Suchergebnisse

Politiker wünschen die Nähe zu den Bürgern und damit die Nähe der Bürger zu ihnen. Diese zunächst wie ein Gemeinplatz anmutende These wird bestätigt durch die im Jahre 2010 erstellte Deutsche Parlamentarier Studie (DEUPAS). Die Studie macht deutlich, dass mit der Bürgernähe der Wunsch nach verstärkter Einbindung der Bürger in politische Entscheidungsprozesse einhergeht. Wie auch in anderen Bereichen sozialer Interaktionen zeigt sich das Internet in diesem Zusammenhang als mögliche Schnittstelle zwischen Bürgern und Entscheidern. So stellt auch die Politik unter dem Begriff E-Partizipation digitale Beteiligungsmöglichkeiten bereit, in der Absicht, Reaktionen und Kommentare der Bürger zu besonderen Angelegenheiten oder Themen zu sammeln. Auch wenn diese Angebote bisweilen erfolgreiche Konzepte beinhalten, werden die meisten nur von einer geringen Anzahl potenzieller Adressaten genutzt. Gleichzeitig steigt abseits dieser strukturierten und problemzentrierten Portale die Begeisterung der Gesellschaft für die Nutzung sozialer Netzwerke, die somit Eingang in den Alltag gefunden haben. Hier ist eine hohe Aktivität auf allen mehr oder minder relevanten Gebieten zu beobachten, unter anderem auch in der Diskussion politischer Themen. Insofern sind soziale Netzwerke für Politiker wichtig und attraktiv, und zwar auf allen politischen Ebenen, wo die sozialen Netzwerke inzwischen in die alltägliche Arbeit integriert sind. Problematisch ist jedoch der kontinuierliche Anstieg digitaler "Informationsschnipsel" (englisch: information overload). Eine manuelle Filterung relevanter aus der Vielzahl irrelevanter Beiträge erscheint nahezu unmöglich. Folglich werden neue Techniken und Konzepte (Analyse-Software) zur Sammlung und Analyse der Informationsflut präsentiert. Sie versprechen einen leichten und schnellen Überblick, um die relevanten Informationen zu extrahieren. Insofern ist es gerade für die Politik von hoher Dringlichkeit, nach Nutzbarkeit und Nützlichkeit solcher Instrumente zu fragen. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Relevanz von Analysesoftware-Ergebnissen für die Verwendung im politischen Alltag. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf den sozialen Netzwerken Facebook und Twitter als Datenlieferanten. Die Bewertung erfolgt in Kooperation mit und durch politische Entscheider aus dem Deutschen Bundestag, dem Landtag von Nordrhein-Westfalen, der Staatskanzlei des Saarlandes sowie der Städte Köln (Abteilung E-Government) und Kempten (Pressestelle der Stadt Kempten, Allgäu, im Büro des Oberbürgermeisters). In der Hauptuntersuchung wird für jeden Teilnehmer ein individueller Analysereport erstellt, der mit einem Methodenmix aus qualitativen Verfahren ausgewertet wird. Die Analysedaten werden mit der WeGov-Toolbox, eine Entwicklung des EU-Projektes WeGov und den darin enthaltenen Analysekomponenten erzeugt. Der Fokus liegt dabei auf der Auswertung des Wahlkreises, des lokalen Bereiches sozialer Netzwerke. Im Rahmen dieser Arbeit wird nicht nur der Relevanz von Analysedaten nachgegangen, sondern es wird auch untersucht, ob Bürgernähe oder sogar Bürgerbeteiligung mit den aus der Analysesoftware gewonnenen Ergebnissen und den daraus resultierenden Rückschlüssen und möglicherweise Handlungen positiv vorangetrieben werden kann. Die Antworten der Teilnehmer führen zu wesentlichen Schlussfolgerungen: 1) Keiner der Teilnehmer geht davon aus, dass Bürgerbeteiligung über diesen Weg gelingt. Anders fällt die Bewertung in Bezug auf eine Realisierung von Bürgernähe aus: Die Teilnehmer bestätigen vereinzelte Ergebnisse, die besagen, dass Bürgernähe über diesen Ansatz, d.h. über die daraus gewonnenen Erkenntnisse unterstützt werden kann. Damit erhalten Politiker Informationen darüber, was die Bürger denken und sagen. 2) Potenzielle Nutzer werden in der Regel solche sein, die zwar Erfahrung mit sozialen Netzwerken besitzen, jedoch keine "Poweranwender" sind. Daher bietet sich der Einsatz der Tools eher auf Parteiebene und in der Parlamentsarbeit an als auf der Ebene des einzelnen Politikers, der eher gewohnt ist, auf Facebook und Twitter direkt zu reagieren, die analytische Arbeit jedoch bevorzugt von den Partei- und/ oder Abgeordnetenbüros erledigen lässt. 3) Vergleicht man die ländlichen mit den urbanen Regionen, zeigt sich, dass die Menge von relevanten politischen Informationen auf dem Land gering ist. Während die Menge öffentlich zugänglicher Informationen in urbanen Regionen relativ groß ist, hat diese Menge in ländlichen Bereichen sehr viel weniger Gewicht. Die Erkenntnisse aus den Befragungen werden in der vorliegenden Dissertation systematisch erhoben und ausgewertet. ; German politicians have identified a need for greater citizen involvement in decision-making than in the past, as confirmed by a recent German parliamentarians study ("DEUPAS"). As in other forms of social interactions, the Internet provides significant potential to serve as the digital interface between citizens and decision-makers: in the recent past, dedicated electronic participation ("e-participation") platforms (e.g. dedicated websites) have been provided by politicians and governments in an attempt to gather citizens" feedback and comment on a particular issue or subject. Some of these have been successful, but a large proportion of them are grossly under-used " often only small numbers of citizens use them. Over the same time period, enthusiasm of Society for social networks has increased and is now commonplace. Many citizens use social networks such as Facebook and Twitter for all kinds of purposes, and in some cases to discuss political issues. Social networks are therefore obviously attractive to politicians " from local government to federal agencies, politicians have integrated social media into their daily work. However, there is a significant challenge regarding the usefulness of social networks. The problem is the continuous increase in digital information: social networks contain vast amounts of information, and it is impossible for a human to manually filter the relevant information from the irrelevant (so-called "information overload"). Even using the search tools provided by social networks, it is still a huge task for a human to determine meanings and themes from the multitude of search results. New technologies and concepts have been proposed to provide summaries of masses of information through lexical analysis of social media messages, and therefore they promise an easy and quick overview of the information. This thesis examines the relevance of these analyses" results, for the use in everyday political life, with the emphasis on the social networks Facebook and Twitter as data sources. Here we make use of the WeGov Toolbox and its analysis components that were developed during the EU project WeGov. The assessment has been performed in consultation with actual policy-makers from different levels of German government: policy-makers from the German Federal Parliament, the State Parliament North Rhine-Westphalia, the State Chancellery of the Saarland and the cities of Cologne and Kempten all took part in the study. Our method was to execute the analyses on data collected from Facebook and Twitter, and present the results to the policy-makers, who would then evaluate them using a mixture of qualitative methods. The responses of the participants have provided us with some useful conclusions: 1) None of the participants believe that e-participation is possible in this way. But participants confirm that "citizen-friendliness" can be supported by this approach. 2) The most likely users for the summarisation tools are those who have experience with social networks, but are not "power users". The reason being is that "power users" already knew the relevant information provided by analysis tools. But without any experiences for social networks it is hard to interpret the analysis results the right way. 3) The evaluation has considered geographical aspects, and related this to e.g. a politician- constituency as a local area of social networks. Comparing the rural to the urban areas, it is shown that the amount of relevant political information in the rural areas is low. While the proportion of publicly available information in urban areas is relatively high, the proportion in the rural areas is much lower. The findings that result from the engagement with policy-makers will be systematically surveyed and validated within this thesis.

Hatte man in den Neunzigerjahren das Netz vor allem als virtuelle Realität charakterisiert, das dem realen Alltag gegenübersteht, so wird immer stärker deutlich, wie stark die Kultur der alltäglichen Lebenswelt mit dem Kulturraum Internet verflochten ist. So wird das Netz, wo man online einkauft, Freunde im Chat trifft, sich täglich über aktuelle Nachrichten informiert, immer mehr als Erweiterung des alltäglichen Lebens betrachtet. Dies bedeutet daher auch, dass wer am Netz aktiv partizipiert, zugleich über einen Anteil an gesellschaftlicher Macht verfügt. Politische Kampagnen im Internet oder die Präsentation von Politikern/-innen bei Wahlkämpfen im Netz unterstreichen diesen Trend auf eindrückliche Weise. Damit ist das Internet ist in den letzten Jahren zu einem Kulturraum sui generis avanciert. Zuerst war das Netz vor allem ein vom Sender gesteuertes «Push-Medium», von welchem Informationen rezipiert und heruntergeladen wurden. Nicht jede/r konnte die Funktion des Senders einnehmen. Mit der technischen und sozialen Weiterentwicklung des Internets in den letzten Jahren hin zum so genannten Web 2.0 ist jede/r potenziell ein «Prosumer», also Produzent/in und Konsument/in in einem. Jede/r kann sich dank technisch niedrigschwelliger Softwareangebote potenziell am «Mitmachnetz» beteiligen. Inhalte werden von Einzelnen oder kollaborativ im Netz erstellt und publiziert, (ausgewählt) rezipiert und weiterpubliziert. Damit hat sich das neue Netz zu einem «Pull-Medium» weiterentwickelt, das massgeblich von den Beiträgen der Empfänger/innen mitgestaltet wird. Das Internet wird so zu einem wesentlichen Medium der Partizipation. Die These, wonach das Internet immer stärker zu einem partizipativen Medium wird, ist allerdings nicht unumstritten. So wird eingewandt, dass das Pull-Prinzip des Internets sich oft auf private Inhalte bezieht und dass es schwierig ist, in dem unübersichtlichen Netz eine wirksame Gegenöffentlichkeit aufzubauen. Auch im formalem Bildungsbereich steckt das partizipative Lehren und Lernen unter adaptierten Bedingungen des Web 2.0 noch in den Anfängen. Zudem zeigen empirische Untersuchungen, dass Anwendungen des Web 2.0 wie Social Software gerade von der heranwachsenden Generation erst zögerlich und teilweise gar rückläufig für die Artikulation eigener Interessen eingesetzt werden (mpfs 2011, 2010; van Eimeren und Frees 2010). Die These von einer «Netzgeneration», die das Web 2.0 auf eine souveräne Art und Weise benutzt und die sich bietenden Partizipationschancen ausnutzt, um eigene Interessen zu artikulieren, liess sich bisher nicht bestätigen. Deshalb gilt es heute interdisziplinär zu untersuchen, welche Partizipationschancen das Internet zur Zeit tatsächlich eröffnet. Aus medienpädagogischer Sicht stellen sich besonders Fragen nach dem spezifischen Partizipationspotenzial des Internets für unterschiedliche Zielgruppen wie Kinder, Jugendliche, Erwachsene oder Senioren und in welchen informellen und formalen Bildungskontexten eine Beteiligung in welchem Masse ermöglicht wird bzw. ermöglicht werden kann. Dabei sind auch die Motive für die Nutzung, vor allem aber Nicht-Nutzung von eingeräumten Beteiligungsmöglichkeiten in bildungsbezogenen Kontexten von Interesse. Die vorliegende Ausgabe der Online-Zeitschrift «MedienPädagogik» trägt zur Diskussion dieser Fragen bei. Sieben Beiträge setzen sich aus spezifischen Perspektiven in Form empirischer Analysen und konzeptioneller Überlegungen mit den Partizipationschancen im Internet auseinander. Dabei lassen sich zwei vorherrschende Zugänge auf Partizipation im Netz ausmachen: Einerseits eine Perspektive im Feld der politischen Beteiligung und Bildung und andererseits eine Perspektive auf Lehren und Lernen im Web 2.0. Bei den ersten vier Beiträgen handelt es sich um Publikationen, die auf Vorträgen basieren, die im Rahmen des Symposiums «Partizipationschancen im Kulturraum Internet – am Beispiel des Web 2.0» auf dem Kongress «Bildung in der Demokratie» der Deutschen Gesellschaft der Erziehungswissenschaft (DGfE) im März 2010 in Mainz gehalten wurden. Hans Geser diskutiert in seinem Beitrag «Kakophonie und Selbstorganisation in der digitialen Agora» kritisch die Ausweitung niederschwelliger, öffentlicher Partizipationschancen. Dabei unterstreicht er die Bedeutsamkeit informeller politischer Bildungsprozesse, die ein digitales, politisches Engagement mit sich bringt bzw. bringen kann und deren Potenzial als Übungsfeld. Er führt erste Rahmenbedingungen und Basismerkmale einer «neuen politischen Öffentlichkeit» aus und geht auf die Folgen der Loskoppelung politischer Kommunikation vom politischen Handeln ein. Heinz Moser befasst sich in seinem Beitrag «Das politische Internet – Möglichkeiten und Grenzen» mit der Frage, inwieweit sich die Qualität und Kultur der Bürgerpartizipation durch die junge Generation und ihre Mediennutzungsvorlieben verändert. Nach Ausführungen zu Formen von eGouvernment, eParticipation und eVoting mit Bezug zu bestehenden sozialwissenschaftlichen Ansätzen im Kontext von eDemokratie folgt die Zusammenfassung einer empirischen Untersuchung von politischer Partizipation am Beispiel von politischen Gruppen aus der Schweiz, die sich auf Facebook gebildet haben. Heike Schaumburg stellt in ihrem Beitrag «Politische Bildung und das Web 2.0» eine empirische Studie vor, die der Frage nachgeht, inwieweit das Web 2.0 in der Lage ist, die in die Social Software gesetzten Hoffnungen nach mehr Partizipation, Kommunikation und Vernetzung für die politische Bildung zu erfüllen. Der Beitrag erörtert, welche Potenziale das Web 2.0 für die Politische Bildung mit Blick auf ihre didaktische Gestaltung bietet, bevor er auf Basis einer Analyse bildungspolitischer Internet-Angebote Aussagen über die gegenwärtige Verbreitung von Web 2.0 Angeboten in der Politischen Bildung trifft. Schliesslich wird auf der Grundlage einer Nutzerbefragung die Beurteilung von entsprechenden Angeboten aus Nutzersicht thematisiert. Auf dieser Grundlage werden Empfehlungen für die Gestaltung von Internetangeboten der politischen Bildung in Zeiten von Web 2.0 gegeben. Kerstin Mayrberger setzt sich in ihrem Beitrag «Partizipatives Lernen mit dem Social Web in formalen Bildungskontexten gestalten – Zum Widerspruch einer verordneten Partizipation» aus konzeptioneller Sicht mit den Potenzialen und Grenzen des Social Web für ein partizipatives Lernen auseinander. Ausgehend von den Annahmen, dass mit dem Einsatz von Social Software in formalen Bildungskontexten wie Schule und Hochschule ein tatsächliches partizipatives Lernen systembedingt nur begrenzt realisierbar ist und dass es daher in formalen Bildungskontexten immer nur eine «verordnete Partizipation» geben kann, nimmt der Beitrag eine Systematisierung von Begriffen vor und stellt ein Stufenmodell partizipativen Lernens im formalen Bildungskontext vor, das aus mediendidaktischer Sicht bei der Gestaltung von Lernumgebungen einen differenzierten Umgang mit den Grenzen und Möglichkeiten von Social Software beim Lehren und Lernen erlaubt. Petra Grell und Franco Rau diskutieren in ihrem Beitrag «Partizipationslücken: Social Software in der Hochschullehre» verschiedene Probleme, die mit der Umsetzung von Social Software im Bereich der Hochschule einhergehen. Die Basis dafür stellt sowohl die aktuelle Diskussion um die Potenziale zur Einbindung von Angeboten des Web 2.0 in der Hochschullehre dar als auch eine Analyse von 16 publizierten Fallstudien zum Einsatz von Social Software in der Hochschullehre. Der Beitrag benennt abschliessend grundsätzliche Herausforderungen und Spannungsfelder partizipativer Ansätze mit digitalen Medien im Bildungsraum Hochschule. Birgit Gaiser und Stefanie Panke nehmen in ihrem Beitrag «Wenn Edusphäre und Blogosphäre sich treffen: Weblogs an Hochschulen zwischen Zitationskartell und Diskursrevolte» eine Bestandsaufnahme der Nutzung von Weblogs im Bildungsbereich, dem sogenannten «Edublogging» vor. Der Artikel beleuchtet das Phänomen «Edublogosphäre» durch eine umfangreiche Literatursichtung, Web-Recherchen und E-Mail-Befragungen, die in eine Kartografie der vielfältigen Landschaft an Edublogs mündet. Im Ergebnis werden Besonderheiten der Weblog-Strategien von E-Learning-Einrichtungen, bloggenden E-Learning-Wissenschaftlern/-innen, Blogfarmen und weiteren Einsatzformen in Hochschulbereich beschrieben. Anna-Maria Kamin und Dorothee M. Meister thematisieren in ihrem Beitrag «Neu lernen ist leichter als umlernen – Über die Schwierigkeiten einer bildungsgewohnten Gruppe neue (mediale) Partizipationsformen aufzubauen», dass neuartige Möglichkeiten zur Wissensorganisation und -kommunikation von erwachsenen Lernern eher zögerlich angenommen werden. Im Zentrum des Beitrags steht die Diskussion um mögliche Gründe und Bedingungen für diese Widerstände und Problematiken bei der Integration des Partizipationsraums Internet für berufliche Lernprozesse. Grundlage für diese Auseinandersetzung sind Praxiserfahrungen und empirische Ergebnisse einer explorativen Fallstudie mit einem ethisch beratenden Gremium. Es werden erste Folgerungen für die Möglichkeiten der Realisierung digitaler Partizipationsmöglichkeiten bei dieser Zielgruppe vorgestellt und im Kontext habitualisierter Handlungs- und Lernroutinen diskutiert. Das Thema der Partizipation ist neben Mündigkeit und Emanzipation ein genuin pädagogisches Anliegen und wichtige Antriebskraft einer handlungs- und interaktionsorientierten Medienpädagogik. Im Zuge des sich vollziehenden Medienwandels werden veränderte und gänzlich neue (potenzielle) Beteiligungsformen weiter an Bedeutung gewinnen. Entsprechend ist es bei den vorliegenden sieben Beiträgen interessant zu sehen, dass der Partizipation im Netz im Moment aus technischer Sicht relativ wenig Grenzen gesetzt sind. Vielmehr scheinen es die Akteure zu sein, die ihre Beteiligungsmöglichkeiten (noch) nicht wahrnehmen wollen oder können, sich gegenseitig Grenzen setzen oder sich eingrenzen lassen (müssen). So bleibt weiterhin vor allem die Frage zu klären, wie die Akteure selbst mit den Partizipationschancen im Netz umgehen werden, inwiefern beispielsweise deren mehrheitlichen Aktivitäten vor allem auf der Ebene der persönlichen, sozialen Netzwerke und Anliegen beschränkt bleiben werden oder sich ein übergreifendes Interesse an allgemeiner Beteiligung entwickeln wird. Die noch andauernden Diskussionen um die «Plagiatsaffären» der letzten Monate kann hierfür ein Beispiel sein. Aus einer umfassenden medienpädagogischen Perspektive besteht nun die Aufgabe, über die medienpraktischen Erfahrungen mit dem Web 2.0 in der ausserschulischer Jugendarbeit, in der Schule, der politischen Bildung oder im Bereich von E-Learning in der akademischen Lehre hinaus, die konzeptionelle und empirische Fundierung des sich verändernden Medienumgangs voranzutreiben. Die vorliegenden sieben Beiträge dieser Ausgabe der Online-Zeitschrift «MedienPädagogik» geben hierfür wichtige Impulse. Quellen mpfs – Medienpädagogischer Forschungsverbund Südwest, Hrsg. 2011. KIM-Studie 2010. Kinder + Medien, Computer + Internet. Basisstudie zum Medienumgang 6- bis 13-Jähriger in Deutschland. Stuttgart: mpfs. www.mpfs.de (10.10.2011) mpfs – Medienpädagogischer Forschungsverbund Südwest, Hrsg. 2010. JIM-Studie 2010 - Jugend, Information, (Multi-)Media. Basisstudie zum Medienumgang 12- bis 19-Jähriger in Deutschland. Stuttgart: mpfs. www.mpfs.de (10.10.2011). Eimeren, Birgit van und Beate Frees. 2010. «Fast 50 Millionen Deutsche online – Multimedia für alle? Ergebnisse der ARD/ZDF-Onlinestudie 2010.» Media Perspektiven 7–8: S. 334–349. www.media- perspektiven.de (10.10.2011).

Multiculturalism and the merging of local communities with immigrants demands glocal policies in various sectors—especially in education. In order to successfully integrate immigrants, language acquisition is oftentimes the first initiative educators and politicians regard as one of the most essential attributes for successful and prompt integration. However, language acquisition cannot be separated from the need to bridge communities and their different values, tradition, ideologies, and identities based on their cultural heritages and religious affiliations. In order to properly respond to newly-emerging glocal dynamics in, for instance, classrooms, it is crucial to understand the shifts in racisms from black versus white to East versus West. Therefore, concepts need to consider different dynamics and embrace issues related to gender, sexuality, skin color, habitus, social, financial, and cultural capital, as well as educational achievement (gaps) on an interdisciplinary level. While seeking to find appropriate adaptations of school curricula, it is necessary to not try to run before one can walk—in other words—to not try to let educators teach before they have been taught cross-cultural communication. In addition, racisms cannot be limited to conflicts between immigrants and non-immigrants; racisms also occur among a homogeneous group. The complexity of reuniting and/or integrating various immigrant, non-immigrant, (Middle) Eastern and Western identities and their (intercultural) belonging is critical because of the various circumstances and settings that need to be considered for responding to linguistic, cultural, social, psychological, educational, and financial matters individually. Although there is not one concrete theoretical framework or outcome that can be applied for integration; this dissertation thesis functions as a roadmap for becoming more aware of regional and international struggles. Despite the multifaceted approaches that need to be combined and implemented in terms of second language acquisition, updated teacher training, cross-cultural policies, access to social services and support systems, etc., the education sector remains the foundation for prospective integration: Integrative and multiculturally-aware education provides the glocal society with intercultural and interdisciplinary-applicable assets and capitals. Such abilities help create a politically, socially, financially, culturally, and educationally responsible future embracing transatlantic intermingling instead of oppressing Otherness. Local and global communities benefit from better-adjusted and well-integrated immigrant families and students. The better societies and politics educate, integrate, and value non-locals, the more societies will benefit culturally, socially, politically, and economically from the glocal population. The newly-introduced PIC SAM guidelines provide, in cooperation with key actors and community-centered programs for immigrants and non-immigrants, a roadmap for combining theory and practice in glocal contexts.:Table of Contents vi List of Figures, Tables, and Illustrations x Chapter One 1 Personal Narrative and Relevance: Education as Powerful Integration Tool 1 Rationale, Overview, and Global Integration and Education 7 Theoretical Framework and Methodological Approaches 14 Terminology 17 Steps for Globally-Adjusted Integration and Education 29 Step 1: Understanding Legal Challenges of Turkish Immigrants 29 Step 2: Understanding that Not Every Middle Easterner is a Muslim 33 Step 3: Starting Successful Integration in Kindergarten 33 Step 4: Nurturing Integration Instead of Oppressing Immigration 36 Step 5: Adapting CRT—From Colorblind to Headscarfblind 39 Step 6: Taking the Education Exit for Integration 43 Step 7: Taking the Education Exit to Integration 44 Step 8: Sprucing Up the Headscarf Image 45 Chapter Two 48 Literature Review 48 Chapter Three 103 "Other" Ideologies and Identities—Theoretical Approaches 103 (1) How to Approach Different Ideologies 103 (2) Reasons for Othering and Biased Headscarf Images 103 (3) Disempowering the Exotic Other 104 (4) The Danger of Ill-Ideologies 106 (5) Ideologies as Utopia and Fantasy 108 (6) Capitalization and Mass Economization of Identities and Ideologies 109 (7) Institutionalization of the ISA (aka the School) 110 Chapter Four 113 Individuals are Always-Already Subjects of Ideology 113 Concepts Creating the Multifaceted Constructions of Ideology 114 (1) Ideology as A-Historical 114 (2) Is Ideology "Real" or an Illusion? 115 (3) Individuals are Always-Already Subjects (of Ideology) 116 (4) Subjects within a Mass-Produced Media (Ill)Ideology 117 (5) Shift: From Dominant via Repressed Ideology to State Apparatus 119 (6) Concluding Thoughts on Ideologies 120 Chapter Five 123 Race as Product of Social, Political, and Educational Thought 123 Chapter Six 128 Shifts in Racisms: Whitewashed—From Black to (Middle) East 128 The Wende within Immigration and Globalization 134 (1) History and Its Effect on Pre- and Post-Activism 134 (2) GDR Museums—(False?) Nostalgia in Times of Globalization 141 (3) Cross-Generational Racisms and Racialized White Others 145 Chapter Seven 149 Different Social and Cultural Capitals: East vs. West (German) Habitus 149 Adapting Bourdieu's Habitus to Different Contexts 151 Comparative Examples: Disadvantaged Groups in the Education Sector 154 Getting to the Nitty-Gritty: The Case of Oscar 156 Concluding the Nitty-Gritty: Political Trust and Progressive Educators 165 Chapter Eight 170 Reverse Activisms: The Importance of Transnational Post-Activism 170 Tear Down that Church! 173 Transferring Activism from the GDR to the 21st Century 177 From "Teaching" Activism to "Doing" Activism 181 East versus West: Striving for Balanced Activisms 184 Activism, Aktivismus, and Activisme—or Negativism? 187 Chapter Nine 190 Adapting and Diversifying CRT 190 Teaching and Learning German and Intercultural Communication 195 Global and Anti-Racist Pedagogies In- and Outside of Schools 200 Roadmap for Changing (the) Dynamics in Germany's Education 203 (1) Cross-Language Policies: Bilingualism for Everyone 203 (2) Current Challenges in Germany's Education System 207 (3) Key Actors and Levels in Addressing the Integration Problem(s) 208 (4) Solution Approaches 210 Chapter Ten 212 Glocal Frameworks: Adding "Bi-Religionism" to Bilingualism & Biculturalism 212 Getting to the Nitty-Gritty: The Case of Mo 215 Educational Policy Recommendations 224 Concluding the Nitty-Gritty 230 Chapter Eleven 233 Outlook and Conclusion: Striving for Glocal Awareness and Activist Change 233 References 243 Endnotes 263

Political scientists, journalists, and astute political observers agree that American political parties, at both the mass and elite level, have become more partisan over the past fifty years. The two national parties have increasingly moved apart on various social and economic issues, and elected representatives have become more ideologically divided over time. In response to party polarization, rank-and-file party identifiers have further sorted themselves into the Republican and Democratic parties. Their evaluation of political figures, as well as their positions over a range of political issues, is more likely to be influenced by their party identification now than decades ago. Yet when one closely examines the overall distributions of ideology and public opinions, one can hardly detect any changes in them over time. The electorate remains largely ideologically centrist and moderate. Given frequent elections and the prevalence of watchdog groups and a savvy media, one would expect that representatives who deviate ideologically from the preferences of their constituents would get voted out. In principle, one would expect any electoral disconnect to diminish, if not completely disappear in the long run. Yet in reality, the opposite is true --- the electoral disconnect between the overall attitudes of the mass public and those of elites appears to have widened over time. The empirical puzzle is: How can party polarization be sustained when the constituents who elect them are not ideologically divided? The answer is geography. Federal elections are geographically-based. There are four hundred and thirty five separate electoral districts for House seats, and fifty districts for Senate seats. Congressional members are single-minded re-election seekers who are held accountable to their home constituents---not to the national electorate. In order to understand what contributes to party polarization and electoral disconnect, one must begin by studying the spatial composition of voters across geographic regions. I argue that the increasingly skewed spatial distribution of partisan preferences, which I refer to as `geographic polarization of partisan preferences', holds the key to the empirical puzzle.There are two ways in which geographic polarization of partisan preferences can occur. One is through electoral behavioral change; another is through spatial compositional change. By electoral behavioral change, I refer primarily to party sorting that began after 1980. As the two national parties pull apart ideologically, voters can easily differentiate between the major parties and align themselves with the political party that lies closer to their political preferences. Because of party sorting, the connection between a person's socio-demographic characteristics and his or her partisan preference strengthens over time.By spatial composition change, I refer to the condition in which the demographic make-up of geographic regions (or electoral districts) gets altered over time in ways that are politically relevant. There are two mechanisms that can induce spatial compositional change. The first mechanism is selective migration. When individuals' politically relevant socio-demographic characteristics and lifestyle preferences are correlated with both the migration decision and residential choice, then voters become geographically sorted over time in ways that matter for their political choices. The second mechanism is place-varying generational replacement. The conventional notion of generational replacement suggests that cohorts coming of age in different time (or political) periods might develop distinct partisan preferences or beliefs. As younger cohorts replace older cohorts, the overall composition of the electorate might then change. While such conventional generational replacement continues to take place, I show that, after 1980, there is an additional form of generational replacement that is spatially dependent. In addition to the time in which one comes of age, the place in which one comes of age also matters. In California, I demonstrate that younger voters coming of age in pro-Democratic regions (the Bay Area and Los Angeles County) are systematically more likely to identify as Democrats than those growing up in pro-Republican regions. As these younger cohorts age, the spatial disparity in term of partisan preferences widens.I use California as a case study because it is a very large and diverse state. There are many unique historic data, including individual-level opinion polls, voter registration data and yearly county-level demographic data. By assembling and examining various datasets, I show that selective migration began long before elite polarization resumed in Congress in the 1960s. Migration patterns have largely been stable over the past few decades. They are mostly driven by economic considerations and not by religious preferences. Over time, the accumulation of selective migration results in an increasingly skewed spatial distribution of voters of various socio-demographic characteristics. When the two national political parties began to pull apart on social and economic issues during the Reagan administration, voters took the cues and became more sorted by partisanship. Party sorting had two political impacts. First, it led to the onset of place-varying generational replacement. Second, it further accentuated the connection between the skewed spatial distribution of social-demographic characteristics and aggregate partisan preferences. Consequently, geographic polarization began to emerge in 1980 and continued to increase over time. Prior to 1980, counties in California used to have fairly similar partisan preferences. The moderate, centrist distribution of ideology among voters was reflected by a bell-shape distribution of partisan preferences at the county level. By 2000, the distribution of partisan preferences at the county level had become bimodal --- counties either had gone more pro-Democratic or pro-Republican, with very few electorally competitive counties in between. Through the interaction of electoral behavioral changes and spatial compositional changes, the moderate, centrist electorate is now spatially arranged in partisan polarized districts. These districts perpetuate party polarization at the elite level as Congressional candidates must appeal to either strongly Democratic or strongly Republican electorates within their districts. Lastly, I argue that since party sorting and the pattern of selective migration are deeply entrenched in the electorate, geographic polarization and electoral disconnect are likely to be sustained in the long run.

Brazil grew 2.4 percent per year on average in the last 25 years-somewhat less than Latin America, a good deal less than the world, far less than the emerging countries of Asia in the same period, and indeed far less than Brazil itself in previous decades. If anything stands out favorably in recent Brazilian experience, it is not growth but stabilization and the successful opening of the economy. The purpose of this paper is more modest. It is limited to setting out the authors' particular view of recent efforts to consolidate democracy in Brazil while controlling inflation and resuming economic growth. At the same time the paper presents, as objectively as possible, some thoughts on the limits but also the relevance of action by political leaders to set a course and circumvent obstacles to that process. Here and there, the paper refers to the experiences of other Latin American countries, especially Argentina, Chile, and Mexico, not to offer a full fledged comparative analysis but merely to note contrasts and similarities that may shed light on the peculiarities of the Brazilian case and suggest themes for a more wide-ranging exchange of views.

1. The Study of Lying and Deception: Historical Perspectives -- 2. Defining Deception, Truth, and Related Concepts -- 3. Moral Dimensions of Deception -- 4. A Review of Meta-Analyses about Deception Detection -- 5. Cultural Perspectives on Lying and Deception -- 6. Implications of Some "Obvious Truths" for Building Theories of Deceptive Message Formulation and Production -- 7. Discursive Dimensions of Deceptive Communication: A Framework for Practical Analysis -- 8. True and False Intentions -- 9. The Reciprocal Nature of Lying and Memory: Memory Confabulation and Diagnostic Cues to Deception -- 10. Manipulating Trust: Exploiting Communication Mechanisms and Authenticity Cues to Deceive -- 11. Affiliative and Exploitive Motives to Deception and Their Differential and Joint Consequences -- 12. Correlates of Self-Assessed Abilities to Tell Lies and Truths: A Review -- 13. Effects of Deception on the Deceiver -- 14. Inauthenticity as a Form of Deceptive Communication -- 15. Understanding Lie Detection Biases with ALIED: A Boundedly Rational Approach -- 16. Unchallenged Deceptions in Social and Professional Relationships -- 17. Managing Face in the Midst of Deception: A Cross-Cultural Examination -- 18. An Overview of Detecting Deceptive Behavior -- 19. Promising New Techniques in Lie Detection -- 20. Individual Differences & Deception Detection Abilities -- 21. Multitasking, Cognitive Load, and Deception -- 22. Nonverbal Cues to Deception -- 23. The Many Faces of Trustworthiness: Accuracy and Inaccuracy in Predicting Deception from Facial Appearance -- 24. Comparing Perceptual and Automated Vision-Based Methods for Lie Detection in Younger Children -- 25. Deception and Language: The Contextual Organization of Language and Deception (COLD) Framework -- 26. Verifiability Approach: Applications in Different Judgmental Settings -- 27. "At the End of the Day, When All is Said and Done, Honesty is the Best Policy": An Investigation Into the Potential Role of Formulaic Sequences as a Marker of Deception -- 28. Verbal Cues Fostering Perceptions of Credibility and Truth/Lie Detection,- 29. Detecting Deceptive Intentions: Possibilities for Large-Scale Applications -- 30. Indirect and Implicit Deception Detection: Existing Findings and Emerging Evidence -- 31. The Concealed Information Test: Past, Present, and Future -- 32. Deterring Deception: Theory and New Directions -- 33. Deceptive Affection in Relationships -- 34. Deceiving for and During Sex -- 35. Deception at a Distance: Long-Distance Deception and Romantic Relationships -- 36. Life as Means of Deception within Art and Truth within Psyche: A Comprehensive Analysis of Romantic Deception Portrayals in Art and Psychology -- 37. "She is my roommate:" Why and How Lesbian, Gay and Bisexual Individuals Deceive Friends about Their Sexual Orientation -- 38. Linguistic Aspects of Cross-Cultural Deceptive Communication in Polish and English -- 39. "Passing" and the Politics of Deception: Transgender Bodies, Cisgender Aesthetics, and the Policing of Inconspicuous Marginal Identities -- 40. Deception in Group Contexts -- 41. Organizational Deception: Lies at Work -- 42. What You Don't Know Can't Hurt You, Can It? Deception in Health Contexts -- 43. Is it Always Better to Tell the Whole Truth? Health Care Professionals and Medical "Bad News" -- 44. An Examining of Student Cheating: A Dramaturgical Perspective of Deception and Self-Deception -- 45. The History, Present, and Future of Police Deception during Interrogation -- 46. Deception and the Art and Science of Criminal Interrogation -- 47. Disbelief Repeats as Deception Tagging: Conversational Strategies for Labeling Lies in Interrogations -- 48. Interrogation, Torture, and Deception -- 49. Deception Detection in Courtrooms: Hazards and Challenges for Scholars and Professionals -- 50. Deception Production, Detection, and Beliefs in Online Environments -- 51. Playful Masquerade or Malicious Fraud? Deception in Anonymous Online Communication -- 52. "You have Won €1,000,000": Analyzing the Discourse Structures of Deceptive Emails -- 53. Visual Deception: From Camo to Cameron -- 54. Ethics of Deception in Mass Communication -- 55. Propaganda, Social Media, and Fake News -- 56. Marketing Deception: An Effects-based Paradigm -- 57. Audiences in the Dark: Deception in Pharmaceutical Advertising through Verbal-Visual Mismatches -- 58. Audience Acceptance of Deceptive News Content -- 59. Propaganda, Politics and Deception -- 60. Disclosing Deception and No One Cares? Fact-Checking and Political Trust During Election Campaigns -- 61. Reality Monitoring in Politics: Language of Lies in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Race

part Part I Criminologists on War -- chapter 1 Paul Roberts and Nesam McMillan (2003), 'For Criminology in International Criminal Justice', Journal of International Criminal Justice, 1, pp. 315-38 -- chapter 2 Daniel Maier-Katkin, Daniel P. Mears and Thomas J. Bernard (2009), 'Towards a Criminology of Crimes against Humanity', Theoretical Criminology, 13, pp. 227-55 -- chapter 3 Vincenzo Ruggiero (2005), 'Criminalizing War: Criminology as Ceasefire', Social & Legal Studies, 14, pp. 239-57 -- chapter 4 John Hagan and Wenona Rymond-Richmond (2009), 'Criminology Confronts Genocide: Whose Side Are You On?', Theoretical Criminology, 13, pp. 503-11 -- part Part II Transformations of War -- chapter 5 Carolyn Nordstrom (2000), 'Shadows and Sovereigns', Theory, Culture & Society, 17, pp. 35-54 -- chapter 6 Mark Duffield (2002), 'War as a Network Enterprise: The New Security Terrain and its Implications', Cultural Values, 6, pp. 153-65 -- chapter 7 Penny Green and Tony Ward (2009), 'The Transformation of Violence in Iraq', British Journal of Criminology, 49, pp. 609-27 -- part Part III Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity -- chapter 8 Herbert C. Kelman (1973), 'Violence Without Moral Restraint: Reflections on the Dehumanization of Victims and Victimizers', Journal of Social Issues, 29, pp. 25-61 -- chapter 9 Zygmunt Bauman (1988), 'Sociology after the Holocaust', British Journal of Sociology, 39, pp. 469-97 -- chapter 10 Michael Freeman (1995), 'Genocide, Civilization and Modernity', British Journal of Sociology, 46, pp. 207-23 -- chapter 11 Ruth Jamieson (1999), 'Genocide and the Social Production of Immorality',Theoretical Criminology, 3, pp. 131-46 -- part Part IV Normative Transformations -- chapter 12 Avery F. Gordon (2006), 'Abu Ghraib: Imprisonment and the War on Terror', Race and Class, 48, pp. 42-59 -- chapter 13 Stanley Cohen (2006), 'Neither Honesty nor Hypocrisy: The Legal Reconstruction of Torture', in Tim Newburn and Paul Rock (eds), The Politics of Crime Control: Essays in Honour of David Downes, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 297-317 -- chapter 14 Teresa Degenhardt (2010), 'Representing War as Punishment in the War on Terror', International Journal of Criminology and Sociological Theory, 3, pp. 343-58 -- part Part V Gender and War -- chapter 15 Ruth Seifert (1994), 'War and Rape: A Preliminary Analysis', in Alexandra Stiglmayer (ed.), Mass Rape: The War against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, pp. 54-72 -- chapter 16 Dubravka Zarkov (2007), 'The Body of the Other Man', in The Body of War: Media, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Break-up of Yugoslavia, Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, pp. 155-69 -- chapter 17 Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic (2001), 'From Sisterhood to Non-recognition: Instrumentalization of Women's Suffering in the War in the Former Yugoslavia', reset from Sociologija, 43, pp. 213-26 -- chapter 18 Cynthia Cockburn (2014), 'A Continuum of Violence: Gender, War and Peace', in Ruth Jamieson (ed.), The Criminology of War, Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 357-76 -- chapter 19 R. Charli Carpenter (2006), 'Recognizing Gender-based Violence against Civilian Men and Boys in Conflict Situations', Security Dialogue, 37, pp. 83-103 -- part Part VI Militarized Masculinities -- chapter 20 John Hockey (2003), 'No More Heroes: Masculinity in the Infantry', in Paul R. Higate (ed.), Military Masculinities: Identity and the State, Westport, CT and London: Praeger, pp. 15-25 -- chapter 21 Richard Maclure and Myriam Denov (2006), -- chapter 22 Martha K. Huggins and Mika Haritos-Fatouros (1998), 'Bureaucratizing Masculinities Among Brazilian Torturers and Murderers', in Lee H. Bowker (ed.), Masculinities and Violence, London: Sage, pp. 29-54 -- part Part VII The Post-War Moment -- chapter 23 Paul Higate and Marsha Henry (2004), 'Engendering (In)security in Peace Support Operations', Security Dialogue, 35, pp. 481-98 -- chapter 24 R.W. Connell (2002), 'Masculinities, the Reduction of Violence and the Pursuit of Peace', in Cynthia Cockburn and Dubravka Zarkov (eds), The Postwar Moment, London: Lawrence & Wishart, pp. 33-40 -- chapter 25 Ruti G. Teitel (2003), 'Transitional Justice Genealogy', Harvard Human Rights Journal, 16, pp. 69-94 -- chapter 26 Kieran McEvoy (2007), 'Beyond Legalism: Towards a Thicker Understanding of Transitional Justice', Journal of Law and Society, 34, pp. 411-40.

The relevance of the article. Today is characterized by great attention to the communicative component in all areas of society, because it is communication that plays an important role in the establishment of a new socio-cultural order and in the reproduction of its structures. Such challenges place rather high demands on both personal and professional qualities of future communication specialists. Therefore, the training of mobile, creative, competent, successful, competitive communication specialists in the conditions of socio-economic changes in Ukraine is the main task facing higher education. It is possible to ensure the proper quality of training of domestic communication specialists based on the creative use of pedagogical experience accumulated throughout the history of the development of education in Ukraine and foreign countries. Despite the large number of studies devoted to the actual issues of training specialists, the experience of innovative approaches to the provision of educational services in the USA has not yet been sufficiently studied. Meanwhile, the rapid application of innovation in the organization of the educational process, in particular in the field of training mobile, creative, competent, successful, competitive communication specialists, is a necessary condition for the development of Ukrainian society.
The purpose of the article — study of the experience of the USA regarding the organization of professional training of bachelors in communications, research of the content and features of the curricula of leading American educational institutions that offer education at the educational level "Bachelor of Communications" with the aim of using such approaches in the practice of Ukrainian universities.
The methodology. Analytical method, methods of description, comparison and generalization were applied for the research.
The results. The issue of training communication specialists in the leading universities of the United States of America in the bachelor's program was considered. Data on the popularity and demand of specialists who have completed a bachelor's degree in communications in the USA are presented. A review of the content of bachelor's training programs in communications at more than 20 US universities was carried out. The peculiarities of bachelor's training in communications at the University of Miami (The University of Miami) and Florida International University (Florida International University, FIU) are analyzed. Emphasis is placed on the need to study, adapt and implement the positive experience of US universities regarding the training of communication specialists in Ukrainian universities.
The scientific novelty. This study offers an analysis of the content of bachelor's programs of leading American educational institutions that offer studies at the educational level "Bachelor of Communications" in 2023.
The practical significance. Research materials and conclusions can be used to adapt and implement the experience of US universities in training communication specialists in Ukrainian universities, in particular, to improve the content of educational programs.
Conclusions. Effective development of modern communications is impossible without improving the quality of training bachelors in communications in higher educational institutions of various types and forms of ownership in Ukraine. To solve this problem, it is necessary to take into account the experience accumulated throughout the history of the development of education in Ukraine and foreign countries. Currently, the USA is one of the most popular places to get a bachelor's degree in communications. The US universities offer a wide selection of bachelor's programs in communications, among which the most popular are: Bachelor of Arts in Communications; Bachelor of Arts in Organizational and Strategic Communication; Bachelor of Business and Communications; Bachelor of Digital Media and Communications; Bachelor of Science in Interpersonal Communication; Bachelor of Science in Corporate Communications. The curriculum emphasizes students' understanding of communication in a variety of contexts (interpersonal, intercultural, organizational, political, and mass communications) and prepares future professionals to be effective and well-rounded communicators. Such specialized skills will allow students to choose from a wide range of career opportunities after completing the program in a variety of industries.

Purpose of the article is to turn to the analysis of event practices as an effective tool of public relations for the conceptual understanding of its value potential, which is expressed in communication, contacts, in the harmony of man with the world around him. Methodology is based on the application of general scientific and special methods of cognition, including methods of generalization, synthesis, and analytics, which allow studying event practices as an effective means of social communication. Scientific novelty. Currently, there is a lack of scientific analysis of the key role of domestic event practices in the general system of public relations. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the theoretical generalization of the problem and the definition of categorical statements related to the research topic. Conclusions. As a result of the research, the need to form a new Ukrainian culture of self-realization of individuals, which is due to fundamentally new modifications of socio-cultural institutions, among which the latest event practices used in modern public relations. The impact of PR-methods can be both negative and positive. The nature and functional purpose of these methods depends in general on those who manage and own the technology and their practical implementation. As a result, the role of some PR - technologies in society, to a greater extent, is defined by us as the manipulation of the consciousness of citizens, the role of others - as enlightenment. Due to significant civilizational, technical and technological progress, including the development of the media, the transformation of event technologies in the world and Ukraine has accelerated. Event practices shape public opinion in various cultural spheres and promote positive changes in the mass consciousness. The transition of an essential component of the structure of event practices into a virtualized space will be the essence of the culture of the future. With the development of visual technology, events have acquired new functions - they have become an instrument of political and ideological struggle, a weapon of rebellion, a form of shock, which is an effective tool of modern public relations. This trend, accordingly, increases the role of event practices in the cultural process and in general in public life, stimulates the interest of scientists in their further research. ; Мета роботи: звернення до аналізу подієвих практик як ефективного інструменту паблік рилейшнз для концептуального осмислення його ціннісного потенціалу, який виражається у комунікації, контактах, у гармонії людини з навколишнім світом. Методологія: базується на застосуванні загальнонаукових та спеціальних методах пізнання, зокрема аналітичному, методу синтезу, методу узагальнення, що дають змогу дослідити подієві практики як ефективний засіб соціальної комунікації. Наукова новизна: наразі бракує наукового аналізу ключової ролі вітчизняних подієвих практик у загальній системі паблік рилейшнз. Наукова новизна роботи полягає в теоретичному узагальненні проблеми та визначенні категоріальних тверджень, пов'язаних з темою дослідження. Висновки. У результаті проведеного дослідження доведено потребу формувати нову українську культуру самореалізації індивідів, яка зумовлена принципово новими модифікаціями соціально-культурних інститутів, серед яких важливу роль відіграють новітні подієві практики, що використовуються у сучасних паблік рилейшнз. Вплив методів паблік рилейшнз може бути як негативним, так і позитивним. Характер та функціональне призначення цих методів залежить у цілому від тих, хто керує та володіє технологією та їх практичною реалізацією. В результаті роль одних PR - технологій у соціумі, у більшій мірі, визначається нами як маніпуляція свідомістю громадян, роль інших – як просвітництво. У зв'язку зі значним загальноцивілізаційним, технічним та технологічним поступом, у тому числі розвитком ЗМІ, на світових та українських теренах трансформації івент-технологій прискорилися. Подієві практики формують громадську думку у різних культурних сферах та сприяють позитивним змінам у масовій свідомості. Перехід суттєвої складової структури подієвих практик у віртуалізований простір становитиме сутність культури майбутнього. З розвитком візуальних технологій івенти набули нових функцій – вони стали інструментом політичної та ідеологічної боротьби, зброєю бунту, формою шоку, що є ефективним інструментом сучасних паблік рилейшнз. Ця тенденція, відповідно, підвищує роль подієвих практик у культурному процесі і загалом у суспільному житті, стимулює зацікавленість науковців у їх подальшому дослідженні.

In this article we develop discursive analyzes positioned from perspectives of the French school of discourse analysis (Amossy, 2016, 2017 and 2018; Maingueneau, 2010). We interpret a Corpus of Analysis constructed around the social problems caused by fire in the Parana's Delta that mainly occupied the jurisdiction of the Province of Entre Ríos, Argentina, but which affected the City of Rosario, causing the deployment of a large media enunciative mass, social mobilizations and government interventions around the reference "fire on the islands." We select and interpret an "Open Letter to Mr. President Alberto Fernández" by which it was denounced the situation of "burning on the islands" and was widely disseminated and supported through the change.org platform and on it we apply a series of discourse analysis categories such as "controversial discourse", "counter-recipients" and "ethos", part of Classical rhetoric taken up by the French school. Finally, we open the discussion with the following questions: if the claim expressed in the Open Letter invokes planning and governance over the territory, does this constitute a political or police act (Rancière, 2000)? What other modes of democratic management can be carried out in the face of this socio-environmental conflict? ; El presente artículo nos convoca a abordar la problemática socioambiental que suscitaron los incendios en islas del Delta paranaense a lo largo de la segunda mitad del año 2020 y que ocuparon principalmente a la jurisdicción de la Provincia de Entre Ríos, Argentina, y que afectaron directamente a la Ciudad de Rosario, ocasionando el despliegue de una gran masa enunciativa mediática, movilizaciones sociales, intervenciones territoriales y medidas gubernamentales, jurídicas y penales. Nuestro propósito es desarrollar análisis discursivos posicionándonos en algunas perspectivas de la Escuela Francesa de Análisis de Discurso (Amossy, 2016, 2017; Maingueneau, 2010). Aquí, puntualmente, seleccionamos e interpretamos una "Carta Abierta al Sr. Presidente Alberto Fernández" ampliamente difundida y apoyada mediante la plataforma change.org mediante la cual se denunció la situación de "quemas en las islas", y sobre ella, aplicamos una serie de categorías de Análisis de Discurso como "discurso polémico", "contradestinatarios" y "ethos". Es decir que, partiendo de conceptos de la Retórica Clásica, y retomados por el Análisis de Discurso, nos abocamos a la interpretación de la Carta Abierta a la luz de tales categorías. Finalmente, abrimos la discusión con los siguientes interrogantes: si el reclamo expresado en la Carta Abierta, invoca una planificación y gobernabilidad sobre el territorio ¿éste constituye un acto político o policial (Rancière, 2000)? y ¿qué implicancias tienen los modos de configuración enunciativa de identidades sociales en la gestión o litigio democrático de un conflicto socioambiental? ; Este artigo nos convida a abordar os problemas sociais que os incêndios suscitaram no Delta do Paraná ao longo do segundo semestre de 2020 e que ocuparam principalmente a jurisdição da Província de Entre Ríos, Argentina, mas que afetaram a Cidade de Rosário, ocasionando a implantação de uma grande mídia de massa, mobilizações sociais e governamentais, intervenções e medidas legais e criminais, em torno da referência "incêndio nas ilhas". Nosso objetivo é desenvolver análises discursivas nos posicionando em algumas perspectivas da Escola Francesa de Análise do Discurso (Amossy, 2016, 2017; Maingueneau, 2010). Aqui selecionamos e interpretamos uma "Carta Aberta ao Senhor Presidente Alberto Fernández" por meio da qual foi denunciada a situação de "queimadas nas ilhas", ao mesmo tempo em que foi amplamente divulgada e apoiada através da plataforma change.org, e nela aplicamos uma série de categorias de Análise do Discurso como "discurso polêmico", "contra-destinatários" e "ethos". Ou seja, partindo dos conceitos da retórica clássica, retomados pela Escola Francesa de Análise do Discurso, empreendemos a interpretação da Carta Aberta à luz de tais categorias. Por fim, abrimos a discussão com as seguintes questões: se a reivindicação expressa na Carta Aberta invoca o planejamento e a governança sobre o território, constitui um ato político ou policial (Rancière, 2000)? Que outras formas de gestão democrática podem ser realizadas diante desse conflito socioambiental?

Purpose of the article is to turn to the analysis of event practices as an effective tool of public relations for the conceptual understanding of its value potential, which is expressed in communication, contacts, in the harmony of man with the world around him. Methodology is based on the application of general scientific and special methods of cognition, including methods of generalization, synthesis, and analytics, which allow studying event practices as an effective means of social communication. Scientific novelty. Currently, there is a lack of scientific analysis of the key role of domestic event practices in the general system of public relations. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the theoretical generalization of the problem and the definition of categorical statements related to the research topic. Conclusions. As a result of the research, the need to form a new Ukrainian culture of self-realization of individuals, which is due to fundamentally new modifications of socio-cultural institutions, among which the latest event practices used in modern public relations. The impact of PR-methods can be both negative and positive. The nature and functional purpose of these methods depends in general on those who manage and own the technology and their practical implementation. As a result, the role of some PR - technologies in society, to a greater extent, is defined by us as the manipulation of the consciousness of citizens, the role of others - as enlightenment. Due to significant civilizational, technical and technological progress, including the development of the media, the transformation of event technologies in the world and Ukraine has accelerated. Event practices shape public opinion in various cultural spheres and promote positive changes in the mass consciousness. The transition of an essential component of the structure of event practices into a virtualized space will be the essence of the culture of the future. With the development of visual technology, events have acquired new functions - they have become an instrument of political and ideological struggle, a weapon of rebellion, a form of shock, which is an effective tool of modern public relations. This trend, accordingly, increases the role of event practices in the cultural process and in general in public life, stimulates the interest of scientists in their further research. ; Мета роботи: звернення до аналізу подієвих практик як ефективного інструменту паблік рилейшнз для концептуального осмислення його ціннісного потенціалу, який виражається у комунікації, контактах, у гармонії людини з навколишнім світом. Методологія: базується на застосуванні загальнонаукових та спеціальних методах пізнання, зокрема аналітичному, методу синтезу, методу узагальнення, що дають змогу дослідити подієві практики як ефективний засіб соціальної комунікації. Наукова новизна: наразі бракує наукового аналізу ключової ролі вітчизняних подієвих практик у загальній системі паблік рилейшнз. Наукова новизна роботи полягає в теоретичному узагальненні проблеми та визначенні категоріальних тверджень, пов'язаних з темою дослідження. Висновки. У результаті проведеного дослідження доведено потребу формувати нову українську культуру самореалізації індивідів, яка зумовлена принципово новими модифікаціями соціально-культурних інститутів, серед яких важливу роль відіграють новітні подієві практики, що використовуються у сучасних паблік рилейшнз. Вплив методів паблік рилейшнз може бути як негативним, так і позитивним. Характер та функціональне призначення цих методів залежить у цілому від тих, хто керує та володіє технологією та їх практичною реалізацією. В результаті роль одних PR - технологій у соціумі, у більшій мірі, визначається нами як маніпуляція свідомістю громадян, роль інших – як просвітництво. У зв'язку зі значним загальноцивілізаційним, технічним та технологічним поступом, у тому числі розвитком ЗМІ, на світових та українських теренах трансформації івент-технологій прискорилися. Подієві практики формують громадську думку у різних культурних сферах та сприяють позитивним змінам у масовій свідомості. Перехід суттєвої складової структури подієвих практик у віртуалізований простір становитиме сутність культури майбутнього. З розвитком візуальних технологій івенти набули нових функцій – вони стали інструментом політичної та ідеологічної боротьби, зброєю бунту, формою шоку, що є ефективним інструментом сучасних паблік рилейшнз. Ця тенденція, відповідно, підвищує роль подієвих практик у культурному процесі і загалом у суспільному житті, стимулює зацікавленість науковців у їх подальшому дослідженні.

Proces osnivanja i početak rada televizije kao odjela Radija Zagreb i prve godine djelovanja Radiotelevizije Zagreb unutar Jugoslavenske televizije odigrali su se u samo deset godina – od sredine 50-ih do sredine 60-ih godina XX. stoljeća. Obrađivani period analiziran je iz izvornih dokumenata Radija Zagreb i Radiotelevizije Zagreb, djelomično sačuvanih u Arhivu poslovne dokumentacije Hrvatske radiotelevizije, tekstova objavljenih u internim tiskovinama obiju ustanova i radiodifuzije Jugoslavije, kao i zabilježenih sjećanja sudionika tih događaja. Da bi se dobio potpuniji uvid u obrađenu temu, prikazan je i kratki pregled nastanka televizije u svijetu. Većina podataka korištenih u ovom radu nalazi se u radnoj jedinici Arhivi i programsko gradivo Hrvatske radiotelevizije. ; The founding of any television broadcaster demands substantial financial investments because the production of programmes costs the same regardless of whether one is producing a programme for millions or several thousand viewers. Almost all television broadcasters began their development as parts of radio stations (BBC in the United Kingdom, CBS and NBC in the USA). The television broadcaster founded by Radio Zagreb as one of its departments is no exception. The rapid development of television in the technological and programmatic sense after World War II led to it taking away an increasingly large media space from other information and entertainment sources, so that it quickly became independent and grew into the dominant mass medium. Public television in Croatia (Yugoslavia) underwent the same development path as other public television broadcasters in Europe, albeit much later than the broadcasters that served as its role models (BBC and RAI) and in significantly tougher financial and social circumstances. The enthusiasm and professionalism of the people involved in the creation of television in Zagreb were of decisive importance for its later development. All those who joined the project showed a readiness to master something completely unknown and to learn on the go. Many have written about the time and circumstances in which television appeared in Croatia as the time of enthusiasts of Radio Zagreb. As Ivan Šibl said, the enthusiasm and passion of these people for the new medium was not curbed by the eternal lack of money or by the political and social circumstances of the time. Starting from almost nothing, on their on their own initiative, with much ingenuity, professionalism, and, above all, much love, they created the first television broadcaster in Yugoslavia. Sadly, instead of affirmation, this pioneering work of Radio Zagreb caused much envy and obstructions. Still, once they had begun, they became unstoppable. They learned on the go and, learning from their mistakes, created a programme of increasingly higher quality. Even though they planned to make a television network in Croatia in only a few years (1956–1960), the financial and political circumstances did not allow this, so the whole process dragged out for almost two decades. But they managed to create the foundations of modern television from almost nothing. The increasing viewership through the years is a clear indicator of the success of their work. No less important, in the time and in social conditions in which they lived, was their courage to consciously choose to broadcast foreign television programmes, because they could not influence the contents of Italian and Austrian television. Even though these were mostly sports, entertainment, and cultural programmes, they opened a 'window into the world' for their audience. In a way, the beginning of television in Zagreb is linked to football. Everything always began with the broadcasting of football matches, from persuading individuals to attracting viewers at the very beginning. Of course, the sports programme was always the most viewed part of the television programme. However, once they began to produce a television programme, they became unstoppable. Thanks to numerous enthusiasts, starting from just one small, makeshift studio, they created the foundations upon which most public—and private—television broadcasters in today's Croatia rest.

Evidence suggests that the question of migrations nowadays has become a major challenge of political, social and imaginary life of the "Tout-Monde". For this reason there is an undeniable heightening of the intraAfrican, transAfrican and transcontinental migrations. In addition to South-South migrations, migrations to Europe continue to attract more media attention. If mass migration is widespread in the world, it arouses painful memories in the particular case of the post-colonial Black African migrant. The general objective that is intended here is to put in tension, through the two novels El metro and Nativas, respectively by Donato Ndongo-Bidyogo and Inongo Vi Makomè, the myth of the "great story" of the supposedly vigorous sexual prowess of the Black. Another major task of this article is to contribute modestly to the work of demystifying the (sexual) figure of the Black African migrant in Europe/Occident. The choice of these two novels has double importance here. The first one is that they belong to the category of novels called migration novels (which are fully inscribed nowadays in what one can call the "littérature-monde". Secondly, they are novels that bring to light a large part of the problem of migrations, of "migrances" in general and, particularly, the problem of the advent of the postcolonial Black African migrant. The study has largely been based on the theoretical formulations of Victorien Lavou Zoungbo through is book Outsidering… (2007), in which he deals extensively with the question of the "great story of the sexual vigor-prowess of Black". His theoretical formulations in which he proposes a dynamic and operative articulation of the history of Blacks in the Americas seem to fit well with the question of the "presence-history" of Black African migrants in Europe. The study has shown that the myth of "great stories" (particularly the sexual vigor-prowess of Black) can be a factor of visceral rejection or "successful" integration of Black African migrants in Europe/Occident. ; Las migraciones hoy en día se han convertido en un gran desafío de la vida política, social e imaginaria del Tout-Monde. Por lo mismo, hay una innegable acentuación de las migraciones intraafricanas, transafricanas y transcontinentales. A las migraciones Sur-Sur, se añaden las migraciones hacia Europa que siguen captando más la atención de los medios de comunicación. Si la migración masiva está bien difundida en el mundo, despierta recuerdos dolorosos en el caso particular del migrante negro africano postcolonial. El objetivo general que se pretende aquí es poner en tensión, a través de las dos novelas El metro y Nativas, de Donato Ndongo-Bidyogo e Inongo Vi Makomè respectivamente, el mito del "gran relato" de la proeza sexual supuestamente vigorosa del Negro. Otro cometido mayor de este artículo es contribuir modestamente al trabajo de desmitificación de la figura (sexual) del migrante negroafricano en Europa/Occidente. La elección de estas dos novelas tiene aquí una doble importancia. La primera es que pertenecen a la categoría de las novelas llamadas novelas de migración (que se inscriben plenamente hoy en día en lo que se puede llamar la "littérature-monde"). En segundo lugar, son novelas que sacan a la luz una gran parte de la problemática de las migraciones, de las "migrances" en general y, particularmente, la del advenimiento del migrante negroafricano postcolonial. Este estudio se ha basado en gran parte sobre las formulaciones teóricas de Victorien Lavou Zoungbo a través de su libro Outsidering… (2007), en el que aborda ampliamente la problemática del "gran relato del vigor-proeza sexual del negro". Sus formulaciones teóricas en las que propone una articulación dinámica y operativa de la historia de los negros en las Américas parecen encajar bien con la problemática de la "presencia-historia" de los migrantes negro-africanos en Europa. El estudio ha mostrado que el mito de los "grandes relatos" (particularmente el vigor-proeza sexual del Negro) puede ser un factor de rechazo visceral o de integración "exitosa" de los migrantes negroafricanos en Europa/Occidente.

The phenomenon of «children's» movements has historical analogs, which traditionally were the result of thoughtful technologies of adults, which were aimed at realizing their interests and achieving specific goals. The use of geopolitical and civilizational approaches has led to the consideration of the phenomenon of «children's» eco-strikes as a political technology of the initiators of a New World Order. The genesis, essence and purpose of the «Greta Thunberg project» and mass environmental actions in the context of the formation of a New World Order and the interests of Russia have been characterized. It is shown that the initiators of this technology are the «old» globalist and neoliberal elites of Western states, part of the American establishment, international big capital and powerful corporations in the non-material digital sphere. To achieve their goals of neutralizing opponents in the economic and political spheres, they use the protest potential of the «greens», which over the past few decades have actually become part of the Western neoliberal elite. In the context of efforts to create a New World Order, these actors seek to maintain and strengthen their power, continue to exploit third world countries, suppress existing anti-system movements and weaken their main geopolitical competitors – mainly China and Russia, which are looking for safe transport routes and new sources of resources. Therefore, on the initiative of the globalist and neoliberal elites, projects are being put forward to create ecozones in resource-rich «disputed areas» and, as a result, to preserve the prospects for economic activity there. The image of «children's» eco-strikes, which is presented by the media, reproduces a new social idea and stimulates support from the electorate for the purpose of the transformation of the World Order, which is confirmed by the fact that the movement is massive in various countries of the world. Youth strikes with environmental slogans help to shift the dominant positions from the traditional industrial-resource elite to the digital elite, opening up new financial and economic opportunities and prospects for global leadership for the latter. The intensification of this movement coincided in time with the USA claims to the Northern Sea Route and the development of Arctic resources, which directly affects the interests of Russia. ; Феномен «детских» движений имеет исторические аналоги, которые традиционно являлись следствием продуманных технологий взрослых, направленных на реализацию их интересов и достижение конкретных целей. Использование геополитического и цивилизационного подходов обусловило рассмотрение явления «детских» экозабастовок как политической технологии инициаторов нового мирового порядка. Охарактеризованы генезис, сущность и предназначение «проекта Грета Тунберг» и массовых экологических акций в контексте формирования нового мироустройства и интересов России. Показано, что инициаторами этой технологии являются «старые» глобалистские и неолиберальные элиты западных государств, часть американского истеблишмента, международный крупный капитал и мощные корпорации в нематериальной цифровой сфере. Для достижения своих целей по нивелированию оппонентов в экономической и политической областях они используют протестный потенциал «зеленых», которые за последние несколько десятков лет фактически стали частью западной неолиберальной элиты. В рамках усилий по формированию нового миропорядка эти акторы стремятся сохранить и укрепить свою власть, продолжить эксплуатировать страны третьего мира, подавить имеющиеся антисистемные движения и ослабить своих основных геополитических конкурентов – главным образом, Китай и Россию, находящихся в поиске безопасных транспортных артерий и новых источников ресурсов. Поэтому, по инициативе глобалистских и неолиберальных элит, выдвигаются проекты создания в богатых ресурсами «спорных районах» экозон и, как следствие, консервации там перспектив экономической активности. Образ «детских» экозабастовок, представленный средствами массовой информации, воспроизводит новую социальную идею и стимулирует поддержку со стороны электората с целью трансформации мирового порядка, что подтверждается фактом массовости движения в различных странах мира. Молодежные забастовки с экологическими лозунгами способствуют смещению главенствующих позиций традиционной промышленно-ресурсной элиты в сторону цифровой, открывая для неё новые финансово-экономические возможности и перспективы глобального лидерства. Активизация данного движения совпала по времени с притязаниями США на Северный морской путь и освоение ресурсов Арктики, что напрямую затрагивает интересы России.

Evidence suggests that the question of migrations nowadays has become a major challenge of political, social and imaginary life of the "Tout-Monde". For this reason there is an undeniable heightening of the intraAfrican, transAfrican and transcontinental migrations. In addition to South-South migrations, migrations to Europe continue to attract more media attention. If mass migration is widespread in the world, it arouses painful memories in the particular case of the post-colonial Black African migrant. The general objective that is intended here is to put in tension, through the two novels El metro and Nativas, respectively by Donato Ndongo-Bidyogo and Inongo Vi Makomè, the myth of the "great story" of the supposedly vigorous sexual prowess of the Black. Another major task of this article is to contribute modestly to the work of demystifying the (sexual) figure of the Black African migrant in Europe/Occident. The choice of these two novels has double importance here. The first one is that they belong to the category of novels called migration novels (which are fully inscribed nowadays in what one can call the "littérature-monde". Secondly, they are novels that bring to light a large part of the problem of migrations, of "migrances" in general and, particularly, the problem of the advent of the postcolonial Black African migrant. The study has largely been based on the theoretical formulations of Victorien Lavou Zoungbo through is book Outsidering… (2007), in which he deals extensively with the question of the "great story of the sexual vigor-prowess of Black". His theoretical formulations in which he proposes a dynamic and operative articulation of the history of Blacks in the Americas seem to fit well with the question of the "presence-history" of Black African migrants in Europe. The study has shown that the myth of "great stories" (particularly the sexual vigor-prowess of Black) can be a factor of visceral rejection or "successful" integration of Black African migrants in Europe/Occident. ; Las migraciones hoy en día se han convertido en un gran desafío de la vida política, social e imaginaria del Tout-Monde. Por lo mismo, hay una innegable acentuación de las migraciones intraafricanas, transafricanas y transcontinentales. A las migraciones Sur-Sur, se añaden las migraciones hacia Europa que siguen captando más la atención de los medios de comunicación. Si la migración masiva está bien difundida en el mundo, despierta recuerdos dolorosos en el caso particular del migrante negro africano postcolonial. El objetivo general que se pretende aquí es poner en tensión, a través de las dos novelas El metro y Nativas, de Donato Ndongo-Bidyogo e Inongo Vi Makomè respectivamente, el mito del "gran relato" de la proeza sexual supuestamente vigorosa del Negro. Otro cometido mayor de este artículo es contribuir modestamente al trabajo de desmitificación de la figura (sexual) del migrante negroafricano en Europa/Occidente. La elección de estas dos novelas tiene aquí una doble importancia. La primera es que pertenecen a la categoría de las novelas llamadas novelas de migración (que se inscriben plenamente hoy en día en lo que se puede llamar la "littérature-monde"). En segundo lugar, son novelas que sacan a la luz una gran parte de la problemática de las migraciones, de las "migrances" en general y, particularmente, la del advenimiento del migrante negroafricano postcolonial. Este estudio se ha basado en gran parte sobre las formulaciones teóricas de Victorien Lavou Zoungbo a través de su libro Outsidering… (2007), en el que aborda ampliamente la problemática del "gran relato del vigor-proeza sexual del negro". Sus formulaciones teóricas en las que propone una articulación dinámica y operativa de la historia de los negros en las Américas parecen encajar bien con la problemática de la "presencia-historia" de los migrantes negro-africanos en Europa. El estudio ha mostrado que el mito de los "grandes relatos" (particularmente el vigor-proeza sexual del Negro) puede ser un factor de rechazo visceral o de integración "exitosa" de los migrantes negroafricanos en Europa/Occidente.