullivan (an Irish man), Uthenwoldt (a German), and me (English), and Polish, Popowski. We were in Jackman Hall, A Troop, A Troop. We were troops then, now they are, later became companies. It was A Troop and uh… [trails off]5 FRIEND OF MHS: Now did you stay with Popowski all through your school? MHS: So I was a private up until the very first week of school. I wasn't promoted at commencement. So I had my roommates, so when I was promoted to corporal I think I was the only one rooming with privates. All the others were noncommissioned officers with 5 Michael Popowski, George Patrick Sullivan, both Class of 1934 and Fred William Uthenwoldt, jr., Class of 1935. Page 25 noncommissioned officers. And they would keep the privates with their group so they didn't break it up. So I stayed where I was, but I was a corporal. I guess I was the only corporal, noncommissioned officer, who was in with privates, and Popowski was a private. FRIEND OF MHS: So but did you stay with him when you became a junior or a senior? MHS: No, just my sophomore year. And then my junior year it was just two of us. Sullivan, Sullivan I guess it was. I roomed with him from New Hampshire, Berlin, New Hampshire, was my roommate from, to junior and senior year at Norwich. Troops. I can't remember if we were troops. I think they went from, I think my sophomore year they went from troops to companies. They used to be troops for cavalry, cavalry troops. Same number pretty much, and makeup, but they would call them troops. So the band leader, I would take reports, I would be the officer of the day, and I would say, "Report to reveille." And they'd say "A Company present and accounted for. B Company present and accounted for. C Company." And you would say, "Dismiss your troops," if you were the officer of the day. And they would dismiss their troops. Well the band leader, I can't remember his name now, he wanted to call them troops and they were companies. They went from troops to companies. Well he wanted, the Band Company, he wanted to call 'em troops. So when I go out to take a report I say, "Report!" for if you are on duty, if you are the officer on duty for the whole regiment. And then "A Company present and accounted for. B Company present and accounted for," so on and "Band Company present" and, uh so this guy I can't remember his name now said, called it troop, said "A Troop present and accounted for." Well I could have called him on it and say, "Hey look, we are companies now. You will report as a company not a troop." But said, "My god if he wants to call them a troop, I'm gonna let him call it a troop." So he was the only one in the regiment that called his Band Company a troop. Everybody else was a company, and I let it go. I said, "Hell, I don't give a damn if he wants to call his band a troop, I'll let him." Any other questions? FRIEND OF MHS: I can't think of any right off there, chief! MHS: Well, we'll… FRIEND OF MHS: We'll catch up tomorrow. JP: Thank you very much. FRIEND OF MHS: I'm Dick Brockway JP: Brockway, that's right, we met before. I've got a, I can leave a card if you want, I gave Moe a card. Thank you. MHS: You know that, that helped me, that Colombia deal, it was on my, on my record so I got some wonderful assignments. I was, I was on the Armored, I was an obscure major, and I do not know how many majors there were in the Far East Command. I mean hundreds of them, and in three days they picked me out to be on the General Staff. And I said, "By god, I said God is with Page 26 me, God made that appointment." I mean all these majors, and I was an unknown major and they put me on the General Staff. I never could figure that out. [Moe's friend says goodbye] JP: So let's see, you were in, third overseas assignment was the Japan Logistical Command after the war. You were on the Commander General's Staff and you wrote reports that went up to General MacArthur's Headquarters in Tokyo and then to Washington. MHS: It went through channels, through channels. JP: Through channels. So you worked… MHS: In the final, in the Far East Command, MacArthur, MacArthur's headquarters, he was in, so it went to MacArthur's headquarters because he was the Far East Command. He was command of all, all the post caps and stations in the area, Far East Command. MacArthur, and then to MacArthur, my report went to MacArthur's headquarters, Tokyo, and he sent them on to Washington and what they did with them I don't know. JP: So then you went to Chicago? You were in Chicago during Korea. MHS: Chicago was my last duty station. JP: Last duty station. MHS: I was in Chicago. Oh, Headquarters, Fifth Army. I got it in my hat. Headquarters, Fifth Army, and I lived uptown from Chicago. I wasn't down in the loop, I lived a few blocks north, but it was still Army Headquarters. So I was in Fifth Army Headquarters in Chicago. JP: And what did you do there? MHS: I was a, I was a - Command Reports, I managed Command Reports. In other words, feeder reports came into me and I'd give it to my Division Commander whose business it was to write a report. So he wrote up the reports for me. Ah. Month, weekly or monthly reports, I can't remember which, I can't remember if they were weekly or monthly. So they would come across my desk. He would, he was the head of the—I had 4 divisions, 3 or 4 divisions in my company. And his division was to write up what went on in the Fifth Army Area. So they came to me, and I'd read 'em and there was one time that I changed something. I took out a paragraph that didn't belong, I took it out. So they came to me, I signed it as if it were my report, and sent it on to the next echelon of maintenance. And he would read it, and then he would sign it, that means it was his report then, and then it would go on to GHQ, to General MacArthur. And somebody in Special Services, I was in Special Services, in Special Services in the Far East Command would sign it, and then it is his report! Then it went on to Washington. JP: So what was it like when you worked under Harmon at Norwich? Page 27 MHS: I was, it was pretty good. It started out pretty rough, I guess I told you that something was happened. JP: Yes you got in the elevator and it was slow but Colonel Black… MHS: It was good, it was good under Harmon. We went to the uh, we had something at White River Junction, Dartmouth, and uh, at White River Junction, Dartmouth. And I had a big Cadillac and Harmon, I had a carful in my Cadillac there, and I drove with the wives. We drove to White River somewhere, we drove to some headquarters. And uh, [pause] and we met, we had a meeting, a big meeting somewhere. I don't know if it was White River or if it was Dartmouth, could've been Dartmouth. We had a meeting and Harmon rode in. I had Harmon, Mrs. Harmon and the director of admissions and his wife. And I had Issy. Six of us and we went to this, this meeting for the Area Command or something. I can't remember what it was. And Harmon, he was, he could swear quite a bit and he was a, so he made a speech using pretty rough language. Well the Norwich wives knew he spoke that way, and they expected him to speak that way, but the people outside our command didn't, youknow They had their wives there, they were civilian college wives or something like that. And so Harmon said something using his salty language and they sucked in their breath, you know. He could be pretty salty. And Harmon, so on the way back Harmon knew he made a mistake, "Oh god," he said, "I could cut off my tongue for saying what I said." I said, "Well gee General Harmon," I said. "People know you, they expect you to talk that way. If you didn't, you wouldn't be General Harmon. They'd be disappointed." He said, "Yes, they weren't Norwich wives. They weren't all Norwich wives, means there are some Dartmouth wives in there and they're the ones who sucked in their breath at his language." And I had no reply to that, he was right! JP: So you heard quite a bit of salty language. MHS: Huh? JP: So you heard quite a bit of salty language [louder]. MHS: Oh, oh yes. He was a…I remember one time, we were right here, I think I may have told you already. Women were sitting in here, Mrs. Harmon was sitting right here, and maybe not in this chair but in this place. The men were out around here, was it the Norwich community? I guess it was, yeah, high ranking people, Norwich department heads. And so I looked at him and Leona was sitting here, and Harmon you could hear him, god he had a booming voice. And he said, I guess I told you, "I've thrown my leg over many a French lad!" And I said, "My gosh you can hear him!" How you could hear outside and over here, he had a booming voice. Leona sat there and didn't, she knew Harmon, she didn't flick an eyelash. And he didn't care if she did hear, and he was true. He was quite a, as you call it, cocksman? [laughs] JP: I guess when you live in the military and you work with people closely you get to know their personalities. You get to know their good sides and their bads. What is it about Norwich, you Page 28 seem to really love Norwich and the training and the education that you've got. What is it about Norwich, you think, that makes people so loyal and so attached to it? MHS: Well it's the esprit de corps. It's the spirit of the corps. It's the, it's a, now in my day only, I think 2 graduates were accepted into the Regular Army. The rest including me were reserve officers but two, every year, they would take two for the Regular Army commissions. And then I think they dropped that rule. I don't know when they did go about the Regular Army. Oh I know, the reserve officers, I think it was at [Fort] Knox, they had, we were a lot of reserve officers. So they had a special course, and it turned out not to be much, it was a week of special training for the small group that wanted to go into the Regular Army. So a few reserve officers went. I didn't, I wish I had. But it was a short course, it wasn't demanding at all. It was a piece of cake really, and those people who went to that get a Regular Army commission. I was in the whole time on a reserve Army commission. I could just as well done that, and I thought, I said it was gonna involve a lot of work and isn't probably worth it. What I thought, what I heard, it wasn't hard at all, it was a piece of cake really for that week there was nothing to it. You'd get your Regular Army commission. So I went through all those years as a reserve commission. But, got the same pay. Get promotions just the same as everybody else. JP: And you have lived across from Norwich after you retired. So you've been close to Norwich for, gosh… MHS: I was at Norwich for I think 16 years. JP: I think 18, 16 or 18. MHS: I will tell you one thing really gripping. I was registrar. It is recognized that the registrar's duties were fanned out, or under - when I came in it was all coordinated. I was the first registrar as such, full time registrar in Norwich history. Guinn who writes the history told me that. And now where were we? What did you say? JP: Oh, you said you were going to say something gripping about being a registrar. I said you had lived here a long time. MHS: I was the, I was the first registrar in Norwich history. And, well, Dean Perry, and I loved him. Registrar comes under the Dean, he was the Dean and Registrar is under the Dean.6 So the Dean was my boss. So he came in one day. I had the best office in Dewey Hall with a fireplace on it. It was for the Dean but the Dean didn't want it, he wanted to be off the beaten path 'cause he didn't want to be where people were going by his office. He wanted the privacy, so he took the office way down at the end of the hall and I had the spacious office as Registrar, fireplace and everything! Now where was I? 6Col. Lewis Ebenezer Perry, (1899-1963) died on June 7, 1963 on a Friday, at the Cadet Corps Commencement Parade on Sabine Field. Page 29 JP: A gripping story about being registrar. MHS: The Dean came into my office one day and I liked Dean Perry, I guess I loved him really. He was a wonderful, man wonderful man. [Takes sip of water] And he said, "Let's get down to the," he said, "C'mon," I guess I was a colonel, "Colonel," I might have been a lieutenant colonel. "C'mon and we'll go and go down for the alumni parade." I looked at my watch, and I was pretty busy there. And he said, "I know it's early," he said, "but I thought we'd take our time." I said "okay," it made sense to me. So we started out, he started to take his car. I thought, "What the hell is he taking his car for? Jeesh all we have to do is, Jackman Hall is just down the steps and you are there." But, I thought, "Well, we're early, that's why we are taking it." I said to myself, I was talking to myself. "Oh we're early that's why we are." And so we'd go down and take a step, and stop. Take another step, and stop. And we would talk. And what's he going so damn slowly floor. Then again I said, "Well we're early of course." Now there was a reason for us doing that. He didn't feel good, Well, I didn't know that. So two or three different things I didn't question, I said "Oh, well were early we don't have to hurry about anything." So we got down there and I thought, "I'm gonna have some fun today." The Academic Board is the all-powerful board. The Academic Board is the big thing, academic board, department heads mostly make up the Academic Board. So I said, "I'm gonna have some fun with these guys," 'cause I was a colonel, I was a full colonel and they were lieutenant colonels, the department heads were lieutenant colonels. Now they're colonels, but at that time they were lieutenant colonels and I was a colonel. So I said, "I'm gonna have some fun with these guys." So we had to, we were out on Sabine Field, standing back where the tank is, milling around. So we had to march on to the field and they had a seat for us right in the middle of Sa-Sabine Field, seats. So I was to march them down on. I was the Registrar, so I said, "I'm gonna have some fun with these guys." I said, "I'll treat them like recruits." I said, "Alright Academic Board," I said there to the all-powerful board and department heads. I said alright "Academic Board, fall in!" Like they were a bunch of Rookies. I said, "Fall in!" And they fell in, they fell in, they knew what I meant. So we marched in and "I said, 1, 2, 3, 4, 1, 2, 3, 4," but I didn't shout like "1! 2! 3!" Just timed it, 1, 2, 3, 4, so we would be on step but the rest of them aren't supposed to hear necessarily. So we marched on the field, I halted them, and I said, "Fall out" and they fell out and went to the seats. Well, we were, I looked out at the men and the wives were there in the, in the, in the seats, you know out in the stadium, you know, and I looked around and they were laughing. I said "Boy, the girls are having a wonderful time." The wives of the department heads and everything, they were laughing and having a nice afternoon, they were laughing and everything. Well this cadet came up, he got some award, a corporal, he got some award. And it was the awards parade and they had some special academic awards or whatever awards they were. The Dean was pinning them on, Dean Perry, he went out with me, I took him down. I mean I walked down with him. And so he was a, this corporal I guess came up and he was pinning an award on him at the awards parade. And he turned as if to go back, as if he is going to go up into the stands then he Page 30 whirled around again to get back to where he was and he went down in a heap. And I said "Oh God," and I was looking, before that happened I looked and said, "What's that on the back of the dean's neck." It looked like an hourglass of red. I said, "What the hell is that on the Dean's neck?" I said, well, I don't know. So Lillian, his wife, came down crying cause he, I guess he had a little heart trouble but he tried to do, skate, ice skate and everything to stay in shape and to exercise his heart, you know. I didn't realize that till later on. So she came down crying, after they had been sitting there laughing and having a wonderful time. And all of the sudden [snaps] the switch turned and now she was crying. We didn't know it, but he dropped dead, dead on the parade ground. So they got the ambulance, loaded him into the ambulance and took him down here I guess. And ah, so when they went on with the awards parade, finished the parade, I couldn't tell you what happened, I don't think anybody. To hell with this parade, they just took our minds off worrying about the Dean. So when the Public Relations Officer, I didn't know his name, came to the gate we all rushed over to see how the Dean was and he said, "Well he is dead." Oh my God, what a shock. I tell you that, that, that whole summer we went up to Maine, to Popham Beach, and I didn't have any fun at all, really, I couldn't get him off my mind. Oh God, it was terrible. I had a terrible summer. And I remember this time, I went first day registering for classes and everything and I went there, and all of a sudden I got involved, I was in the midst of organizing something, my position there had me organize. And I swear the Lord put his hand on me and said, "Son, forget it." That's how I figured it out, just like turning on the switch I went from a miserable summer thinking about the Dean, I couldn't get him off my mind, and I went there and still felt bad and then bingo, I rolled up my sleeves and went to work. The weight just dropped right off and I said, "My God, the Lord just answered my prayer, I'm healed, I am ready to go to work." It was that fast. And that is when I began to believe in God. And that's how that went. JP: What was the hourglass on his neck? You said there was an hourglass on his neck. MHS: Well I don't know what it was. It was—showed up from the stands. It was red like an hourglass and I said, "I don't know if anybody else noticed it, probably did." I noticed it when I was sitting back there with the Academic Board. And you see, I was on the Academic Board as Registrar, without a vote. Well I didn't give a goddamn whether I voted or not, but I was on the Academic Board without vote, because of my position as Registrar. And so I sat there and looking for anything in particular and I did see that on his neck, and it was bright red, like an hourglass, spider. What's that spider that has an hourglass and is poisonous? JP: Oh, it's a black widow. MHS: Yeah, looked like a black widow spider and I didn't think anything of it, but it showed up and I was kind of, I sat in back and uh, I could see that. Then I poo-pooed the idea, I said, "Oh that's, that's nothing." But then he dropped, of course we didn't know whether he fainted or what it was, he dropped dead, and that whole summer I was, spoiled my summer, spoiled my whole summer. Page 31 JP: Was it a spider on his neck? MHS: I don't know what that was. I don't know what it was. Bright red. And I said "What is that on his neck?" I wasn't going to ask that. Then he dropped, and course we didn't know he died, we thought he could have just fainted, you know, but he dropped dead. And when the Public Relations Officer came through after the parade, I couldn't tell you what went on the parade, I don't think anybody else did either, paid attention to the parade. But they had the awards parade, and then I remember everybody rushed to the gate because the Public Relations man went up the ambulance that picked up the Dean. He came back and we knew he'd have the story on the Dean. So we all rushed to him to see how the dean was, and he said, "He is dead." JP: Oh my goodness. MHS: And let's see. And I remember so plainly. I of course spoiled my summer. That first day I, so I rolled up my sleeves and went to work and it was, I said, "It left me. It stayed with me all summer and bang!" so I turned on a light switch, and I said, "I'm done, I'm through with it, it's done, it's over with it. And I won't grieve no more. I won't grieve anymore." And I didn't and I marveled at what happened because I was—had such a miserable summer and I guess it was just to work, but like turning on a light switch. I went feeling miserable to I said, "I'm healed now, God made that, made that for me," that's what I said [chuckles]. JP: That's nice, that's nice, is there anything else you want to add about Norwich or your service? MHS: I really can't think of, it was important that I almost quit before I started [chuckles]. And Black, Black was—the Corps played tricks on Black7because Black was deaf. He had a hearing thing. He was pretty deaf. He had this hearing thing, he was always twisting it in his ear, everyone knew he was deaf. So they played a trick on him. One time the band was down at the end of the parade so they decided that they wouldn't play it, take their instruments and make believe they were playing and he wouldn't know the difference. So he walks out of here the band appeared to be playing and they weren't and he figured it was his hearing piece and cadets will do those things, you know, when a weakness, they're good at springing in there. [chuckles] They're clever that way JP: They are resourceful. Did you, when you rode horse, at Norwich, in the cavalry training, did you ride Roman style? Did you stand? Did you guys do that thing where you stand on the two horses? MHS: No, they had, no we didn't do that trick riding. We had, it was scheduled like a class, but, or the classes was every other day, meets 3 times a week, this equitation, everybody had to, was 7 LTC John W. Black, USA (ret) Commandant from 1953-1957 Page 32 a class, you got credit for it or met once a week, and that was in the, I guess the riding hall is still down there. Or the stables are there, I guess, not the riding hall is gone, and what you say now? JP: Did you get thrown at all? Or did everyone get thrown? MHS: Oh [clears throat] No. Once we were, we had a night ride and my horse we ended up in a ditch and it just wide enough for a horse and I was—I straddled the horse and I could get out, my feet were pinned in the trench, you know. It was a deep, deep trench, and it was dug, it was a trench I don't know what the purpose of it was. And I kept my feet out because it was wet in there and I got out but my horse couldn't get out. And they got, I don't know how, they got out, I've gone, but they had probably had to dig to get a pathway out, he was wedged right in there and all you could see was his head, [chuckles] head and his rump, with little bit of his rump. And just room enough so he filled that trench right up, you see? So I didn't see what they went through to get him out, of course they finally got the horse out. Now what did you say? JP: Did you get thrown? But it sounds like everybody… MHS: One time I did. I didn't get thrown, but we were galloping toward the, toward the stables and it was a free-for-all and we were going wide open. Well I was riding a horse named Ham, H-A-M, he slipped and he fell, and it landed probably by—my feet were in my stirrups but landed on my leg, but it didn't hurt me. It was a body, you know, soft, just soft and it didn't hurt me at all, didn't even make me lame, it didn't hurt me at all. And I don't know how it did get to stab- going into the stables. And well I was dismounted, because the horse stumbled and fell, so I went with the horse. That was the only time I ever fell off. JP: But the horse fell, yeah, wow. [pauses] You've done a lot of interesting things from flame throwing to… MHS: Probably, you know if you talk long enough, one things leads to another, and you, maybe one or two of them, most important things I probably haven't even mentioned yet, but I, like anybody else, like you or anybody else, you have certain experiences. And if you go off to visit and you come home, your parents want to know what you did, or somebody wants to know what you did and you try to recollect what you did. Things that impressed you. And I said so many things can happen in the situation I was in. I can, one thing can lead to another, probably two or three funny things that happen that I can't remember right now. The art, I went to theater in Morrisville, we called it Bijou Theater and they'd, before the main figure, they needed a comedy, short comedy. One reel, a comedy or a news. So this time I was sitting in the theater the Pathè News came on. It was a Norwich scene, and I said, and I said, I was so surprised, I remember the scene, I said, "I was there!" I don't know if anybody heard me in the theater. And here I was in the theater and here was a scene "I was there! I was there, "I said, "My God, I was there!" It was Pathè News and it was a big news company, worldwide, Pathè News, and somebody like Pathè, P-A-T-H-E, and everybody knew what Pathè News was. And they'd have either that or a comedy. [inaudible] I don't think anybody heard me when I said, "I was there," but I was. Page 33 JP: Where was, what was Pathè News covering? Was it overseas? MHS: It was, it was, they showed the events of Norwich, showed them coming down a steep hill, very steep hill and they're, horses were fighting, you know, as they went. Horses are well-trained, and I guess they have they trust the rider, he knows what he's doing, and they do, they have to trust the rider, so they knew didn't throw anybody, they knew they had to get down, and they were scooting, sliding, they couldn't walk or down or they had to slide down, down they went, dutifully down the steep hill. And Pathè News, which was a big news in those days, it was the big news and they recorded that scene, so that's why I said, "I was there." [chuckles] I was surprised, small world. Well as you try to recollect things, one thing leads, leads to another. If you ask me something, I go off on a tangent and probably have some remarks, yeah [chuckles]. JP: So you worked at Norwich and then you then retired, what did you do after you retired from Norwich? MHS: Let's see now. I retired, oh, I was in, oh I retired from Norwich… JP: In '70….? MHS: Oh I was Norwich for, oh I retired from Norwich, oh I guess went to, let's see. I retired from Norwich, where was I? Where was I living? I was in Chicago when I came home, I was in Chicago and [pauses] oh well I guess I retired. I just retired. Yeah I just retired. JP: So you retired here? MHS: Yeah, I had several incomes. I had 5 incomes, I can't remember all of them—TIA-CREF, a pension, Norwich salary, working at Norwich. And I remember I had 5 incomes. I had a rental income, so I had 5 incomes. So I had a good income, and when I— JP: Did you travel with Issy? Did you and Issy travel to the places? MHS: Well I, when in the Army, yes. Issy went with me. Took about 5 months for a dependent wife down in Japan. A dependent could not go to Japan. They could go to Europe, because that was all settled, but in Japan that came later on. So the wife, so after the war was over in Japan, it took about 5 months to get your dependent wife over. So I was in Japan and Issy joined me in Japan. Well she had a, it was a Washburn, it was teaching school, teaching American schools, just teaching Americans in schools in Japan. No Japanese, American dependents, children. And Issy, they were waiting, Washburn, her husband, she worked in the school system and she knew Issy was a teacher so they desperately need teachers. So I [she] said, "Has Issy got here yet, when's she coming and everything?" So Issy got there 11:00 in the morning and 1:00 she was teaching school, American children [chuckles] and so what we did, we lived—Issy she had a GS-7, that's a federal rating, you know the ratings? And she was a GS-7, which is officer, I mean, so Issy on her own, if she wasn't married to me, well that job she could go to an officer's club. IfPage 34 she was GS-5, she couldn't, but with a GS-7 she could go on her title to an officer's club. So now what were? JP: Issy traveling and teaching in Japan MHS: Yeah. She taught a—I think a graded school, then she had a special class of Japanese. And I didn't think Japanese were very goodly people but by golly, Issy, well she was at the wheel, she had this meeting and she passed out certificates. They passed a certain field in education, she trained them—she was the head of the school system, of that particular school system. And so Issy ran that show and I'm pretty proud of her and by gosh and I sat there and they'd come get their diplomas and oh they were so pleased those Japanese to get their diploma, and I look at them and for the first time I saw a beautiful Japanese girl. Most of them aren't very pretty, but by golly they were that day, I said, "By God, what a beautiful, beautiful girl, they came by me." The Japanese you have to get used to them, they have kind of a flat look like somebody slammed the door on their face or something there they, I couldn't see a pretty one there, but after I'd been there awhile there were some pretty Japanese girls. We had a maid, we were allowed two but we only wanted one. We had a male, he was a handsome Japanese man, young man, but he was a really handsome guy. He wasn't dependable so we let him go, he didn't show up when he felt like it. So we fired him. All we wanted was one anyway, and our quarters was just where we wanted it [phone goes off]. Our quarters were on a block. You could look down south of the yard and see all the shipping in the port. Oh it was a beautiful thing, we were up high and we'd look down and we were, my office was right down at the customs, customs building port of entry in Japan. And we'd, we'd, many a time there would be a cloud, you couldn't see anything, and you'd drive about a quarter or half mile, quarter or half mile, you'd be riding that cloud, when you're in it, you couldn't see much, but it was like a heavy fog. Then you'd come out of it, come out of it there's the blows all laid out for it. It was the headquarters, it was the port of entry for Japan, for commercial shipping, commercial shipping. And I had an office down there. JP: You liked Japan? MHS: I was up on the bluff. Oh I had a real, it was quarters and 388. "Oh I want those quarters." Well what they do, they post them as they come available. I knew 388 had, of all of quarters up on the bluff, way up, looking down, I said, "That is the one I want." Well they'd post - be 5 or 6 housing be available - and when your name got to the top, you got a choice, you take second place, second choice of those say ten or dozen available. And if you didn't take it, you're holding up someone, then your name went down to the bottom of the list. So you, so you couldn't get top and stay in the top. If you didn't take something, holding up for something better, you went down the bottom. So they said you couldn't do that. So I, my number didn't come up and wasn't my time to choose yet and I said, "Oh geez I hope that number doesn't come up too soon." And so my number came up, a group of people for housing, you like to stay there, at such time that you can get housing for you, you had to be there a little while before you got housing, say 10 days or something like that to get housing and that's it, oh man I said, 'Oh God, I Page 35 hope that 388 is there, if isn't I'm screwed, 'cause that's the one I wanted,' and it hadn't been on the list at all, my name was on it, that's where my lame name come up, then you got to choose, and if you don't, then you get down the bottom of the list, so you got to choose, and 'Bam' me, 388, and 'Bam,' just I wanted so I was high on the bluff and I could look down at the shipping and the port, it was way up high on the bluff, oh God it was nice. JP: What port was it, what was the name of the port, do you remember? MHS: The port? JP: Yeah, what town was it? MHS: I think it was the main port of entry, had a big huge beautiful brick building. JP: Was it Tokyo? MHS: Yeah, no, no Yokohama, Tokyo was about 17 miles I think it didn't take long because it had a beautiful, I think, 2 way highway between Yokohama and Tokyo. So you can get to Yokohama, you can be in Yokohama, and you can be in Tokyo in 20 minutes, you couldn't drive very fast. It had this beautiful road but the—I think you're limited 25 miles an hour, and I got stopped once I thought I was staying, and the GI, GI's they wrote me up I guess for speeding, I think I was going probably 26 miles an hour, something like that, and I got a ticket from a GI but he was authorized to do it, he was an MP. JP: What did you drive, what kind of car were you driving? MHS: I had a, I had Buicks, I had a new Buick, I bought a new Buick and two weeks after I bought it, I got my call to report to, I was in New England, in Vermont, to get, Seattle I think it was, a certain time no San Francisco, be in San Francisco. Then when I got in San Francisco, then Roosevelt directed me to Seattle, I got to San Francisco, then for two or three days, then they sent me to Seattle, so I shipped out of, originally it said San Francisco, but they sent me to San Francisco, I waited then they sent me to Seattle and I shipped out of Seattle for Japan, does that answer your question? JP: That's good, so you liked Japan? MHS: Yeah, so my—your car follows you by about 2 weeks so they ship your car but you have to wait about 2 weeks, before your car catches up with you. So I did, so I had a new Buick and I traded every year for a new Buick with the Japanese people, they're nice people and what I did was I'd buy a new Buick after a year I turned it in and they'd give me another new Buick. No deprecation or anything, so I got 3 brand new Buicks at no cost, and when I got home, I sold it for what I paid for it, you couldn't raise the price on a new car. That was a Japanese law, you couldn't raise a price on a new car, you could on a used car. So what they would do is buy a new car, and if you didn't want put it up on the market, then they'd probably double the money, you Page 36 couldn't sell a new car beyond the market price. Well I wanted a, they had 4 Cadillacs, well I guess I was—I was outranked or something another, I didn't get the Cadillac anyways, they only had 4. So I said to the Japanese, I said, 'Don't you now wished now you sold me the Cadillac, because I said I would sold it back to you?' that's what I did with my new Buick. I said I sold it back to you, double your money, and said, 'Yes we could have.' That was—I was too late. [chuckles] Background voice: I'm sorry to interrupt, we're about to leave, and we're about to pull out of the garage. JP: Oh, sure, well, do you have anything else you want to add Moe? MHS: Not unless, you have any questions. JP: I just want to thank you, truly for giving me the time and all this wonderful information. MHS: I like to rehash old times and I have to stop to think, to, you forget these things, but I was, I remember I felt like, I said, 'God's with me and I was an unknown major, and I had been there 3 days, and I was named the General Staff and I said, 'Uh huh,' I said, 'there must be hundreds of majors that would give their ITs to be on the General Staff,' and I was a new major, and somebody God, somebody lead me to them or me, and after 3 days I got a job on the General Staff, and I thank God for that, I said, 'God had a hand in that.' [chuckles] JP: That's certainly true, well you must have been good, [both interrupt] MHS: Oh well, I don't know…