Wie gestaltete sich adlige Erziehung im Übergang vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit, noch vor dem auch bildungsgeschichtlichen Wandel durch Reformation und Humanismus? Wie ist in diesen Zeiten ein junger Prinz für seine künftigen Aufgaben als Herrscher und Politiker vorbereitet worden? Gab es einen bestimmten Kanon von Fächern oder Lehrinhalten, deren Vermittlung durch Unterricht oder auch durch adlig-höfische Sozialisation eine spezifische, an seiner hohen Stellung und Verantwortung orientierte Bildung und Ausbildung eines Fürstensohns zum Ziel hatte? Diesen Fragen, welche die historische Forschung bisher weitgehend vernachlässigt hat, geht die Trierer Dissertation nach. Sie bietet damit die erste ausführliche und quellengestützte Darstellung der Kindheit und Jugend Karls V., die in den großen Biographien immer voreilig übergangen wird, wo meist ein bereits "fertiger" Kaiser in Erscheinung tritt. Ein Blick zurück auf die direkten Vorfahren " Kaiser Friedrich III., Kaiser Maximilian I. und Karls früh verstorbenen Vater, Philipp den Schönen " erkundet die Traditionen und Formen habsburgisch-burgundischer Fürstenerziehung, ihren Platz sowie ihre Organisation und personales Umfeld am Hofe. Der frühe Tod des Vaters und die psychische Labilität der Mutter bestimmten Karls Kindheit und Jugend. Anstelle der leiblichen Eltern waren es Großvater, Tante und Erzieher, die sich um ihn bemühten; daneben weitere Lehrer " darunter Adrian von Utrecht, der spätere Papst Hadrian VI., und Erasmus von Rotterdam, aber auch nicht wenige aus den spanischen Ländern ", Beichtväter und Edelknaben, die das soziale Umfeld der Erziehung komplettierten. Somit befand sich der Zögling inmitten verschiedener Interessengruppen, die in Konkurrenz untereinander sowie gemäß eigener Vorteile und Absichten agierten. Schon früh musste der junge Habsburger zu der Rolle finden, die nicht nur seine Familie, sondern auch die großen europäischen Dynastien von ihm erwarteten; denn es ging in erster Linie um Kontinuität und Berechenbarkeit, in der Familie wie in der Politik. Oft genug wurde der im höchsten Grade umsorgte wie überwachte, lange unselbständige Prinz zum Spielball der stark divergierenden Interessen seines Umfeldes, was sich auch an der Praxis der zahlreichen Heiratsoptionen zeigte, in die er ungefragt "eingepasst" wurde. Die Jugendjahre Karls V. spielten sich am Hof seiner Tante, Margarete von Österreich, ganz im burgundischen Milieu ab, das ihn kulturell und politisch prägte. Einen nachhaltigen Eindruck hinterließ hier die burgundische Rittertradition, aufs höchste symbolisiert im Orden vom Goldenen Vlies. Die Erziehung Karls, der in den ersten Jahren zusammen mit seinen Schwestern unterrichtet wurde, verlief im Prinzip zweigleisig. Neben einer fundamentalen religiösen Unterweisung durch Geistliche und Beichtväter konzentrierten sich seine Lehrer " Gelehrte wie Höflinge " einmal auf die Vermittlung eines angemessenen, gelehrten Bildungswissens und dann aber vor allem auf das praktische Handlungswissen, dabei insbesondere auf die adlige Sozialisation im Milieu des Hofes. Erziehung und Ausbildung blieben immer pragmatisch auf die späteren Aufgaben des Regierens, der Politik und der herrscherlichen Repräsentation ausgerichtet. Die Wirkung dieser Erziehung lässt sich exemplarisch fassen in Karls während der späteren Jahre konsequent verfolgten Familienpolitik, die von den Betroffenen allerdings nicht immer kritiklos akzeptiert wurde. Stationen seiner Persönlichkeitsentwicklung, die sich über viele Jahre, wenn nicht das ganze Leben, hinzog, werden vor diesem Hintergrund beleuchtet. Als die wohl prägendste Erfahrung auf dem schweren Weg vom früh verwaisten, schwächlichen und meist unsicher wirkenden Knaben zum selbständig agierenden Monarchen kann Karls erste Reise nach Spanien im Jahre 1517 gesehen werden. Hier stieß er erstmals auf offene Ablehnung und sah sich mit unerwarteten, bis dahin völlig fremden Problemen konfrontiert. Zugleich bedeutete sein Regierungsantritt als spanischer König für ihn persönlich eine entscheidende kulturelle Neuorientierung. ; What forms did the upbringing and education of young noblemen take during the transition from the middle ages to modernity, before the onset of the reformation and humanism? How was a young royal prepared for his future twin roles as a ruler and politician? Was there a standard curriculum or set of subject matters to be conveyed " either through direct instruction or more indirectly through socialization at court " that was tailored specifically to a royal- high position and responsibilities? These questions, which have been largely ignored by historic research, are at the heart of this dissertation from Trier, Germany. The paper offers the first extensive and sources-based examination of the childhood and adolescence of Charles V, a period of his life that often receives only cursory attention in traditional biographies, which tend to feature a "full-fledged" emperor appearing on the scene. An examination of the upbringing of his direct ancestors " Emperor Frederick III, Emperor Maximilian I and Charles" father, Philippe the Handsome, who died when Charles was still young " explores how young noblemen were raised under Habsburg and Burgundy traditions and customs, as well as their position at court and the organization of, and influences on, their personal lives. The early death of his father and mental instability of his mother dominated Charles" childhood and adolescence. Instead of his natural parents, he was raised by his grandfather, aunt and tutors. A number of teachers were influential during his upbringing, among them Adrian of Utrecht, who was later to become Pope Hadrian VI, as well as Erasmus of Rotterdam and a number of tutors from Spain. His social surroundings were rounded out by confessors and the sons of other noble families. As a result, Charles found himself at the center of a web of people with different agendas, who acted in competition with one another and primarily to further their own interests and goals. The young Habsburg heir early on had to fill the role that was expected not just by his family, but by other European dynasties as well; the highest priorities were continuity and predictability, within the family as well as in politics. Coddled and under constant close supervision, the prince long lacked autonomy and self-reliance and was a pawn of diverging interests at court, a situation that was reflected in the many marriage scenarios into which he was maneuvered without his own input. Charles V spent his youth at the court of his aunt, Margaret of Austria, where he was fully immersed in the Burgundy milieu that would shape him culturally and politically. An especially strong influence on the young royal was exerted by Burgundy- knighthood traditions, as exemplified by the Order of the Golden Fleece. Charles was initially educated alongside his sisters, and his instruction consisted of two main components. The first was centered on broad-based religious instruction by members of the clergy and his confessors. The instructors of the second component " academics and courtiers " focused on teaching a scholarly curriculum and, especially later on, practical skills, chief among the aristocratic socialization at court. His upbringing and education were always pragmatic and focused on readying him for the future tasks of governance, politics and sovereign representation. The effects of this training were exemplified by the stringent family politics that Charles would practice in later life, which was not always accepted without complaint by those it affected. Against the background of Charles" upbringing, this paper explores crucial milestones of his personal development, which lasted for many years " if not his entire life. Perhaps the most formative experience on his journey from an orphaned, seemingly weak and insecure boy to a self-assured monarch was Charles" first voyage to Spain in 1517. It was during this trip that he first encountered open antagonism and was confronted with heretofore unknown challenges. At the same time, his crowning as King of Spain meant, personally and culturally, a decisive reorientation for Charles.
The purpose of this dissertation is the delineation of a new approach, or, more precisely, a new "role" and "methodological system," for those persons engaged in building and managing multi-actor structures, or "networks," for the purpose of policy implementation. As policy formulation and implementation can be viewed increasingly as taking place inter-organizationally, and consisting of individuals, special-interest groups, public organizations, private organizations, non-profits, etc., none of whom have the individual power to autonomously determine the strategies and actions of all the other actors, policy processes can no longer be viewed as the implementation of ex ante formulated goals, but instead must be seen as an interaction process in which actors exchange information about problems, preferences and means, and trade-off goals and resources. That is, the context of "getting things done" in the public sector is changing from a singular organizational context to a multiple-organization network context. Managerially, we must respond accordingly. While there has been an increasing recognition in the literatures of at least three distinct fields of enquiry [political science, organization theory, and policy science] that such networks are becoming the "reality" of daily operation, much less has been written attempting to aid the acting administrator to function successfully within this new setting. Even less has been written concerning how to actually build and use a network setting to one's advantage in an implementation endeavor. We are left in need of a new way to successfully approach implementation through complex multi-actor settings. As it becomes increasingly difficult to administer policy implementation through a single, public organization, the need for new tools and understanding that will enable us to achieve public ends in such complex settings becomes apparent. Such an approach must work to successfully accommodate the increased role of extra-organizational actors, a new role of the administrator as "network facilitator," and still afford the ability to plan for and carry out project implementation. Because the invention of such an approach will require the accommodation of a different view of the administrative world (i.e. a more dynamic context, ephemeral definitions, new roles and responsibilities, and a new method to approaching work life), its development cannot constitute a straightforward reshuffling of the boxes of the administrative process, or the simple adoption of some new buzzwords. It demands, instead, that we begin by asking some fundamental ontological (what is reality) and epistemological (how can we know it) questions. It is after addressing these fundamental concerns that this volume will work to build a new approach to functioning proactively in a network setting. Following a discussion on what the role of "network facilitator" means in relation to current understanding of public management, this treatise will describe a new methodological system for use by the administrator playing such a role. The "methodological system" for building implementation networks that is advocated here is composed of three overlapping methodologies: 1) "Contextual Assessment" - Mapping a Network's Political-Economy; 2) "Stakeholder Analysis & Management" Understanding Who Should be at the Table and Furthering the Conditions for Cooperation; and, 3) "Joint Visioning" " The Facilitation of Project Planning in a Network Setting. In the chapter on "contextual assessment," the reader will be introduced to a method that uses the political economy framework of Wamsley and Zald to derive an interview instrument for use by a recently appointed network facilitator (somebody appointed the responsibility of "getting something done" cross-organizationally). Combining the political economic framework with other standard qualitative methods, including gaining entrance, selecting interview type, snowballing, and quota sampling, one should be able to assess the existing political and economic environment surrounding a potential implementation network and, further, begin to select from that environment a first set of stakeholders in the budding implementation network. This method will result in a "conceptual mapping" of the environment from which one may begin to select potential resources to build an implementation network. Following that, the reader will be introduced to two methods, that when used together, will allow for the analysis, categorization, and selection of network stakeholders. Taken together, these methods can be referred to as "stakeholder analysis." It is the successful selection and management of these stakeholders that will result in the formation of a young implementation network. Finally, the reader will be introduced to a method of "joint-visioning," a process for working with a set of stakeholders to create a shared understanding of the social/organizational and technical/functional systems required for a new implementation network to function. While the theoretical conception here of joint-visioning is new, the techniques suggested to support this method are probably the least original of the techniques associated with the three methods introduced in this volume (in that they are based on recognized methods of group facilitation). The joint-visioning method proposed here is probably most remarkable for what it is not, corporate strategic planning. A discussion about the problems of adopting corporate strategic planning in the public sector will begin this section, followed by a discussion of why something else, like joint visioning, is probably more appropriate. Each methodology has been constructed from the ground up by appropriating parts of different methodologies that have been advocated in different areas of application. Specifically, methods, approaches, and understandings have been appropriated from the literatures of corporate management, stakeholder analysis, action research, political economy, community facilitation, knowledge engineering and management, and strategic planning. These methods have been combined and modified to better serve as tools for network establishment and management. This methodological system has been developed as much from experience as from scholarly analysis. Accordingly, a case study, one that has directly led to the development of many concepts in this system, will be discussed and used for "real-world" elaboration of the concepts described. Specifically, each of these methods will be accompanied by an in-depth discussion on how it was applied in the "Travel Shenandoah" case study. Benefits, as well as problems with the proposed methods will be highlighted. Where appropriate, possible modifications to a method will be suggested. ; Ph. D.
W roku 1882 pojawia się w literaturze archeologicznej pierwsza wzmianka na temat grodziska w Nowińcu (Jentsch 1882a, s. 122; 1882b, s. 355). Niestety, niemalże cały następny wiek nie przyniósł nowych informacji. Stanowisko to dopiero jest wymieniane w opracowaniu Zofii Kurnatowskiej i Aliny Łosińskiej na temat terenów osadniczych u schyłku starożytności i we wczesnym średniowieczu (Hilczerówna, Urbańska-Łosińska 1970, s. 111). Autorki umieszczają stanowisko na pograniczu terytoriów plemiennych Nice i Zara (Hilczerówna, Urbańska-Łosińska 1970, s. 89). Nieco więcej uwag grodzisku w Nowińcu poświęca Grzegorz Domański w studium na temat osadnictwa wczesnośredniowiecznego nad dolną Nysą Łużycką, w którym grodzisko przypisuje plemieniu Zara (Domański 1983, ryc. 8). Inną koncepcję przynależności plemiennej grodu w Nowińcu miał Adam Wędzki, który twierdził, że należało ono do plemienia Nice (Wędzki 1970, s. 7-9). Jeszcze inaczej przynależność obszaru środkowej Lubszy widzieli Jerzy Lodowski i Jerzy Szydłowski (1991, ryc. 1), którzy twierdzli, że obszar ten był pustką osadniczą pomiędzy plemionami Słupian i Zara. Problem ten trudno rozwiązać bez szerszego rozpoznania zaplecza osadniczego najważniejszych grodów. Niestety, stan badań nad osadnictwem wczesnośredniowiecznym terytorium plemiennego Zara jest bardzo słaby, na co zwracały już uwagę Zofia Kurnatowska i Alina Łosińska (1970, s. 89). Dopiero w ostatnich latach dokonano niewielkiego postępu w tym zakresie. W latach 80. i na początku lat 90. zlokalizowano drugi ośrodek plemienny Zara, a mianowicie grodzisko w Żarach (Nowiński 2005). Dzięki pracom archeologicznym podjętym w latach 1986 i 1987 oraz 2004 na "Winnym Wzgórzu" ustalono dokładną lokalizację grodziska, chociaż nie ustalono precyzyjnego przebiegu i chronologii umocnień. W trakcie pierwszych dwóch sezonów badań (w części południowej grodziska) odsłonięto pozostałości wału zbudowanego ze skrzyń drewnianych wypełnionych ziemią, gliną i kamieniami. Najnowsze prace przeprowadzone po przeciwnej stronie przyniosły także odkrycie wału wzmocnionego od strony wewnętrznej licem kamiennym, a od zewnętrznej tłustą gliną (Nowiński 2005, s. 10, 11). Niewykluczone, że w 2008 r. natrafiono na pozostałości osady przygrodowej (Gruszka, Wolanin 2008). W latach 2002 i 2003 przeprowadzono badania ratunkowe na domniemanym grodzisku w Nowińcu (Dziedzic, Gruszka 2004), położonym przy północnej granicy plemienia Zara. Stanowisko było badane przez Stowarzyszenie Naukowe Archeologów Polskich Oddział Lubuski, a następnie przez Muzeum Archeologiczne Środkowego Nadodrza w Świdnicy k. Zielonej Góry. Oba sezony badawcze finansowane były ze środków Lubuskiego Wojewódzkiego Konserwatora Zabytków w Zielonej Górze. Celem badań było zabezpieczenie stanowiska przed dewastacją spowodowaną wybieraniem piachu. Kierownikiem prowadzonych wówczas badań był mgr Piotr Dziedzic, a uczestnikami byli mgr mgr Sławomir Kałagate, Bartłomiej Gruszka i Paweł Stachowiak. W trakcie badań rozpoznano obszar 4 arów, najbardziej narażonych na zniszczenie, na którym odkryto 29 obiektów i ponad 6000 fragmentów naczyń, niemalże 1500 kości zwierzęcych oraz liczny i bogaty zespół innych zabytków ruchomych, w tym elementy uzbrojenia i rzędu końskiego (ostroga, grot strzały czy pobocznicę wędzidła). Rzadko spotykanym znaleziskiem jest odkrycie pracowni brązowniczej wraz z grupą zabytków służących do obróbki i wytopu najprawdopodobniej brązu. W skład zespołu wchodziły narzędzia jubilerskie, półsurowiec brązowy, tygielek odlewniczy odważnik oraz fragment dyszy. Tego rodzaju znaleziska są dużą rzadkością, zwłaszcza na stanowiskach leżących poza głównymi szlakami handlowymi. Nieczęstym znaleziskiem jest także odkrycie kompletnej prażnicy zainstalowanej w jednym z obiektów. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych i opublikowanych w niniejszym opracowaniu badań specjalistycznych możliwa jest rekonstrukcja środowiska przyrodniczego okolic grodziska, jego zaplecza gospodarczego, podstawowych gałęzi gospodarki mieszkańców grodu oraz miejsca, jakie gród zajmował w systemie osadniczym IX–X wiecznego pogranicza śląsko-łużyckiego. Wykonanie licznych analiz naczyń pozwoliło na uzyskanie materiału porównawczego, co w przyszłości pomoże w poznaniu dróg napływu i rozprzestrzeniania się nowych idei stylistycznych i formalnych ceramiki. Interdyscyplinarne opracowanie wyników badań grodziska w Nowińcu wnosi istotną, nową wiedzę na temat okresu plemiennego tej części Łużyc. Dotychczas bowiem nie udostępniono kompleksowych wyników badań żadnego stanowiska z tej części Polski z analogicznego okresu. Opracowanie wyników badań oraz druk niniejszej publikacji został dofinansowany ze środków Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego. ; The stronghold in Nowiniec was firstly mentioned in the archeological literature in 1882 (Jentsch 1882a, s. 122; 1882b, s. 355). Unfortunately, almost whole, next century didn't bring any further information. Eventually, the site was mentioned in the work by Zofia Kurnatowska and Alina Łosińska, which was concerned of settlement area in the late antiquity and in the beginning of the Early Middle Ages in the southern part of Lubuskie Voivodship (Hilczerówna, Urbańska-Łosińska 1970, p. 111). These scholars located this site in the borderland of tribal territory of tribes Nice and Zara (Hilczerówna, Urbańska-Łosińska 1970, p. 89). A bit more about stronghold in Nowiniec devoted Grzegorz Domański in his work about Early Medieval settlement at the lower Lusatian Neisse, in which he assigned this fortress to the Nice tribe (Domański 1983, fig. 8). Other idea of this stronghold tribal affiliation was given by Adam Wędzki, who thought that it belonged to the Nice tribe (Wędzki 1970, pp. 7-9). According to Jerzy Lodowski and Jerzy Szydłowski (1991, fig. 1) the territory of the middle Lubsza River was a settlement hiatus between tribes Selpoli and Zara. This riddle is very hard to solve without a proper recognition of the hinterland of main strongholds. Unfortunately, the state of research of Early Medieval settlement of the Nice tribe is very poor, what has been already pointed out by Zofia Kurnatowska and Alina Łosińska (1970, s. 89). Only in the recent years some development in this issue has been made (Nowiński 2005; Gruszka, Wolanin 2008). Stronghold in Nowiniec, site no. 2 is located in Lubuskie Voivodship, Żary Province. This site is situated in the eastern ridge of Lubsza River valley, on the right shore, in the Holocene meadow terrace, which is c. 0,5-1,5 m above river level. According to the physiography, the stronghold is located in the area of Great Poland-Silesian lowlands, in the macroregion of Milicko–Głogowskie Decrease, in the territory of one of distinguished mezoregions, videlicet Nowosolska Decrease. The nearest hinterland of stronghold in Nowiniec is recognized only on surface survey level, conducted during AZP survey. In 2002 and 2003 rescue archeological fieldworks was taken on the area of stronghold in Nowiniec (Dziedzic, Gruszka 2004). The excavation was led by Scientific Association of Polish Archeologists, Department in Lubuskie Province, and later by the Archeological Museum of the Odra River Territory in Świdnica, near Zielona Góra. Both seasons of excavations was funded by Voivodship Conservator of Monuments in Zielona Góra. Their aim was to preserve the site from devastation caused by the illegal digging of the sand. The head of the crew (Sławomir Kałagate MA, Bartłomiej Gruszka MA, Paweł Stachowiak MA) was Piotr Dziedzic MA. During the research the area of 4 are, mostly exposed to damage, was excavated. 29 archaeological features and over 6000 of ceramics fragments, almost 1500 animal bones and very rich collection of other artefacts, including weapon and horse ridding equipment, was discovered there. Thanks to the taken and published in this volume specialist examinations we were able to reconstruct natural environment of the surroundings of the stronghold. Geological-geomorphological research has shown the kind of soil the inhabitants were using and potential places of farming exploitation. Palynological examinations revealed the moment of appearing (9/10th-10th c.) and domination of plants (mainly rye, unidentified grains and accompanying weeds). The analysis of plant macro-remains completed the information about using specific plant species in the farming of past inhabitants of the fortress. On the prints visible on the walls of the large vessel used to roast (so called prażnica) some remains of linen, rye, barley as well as weed were noticed. Zooarcheological analysis have given us some answers to the questions of the structure of animal breeding as well as the meaning of hunting in the life of inhabitants of the stronghold. The cattle was the most important and dominating species, next was a pig bones and the last sheep/goat remains. Some amount of wild animals bones, including deer, boar, roe deer, moose as well as brown bear, was also noticed. Many specialist analysis which were taken for this publication, were really innovatory, and for the area of South-western Poland were carried out for the first time (petrography and chemical analysis of ceramics, thermoluminescence dating of ceramics, metallographic analysis of Early Medieval militaries and also traceological analysis flint stone artefacts from that period). Thanks to the analysis of ceramics we were able to establish the routes of influx and spreading of new tendencies in style and forms of pottery. The basic stages of production of pottery were reconstructed, including pointing out the places from where the stock was taken (clay and temper), and also establishing the main ways of building the vessels as well as temperature and atmosphere in which they were fired in kiln. Very rare find seems to be fragments of clay beaker, which appeared in the features no 3 and 7. In the feature 15 totally broken, but complete large vessel used to roast or drying (so called prażnica) was found. It could have been probably connected with a metalworking workshop (feature no 18). Establishing of its function was possible due to the find of artefacts connected with iron and non-ferrous metals fabrication (nozzle fragment, crucible, bronze raw material, jewelry tools, bowl-shaped slags) Those kind of finds are characteristic for big centers with essential economic and political meaning, e.g. Kruszwica (Hensel-Moszczyńska 1981/82, pp. 129–219), Czersk (Rauhutowa 1976), Stradów (Dąbrowska 1965), Szczecin Wzgórze Zamkowe (Szczecin, 1983, s. 121), Wiślica (Rajewski 1954, p. 10), Wrocław Ostrowów Tumski (Kaźmierczyk et all 1976, pp. 178–181) or Wolin Srebrne Wzgórze (Wojtasik 1978). The discovering of a metalworking workshop in the Nowiniec stronghold let us to put this stronghold in the place of one of the most important centre of the Zara tribe, and proves its big meaning in the 9-10th-century settlement and economic system this part of Silesian-Lusatian borderland. This assumption is also proved by other finds which are connected with presence of temporary or constant presence of economic and social elites representants, maybe some local leader with his military troops (so called drużyna). Beside some animal remains who can be assigned to the group of Animalia Superiora (including the bear paw, which was regarded in the Early Middle Ages as a dainty of elites), above mentioned sherds of ceramic bowls (intended for drinking honey or wine, considered as a luxury tableware), was also discovered. The presence of well equipped military troops is also proved by findings of militaries, including hook-like spur, arrowhead or curb bit. Far-reach trade is displayed by discovering of lead weight, but also occurrence of stone artefacts, made of a stock from the Sudetes or beyond Sudetes area. The chronology of stronghold in Nowiniec, was established according to the environmental and classical archeological analysis. Thanks to the morphological-stylistic-typological analysis of pottery, we were able to realize that there were two visible pottery mainstreams – traditional, connected still with the tribe period, and also progressive – typical for early Piast state period. The most dominating seems to be the part of the vessels which were made in the hand molding and partially coating on the potter's wheel technique. Two coned vessels of more or less marked belly break, ornamented with a plastic roller (Tornov type) as well as different kind of several, crossing rite lines motives, vertical or herringbone patterns (Menkendorf type). In the stronghold in Nowiniec the share of plastic roller vessels was almost 40% of every ornamented taxons. Almost the same data was established for the eponymic site in Tornow, where the sherds with a plastic roller (Tornow A and B type altogether) in the 1st phase of the stronghold (A phase) appeared in circa 37% of whole ceramic material, and in the phase two (B phase) circa 50% of all. In the sites of similar chronology, e.g. Zawada, site no 1 and Sulechów, site no 28, the amount of ornamented with plastic roller vessels was circa 57% and less than 17% of all decorated ceramics sherds. Almost identical percentage of vessels ornamented with a plastic roller (almost 39%) was reordered in the in settlement complex of Klenica stronghold, site no 4 (Gruszka 2010, p. 129). Basing on the numerous parallels (see Gruszka, in this volume, pp. 48–49, 52; 2010; Dymaczewska, Dymaczewski 1967, pp. 208–218) and also dendrochronological datings (Biermann 1999, pp. 97-123; Kara, Krąpiec 2000, p. 317 and next., 320; Biermann, Kieseler, Nowakowski 2008, p. 87) we were able to assume that both sets which include the pottery of Tornow-Klenica complex can be dated to the 1st half of the 9th-10th c or even to the beginning of the 11th c. (Brzostowicz 2002, p. 34). Almost half smaller (beyond 22%) is the amount of Menkendorf type vessels. It is considered that the biggest portion of these forms are in the 9th-10th c., and they're contemporary with the Tornow type, even though they're are appearing in the younger chronological phases (Łosiński 1996, p. 438). During the research we were able to discover also, some amount of wholly coated vessels, which are characteristic for early Piast pottery from the 11th c. Contribution of this kind of pottery appeared mainly in the ceiling of feature no 7 and also in occupational layer. Occurrence of wholly coated vessels was observed in highly damaged layers of Klenica, site no 4 (Gruszka 2010, p. 132) and also in Zawada, site no 1, where they are distinguishing the 2nd phase of functioning of these sites (11th c.). Chronological range based on the ceramics analysis was confirmed by dating of metal artefacts, including hook-like spur, curb bit or lead weight, discovered in the stronghold (8th-9th c.). The chronology of this site was also based on some environmental studies. When we are using them we need to have in mind large margin of error of results. This especially concerns radiocarbon dating (Walanus, Goslar 2004) as well as thermoluminescence dating. The most numerous group of samples (shreds) was given to the thermoluminescence dating. Thanks to this method we're able to establish that the chronology of analyzed vessels contains in a 100 years time period (without including the error of this method), between 849 and 960 (2nd half of the 9th–2nd half of the 10th c.). The results of thermoluminescence analysis don't exclude the possibility of dating the younger pottery records even to the 1st half of the 9th c. Charred wood relics, which was found in the feature no 17, come from the beginning of 11th c. If we include some additional thermoluminescence dating of some shreds even to 1st half of the 11th c., we must consider a possibility of break of settlement on the stronghold in Nowiniec deep into the 11th c. According to these data, we can assume, that the beginning of functioning of this fortress occurs in the 2nd half of the 9th c. The oldest pottery records, which can be dated according to parallels and thermoluminescence analysis, come exactly from this time period. The stronghold biggest development occurs in the 10th c., however its fall happened most likely in the 1st half of the 11th c. ; Ministerstwo Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego ; Bartłomiej Gruszka
La presente tesi non è solo l'esito di una ricerca su un precetto giuridico controverso, ma è anche la narrazione di un processo personale di scoperta, che a partire dallo studio di una specifica norma ha fatto emergere la complessità delle interazioni nell'ambito delle politiche in materia penale, economica, e finanziaria. Partendo da un approccio microsociologico focalizzato sull'analisi di una determinata norma penale, il reato di riciclaggio,1 la ricerca ha dovuto confrontarsi con temi di interesse macrosociologico, al fine di inserire l'analisi della legge all'interno di un contesto più ampio di politiche nazionali, europee e internazionali, di attori e di governance transnazionale. Per mantenere la scientificità dell'elaborato ho omesso di esprimere opinioni personali sui temi, talvolta di carattere fortemente politico, e ho cercato, invece, di presentare aspetti critici e discussioni aperte fornendo una visione completa e imparziale delle contrastanti argomentazioni in modo da lasciare il lettore libero di trarre le proprie conclusioni. Il riciclaggio di denaro sporco è il processo tramite cui a proventi di reati viene data un'apparenza di essere stati guadagnati in modo illecito. È un reato tipico della cosiddetta 'zona grigia', poiché avviene al confine tra la sfera della legalità e quella dell'illegalità. Nel momento in cui profitti realizzati illecitamente si mescolano ai flussi di denaro lecito è molto difficile discernere ciò che ha un'origine legale da ciò che è stato guadagnato illegalmente. Il reato di riciclaggio di denaro sporco è stato introdotto proprio per affrontare questa difficoltà ed impedire che le strutture legittime dell'economia e della finanza globale venissero abusate da trasgressori al fine di ripulire i proventi di reato. Infatti i flussi di denaro sporco utilizzano spesso gli stessi canali usati per le transazioni lecite; la loro riuscita dipende dalla cooperazione di professionisti quali avvocati commerciali, agenti finanziari, commercialisti, la cui reputazione è raramente sospetta. Data questa promiscuità spesso la gravità del fenomeno è sottovalutata dal pubblico che non ha gli strumenti per riconoscerne la pericolosità, anche a causa dell'assenza di vittime dirette. Dall'altra parte le stime sulla quantità di proventi di reato riciclati a livello mondiale (che oscillano tra il 2,5 % e il 5,5 % del PIL globale) richiamano l'attenzione su quella che Dalla Chiesa definisce la mitologia del volume dell'economia criminale,2 e una parte della letteratura descrive il riciclaggio come il lato oscuro della globalizzazione,3 e come uno dei maggiori problemi dell'era moderna.4 Con questa ricerca ho voluto mettere in discussione l'efficacia del reato di riciclaggio nel far fronte al fenomeno dell'infiltrazione dei flussi di denaro sporco nell'economia lecita. Sebbene la pratica di nascondere i proventi di reato in modo da evitare la persecuzione giudiziaria risalga probabilmente a molto tempo addietro, il concetto giuridico di riciclaggio è relativamente recente ed è stato introdotto nei codici penali nella maggior parte del mondo a partire dalla fine degli anni 80.5 Nel frattempo un gran numero di autori si è scagliato contro la scarsa efficacia delle legislazione anti-riciclaggio6, nonostante le innumerevoli novità introdotte e i cospicui ammendamenti che hanno in larga parte espanso il campo di applicazione della normativa. La decisione di scegliere il contesto tedesco come caso di studio deriva dal fatto che il paese è considerato avere un rischio particolarmente alto di riciclaggio di denaro sporco. Secondo il rapporto emesso dal 2010 dal GAFI (Groupe d'Action Financière), dal FMI (Fondo Monetario Internazionale) e dall'OCSE (Organizzazione per la Cooperazione e lo Sviluppo economico)7 ci sono alcuni fattori che rendono la Germania propensa ad essere usata al fine di riciclaggio di denaro sporco: il volume del sistema economico-finanziario, la locazione strategica al centro dell'Unione Europea con forti legami internazionali, l'uso diffuso di denaro contante,8 l'apertura delle frontiere, la vastità del settore informale, l'importante ruolo a livello di economia globale, e il coinvolgimento nei flussi di denaro transfrontalieri. Anche i media, a partire soprattutto dalla pubblicazione del citato rapporto, hanno attirato l'attenzione del pubblico sul fenomeno, descrivendo la Germania come "paradiso" o "Eldorado" per i riciclatori. Alcuni recenti scandali hanno visto coinvolte prominenti banche tedesche, come la Deutsche Bank, la Commerybank e l'Hyopovereinsbank, contro cui procure straniere hanno sollevato l'accusa di riciclaggio di denaro sporco.9 La legislazione in atto, ed in particolare l'articolo 261 del codice penale tedesco, non sembra essere sufficientemente efficace per contrastare il fenomeno, nonostante gli abbondanti emendamenti e il continuo processo di aggiornamento e di espansione del campo di applicazione della norma. Al fine di spiegare questa per lo meno apparente incapacità della norma di fare fronte al fenomeno del riciclaggio, ho costruito l'ipotesi di ricerca sulla base delle teorie sociologico-giuridiche relative all'efficacia del diritto, alle funzioni manifeste e latenti delle norme e quindi alle intenzioni espresse e non dal legislatore, all'efficacia simbolica del diritto e di singole legislazioni e all'impatto, inteso come comprensivo degli effetti indesiderati o collaterali. L'ipotesi di ricerca è che la norma esplichi una funzione simbolica di allineamento dell'ordinamento nazionale a quello europeo e transnazionale, di compromesso tra gli interessi politici in gioco, e di creazione di consenso pubblico verso il legislatore per essersi occupato della questione. Si ipotizza che il legislatore abbia quindi consapevolmente accettato o addirittura scelto di formulare una norma strumentalmente poco efficace, ma simbolicamente capace di raggiungere i suoi obiettivi latenti. Si solleva inoltre l'ipotesi che la norma sia stata appositamente approvata con lo scopo di non modificare lo status quo delle relazioni e strutture economiche, e di permettere quindi l'ingresso di capitali sporchi nel paese, sulla base del motto pecunia non olet. La suddetta ipotesi viene parzialmente smentita dai risultati della ricerca empirica. La ricostruzione del processo di produzione legislativa mette in risalto l'esistenza di svariati e contrastanti interessi e della forte pressione esercitata dagli organismi internazionali per l'introduzione e lo sviluppo del reato di riciclaggio, e conferma, quindi, l'argomentazione che la norma sia stata approvata in un contesto di pressione politica esterna e di necessità di trovare un compromesso tra diverse parti politiche. Anche l'analisi degli aspetti problematici dell'articolo 261 del codice penale tedesco messi in risalto dalla dottrina supporta l'ipotesi della simbolicità della norma. Il fatto che il legislatore abbia formulato un reato così complesso crea evidenti problemi di integrazione dello stesso all'interno del sistema penale tedesco, e quindi di accettazione da parte degli studiosi e potenzialmente da parte degli operatori del diritto. Inoltre, la scelta di costruire un reato così complesso riflette la necessità di venire a compromesso con opposti interessi, ma potrebbe essere anche essere interpretata come un disinteresse al raggiungimento di un'efficacia materiale. La ricerca empirica sull'implementazione dell'articolo 261, invece, smentisce l'idea che la norma abbia un'efficacia puramente simbolica. Infatti il numero di condanne, di investigazioni, ed in generale l'uso ricorrente della legge riscontrato nelle statistiche criminali provano che essa conduca ad effetti strumentali, oltre che simbolici. Inoltre, nella prospettiva di alcuni degli operatori del diritto e degli esperti intervistati, l'articolo 261 è percepito come una norma particolarmente efficiente, sia in relazione alle quote di chiarimento, che come strumento di demarcazione tra comportamenti leciti e illeciti, in un contesto di deregolamentazione del settore finanziario. Da un'analisi piè ravvicinata delle statistiche e di altri rapporti emessi da enti internazionali e nazionali emerge però un quadro non così univoco: La norma sembra colpire più le vittime dei network criminali che operano a livello transnazionale che gli autori, perché spesso i colpevoli sono coinvolti in transazioni sospette in cambio di guadagni monetari. Le cospicue indagini finanziarie non riescono a raggiungere coloro che operano dietro gli esecutori dei reati minori, ed infatti la maggior parte di esse si concludono senza una condanna per riciclaggio. Questo a fronte di un volume di denaro sporco circolante nel paese che rimane allarmante, secondo alcuni degli studi analizzati. Se da una parte i risultati dell'applicazione della norma, sebbene strumentali, non possono considerarsi soddisfacenti, perché non sono riusciti ad evitare l'ingresso di capitali illeciti nell'economia nazionale, dall'altra parte sembra che l'esistenza di interessi profondamente contrastanti in gioco renda quasi impossibile la formulazione di un reato piè efficace. La tesi è composta da cinque capitoli, un'introduzione e una conclusione. Nel primo capitolo espongo le teorie sociologiche adottate per la valutazione di efficacia della norma e il metodo della ricerca. Inizialmente richiamo concetti di efficacia forniti da discipline affini alla sociologia del diritto - tra cui per esempio il concetto di efficienza e di efficienza indipendente rispetto allo scopo (zielunhabhängige Effizienz) riferito agli apparati amministrativi - che torneranno utili per l'interpretazione dei risultati delle interviste. Successivamente procedo con una panoramica sulle definizioni di efficacia del diritto fornite in sociologia del diritto, sulla ci base adotto una nozione "elastica" -riprendendola da Ferrari- di efficacia di una norma che guarda alle funzioni della norma e alle intenzioni del legislatore, in una prospettiva "intenzionalistica": "la corrispondenza fra un disegno politico di utilizzo di uno strumento normativo e i suoi effetti". Tale nozione, oltre a prestarsi ad un'analisi critica del diritto, fornisce indicazioni utili per l'analisi empirica dell'efficacia della legge in questione. In particolare ritengo utile considerare le seguenti variabili: le intenzioni latenti e manifeste del legislatore, gli scopi diretti e ed indiretti, l'eventuale efficacia simbolica del diritto, l'implementazione, la ricezione della norma nel senso di accettazione nel sistema giuridico e di interpretazione e percezione da parte degli operatori giuridici. Nella seconda parte si evidenzia il rilievo di tali variabili con riferimento specifico al diritto penale. In conclusione, sulla base delle riflessioni teoriche, formulo l'ipotesi sull'efficacia simbolica del reato di riciclaggio nell'ordinamento tedesco, che verrà poi verificata nei capitoli successivi. Nello specifico, presumendo che il reato di riciclaggio, introdotto come strumento fondamentale della lotta alla criminalità organizzata, così com'è formulato non adempie agli scopi dichiarati, nonostante gli innumerevoli emendamenti finalizzati proprio ad aumentarne l'efficacia, ipotizzo un'efficacia simbolica della norma, introdotta per offrire un'immagine di efficienza al pubblico (elettori). Inoltre sollevo l'ipotesi che la norma sia stata emanata appositamente inefficace per neutralizzarne le aspirazioni di punizione delle condotte illecite tipiche dei colletti bianchi, in una lettura moderna del conflitto sociale che avviene tramite l'emanazione di norme, con la volontà di decriminalizzare secondariamente comportamenti tipici delle classi forti. Nel secondo capitolo analizzo il processo legislativo a livello internazionale, europeo e nazionale. Il processo che ha portato alla creazione del reato di riciclaggio a livello internazionale viene ricostruito tramite dichiarazioni di intenti degli attori partecipanti, opinioni pubblicate, trascrizioni dei dibattiti parlamentari. Una particolare attenzione è posta sulle diverse intenzioni degli attori che hanno partecipato alla formulazione del reato. Il processo legislativo che ha portato alla formulazione dell'attuale legislazione anti-riciclaggio è un processo complesso, in cui diversi attori partecipanti hanno contribuito con differenti aspettative e dunque attribuendo diverse funzioni alla criminalizzazione del riciclaggio. Al fine di permettere svariate interpretazioni del dettato normativo in modo da soddisfare i differenti bisogni, e con lo scopo di trovare un compromesso tra gli interessi divergenti, il reato di riciclaggio è stato formulato in modo vago. Mentre alcuni Stati (ad esempio la Francia) inizialmente sostenevano l'introduzione del reato con lo scopo di combattere i paradisi fiscali e rafforzare la lotta all'evasione fiscale, altri Stati, come la Svizzera, hanno accettato di firmare l'accordo internazionale sulla criminalizzazione del riciclaggio solo a condizione che l'evasione fiscale non fosse inserito nella lista dei reati antecedenti. Con la nascita del GAFI la policy viene usata allo scopo di difendere l'integrità del sistema finanziario dall'infiltrazione di capitale illecito e dal 2001 si aggiunge la funzione di lotta al finanziamento del terrorismo. Tramite la soft law emanata dal GAFI per la prevenzione del riciclaggio, si trasferiscono compiti solitamente pubblici al settore privato: banche e istituti finanziari devono segnalare alla polizia ogni transazione sospetta, devono raccogliere e mantenere informazioni sui clienti e verificare le identità dei clienti. L'Unione Europea finora ha emanato quattro direttive nell'ambito del riciclaggio, l'ultima risale al 20 maggio 2015. Inizialmente la CE non aveva competenza in ambito penale, perciò la materia riciclaggio fu assorbita nella sfera economica (DG Economia e industria). La funzione dichiarata dal legislatore è la protezione del mercato interno, con particolare riguardo al fatto che i criminali possano sfruttare la libera circolazione dei capitali e l'eliminazione delle frontiere. Le direttive esprimono anche la volontà di impedire agli stati membri di emanare regolamentazioni che possano bloccare il libero mercato al fine di difendere le proprie economie dall'infiltrazione di capitale illecito. Emerge dunque un ulteriore conflitto di interessi. Nella seconda parte ricostruisco il processo legislativo e le evoluzioni interne alla Germania fino al momento della scrittura e fornisco il quadro del sistema repressivo e di prevenzione anti-riciclaggio. L'articolo 261 StGB è stato introdotto con legge Gesetz zur Bekämpfung des illegalen Rauschgifthandels und anderer Erscheinungsformen der Organisierten Kriminalität, quindi nell'ambito della lotta alla criminalità organizzata. Il dibattito parlamentare rileva che la norma è il frutto di un compromesso sotto diversi aspetti, non ultimo il fatto che è stata emanata del 1992, a pochi anni dalla riunificazione, e che quindi è parte del processo di negoziazione per la formazione di un diritto penale adattabile alle due culture giuridiche. Il legislatore tedesco evidenzia alcune funzioni della norma: la lotta al consumo di eroina e al traffico di stupefacenti, la diffusione e la pericolosità della mafia alla luce dei fatti recenti italiani, la volontà di proteggere l'amministrazione della giustizia e di isolare i criminali puntando alla criminalizzazione dei cosiddetti gate-keepers. Nel terzo capitolo individuo alcuni dei problemi sollevati dalla dottrina tedesca sul piano teorico con riferimento alla criminalizzazione del reato di riciclaggio nel contesto del sistema penale tedesco. Uno dei temi più discussi è relativo al bene giuridico protetto. La dottrina non ha ancora trovato un accordo su quale interesse sia protetto dall'articolo 261 StGB, le ipotesi sono: gli interessi dei reati antecedenti, l'amministrazione della giustizia, il sistema finanziario e la sicurezza. La vaghezza del dettato normativo non aiuta a trovare un interpretazione dottrinale univoca. La questione del bene giuridico protetto, lungi dall'essere una mera questione teorica, risente delle diverse funzioni attribuite alla norma dagli attori partecipanti al processo legislativo. Finora la giurisprudenza, che pur è intervenuta a chiarire altre questioni relative alla norma, non è intervenuta sul tema. Un altro tema su cui il dibattito è ancora aperto è il fatto di aver previsto al comma 5 l'ipotesi di colpa lieve, in controtendenza rispetto al legislatore europeo. Questo, secondo alcuni studiosi porta all'assurdo per cui anche il panettiere Tizio che vende del pane ad un evasore fiscale Caio potendo aver riconosciuto che Caio fosse un evasore, si rende colpevole di riciclaggio. La questione del livello di mens rea richiesto per una condanna per riciclaggio era sorta anche durante il dibattito parlamentare e l'introduzione del comma 5 è stato sostenuto da un emendamento della SPD che avrebbe voluto criminalizzare anche l'ipotesi di colpa lievissima. Questo, secondo la CDU avrebbe messo un freno al mercato e alle transazioni, poiché avrebbe costituito una minaccia per chiunque avesse intrapreso operazioni economiche. Essendo la funzione della norma incerta, la dottrina si divide tra chi sostiene che questa vasta criminalizzazione faccia perdere il senso del reato che sarebbe invece colpire i criminali che agiscono con intento, e chi invece sostiene che la norma abbia lo scopo di impedire qualsiasi infiltrazione di denaro illecito e quindi richieda una responsabilizzazione di tutti colori i quali prendano parte in operazioni finanziarie o economiche. Ancora una volta l'indeterminatezza del precetto legislativo è di ostacolo ad un'interpretazione univoca. Il quarto capitolo offre un'analisi qualitativa delle statistiche officiali sull'implementazione della legge dal 1992 ad oggi da parte delle istanze repressive e di prevenzione. Tra i dati analizzati i più rilevanti sono per esempio il numero di segnalazioni di transazioni sospette ricevuto dalle procure, il numero delle investigazioni condotte, il numero di condanne effettivamente inflitte ed eseguite e per quale delle ipotesi di riciclaggio, il volume di denaro confiscato. Essendo tali numeri indici del funzionamento del sistema penale e non del fenomeno del riciclaggio per sé, in conclusione si confrontano tali statistiche con le stime sul volume di flussi illeciti in Germania. Tale analisi, non potendo dare conto del numero dei reati evitati, sulla base dell'efficacia deterrente della norma, non intende esaurire il giudizio di efficacia della legislazione. Tra i risultati più rilevanti vi sono il fatto che il 60% delle persone condannate vengono condannate per l'ipotesi di colpa lieve, che solitamente consiste in casi in cui una persona poco abbiente ha accettato di far usare il proprio conto a terzi per operazioni sospette in cambio di un guadagno. Nel 5% dei casi le condanne sono inflitte per le ipotesi aggravate di commissione da membro di un'associazione criminale o in forma commerciale. Nel 90% dei casi le transazioni sospette segnalate alle procure portano a una chiusura dei procedimenti per mancanza di indizi che possano sostenere un rinvio a giudizio. La norma sembra colpire delinquenti minori e non grandi gruppi criminali, né altri delinquenti più potenti. Si ipotizza inoltre che l'incapacità di sostenere un rinvio a giudizio nonostante le informazioni acquisite e le indagini preliminari riduce la capacità deterrente della norma e permette, invece, ai criminali di conoscere le modalità di funzionamento del sistema repressivo e agire di conseguenza. Inoltre, le transazioni sospette sono segnalate nel circa 90% dei casi sa parte di istituti di credito, mentre gli altri enti obbligati dalla legislazione non sembrano partecipare attivamente al processo preventivo, in particolare il settore forense e immobiliare e del gioco d'azzardo. Sulla base di questi dati si ipotizza un effetto spill-over, ossia un trasferimento di illegalità dai settori più controllati a quelli meno controllati. I rapporti pubblicati dalla polizia, invece, considerano l'articolo 261 StGB come una norma con una delle più alte quote di chiarimento (ca 90%), quota calcolata sul numero di casi chiariti dal sistema penale, a prescindere dalle modalità di chiarimento. Per quanto riguardo il volume di denaro riciclato, il capitolo richiama alcune delle stime pubblicate da diversi enti, tra cui il Fondo Monetario Internazionale, il GAFI e la polizia criminale federale. Essendo il fenomeno del riciclaggio un campo in cui la cifra oscura è stimata essere molto alta, tali dati non possono essere presi come misura obiettiva del fenomeno. Infine il capitolo si conclude richiamando alcune analisi del tipo costi-benefici per misurare l'efficacia delle politiche anti-riciclaggio o alcune delle sue norme, condotte da enti terzi. Tali analisi sembrano concordare nel considerare i costi di implementazione della politica più alti rispetto ai benefici conseguenti. Nel quinto capitolo, infine, vengono discussi i risultati della ricerca empirica con gli operatori giuridici e con alcuni osservatori privilegiati, in modo da fornire una prospettiva interna sul funzionamento della norma. Tramite le interviste condotte si mettono in luce aspetti della prassi giuridica non fotografati dalle statistiche, allo scopo di offrire un'immagine dell'impatto della legge quanto più vicina possibile alla realtà. La ricerca empirica si avvale di interviste con operatori del diritto e con osservatori privilegiati che siedono in posizioni ministeriali rilevanti nella lotta al riciclaggio. La metodologia adottata è di tipo qualitativo, è stato fatto uso di interviste semi-strutturate a operatori del diritto e a osservatori privilegiati. Il capitolo presenta le percezioni degli intervistati su quattro temi principalmente: la dimensione del fenomeno del riciclaggio, l'adeguatezza tecnica della legislazione, i conflitti di interesse intrinseci alla legge e sorti dall'applicazione della norma e l'efficacia delle legge. A fronte di un rapporto emesso da quattro ONG nel novembre 2013, sulla base di statistiche prodotte dall'UNODC e dal Fondo Monetario Internazionale, e immediatamente riprese dai media, che descrive il paese come "Eldorado" per i riciclatori,10 le interviste sono dirette a cogliere l'opinione dei rispondenti sulle dimensioni del fenomeno del riciclaggio in Germania. Un intervistato ritiene inaccettabile desumere dal PIL tedesco il volume di affari del crimine organizzato nel paese, e obietta che non si possa, sulla base del giro d'affari del centro finanziario di Francoforte, definire lo stesso come centro di riciclaggio di denaro sporco. Un altro intervistato, dichiara, al contrario, che sicuramente il fatto che la Germania abbia un'economia stabile ed un settore bancario affidabile attiri coloro che vogliano investire proventi illeciti, neppure quest'ultimo possiede, però, dati affidabili sulla quantità di denaro riciclato. Il riciclaggio, come altri fenomeni legati alla criminalità organizzata, è una fattispecie che per definizione sfugge alle autorità e ai confini nazionali. Lo scopo dello stesso è nascondere proventi di reato e sottrarli in questo modo al sistema repressivo, questo è sicuramente un elemento che rende complessa, se non impossibile, la sua quantificazione. D'altra parte, osservano i soggetti intervistati autori del Rapporto del 2013, l'incapacità di fornire statistiche rilevanti dopo più di 20 anni di lotta al riciclaggio, sembra essere un sintomo di una carente volontà politica nel contrastare efficacemente il fenomeno. Secondo gli osservatori privilegiati se la Germania fosse davvero un paradiso per i riciclatori, ciò non sarebbe collegabile ad un deficit legislativo, dato l'impegno del governo nella lotta al riciclaggio, negando, quindi, l'accusa rivolta dai media per cui i criminali sceglierebbero il paese tedesco ai fini di riciclaggio di denaro sporco sulla base delle lacune normative. Agli intervistati è stato chiesto di evidenziare aspetti positivi e problematici della legislazione. Tra i più rilevanti vi sono: la necessità di bilanciare il bisogno di punire la condotta di riciclaggio e rispettare i principi fondamentali del sistema giuridico, il disinteresse da parte degli istituti finanziari nell'indagare l'origine del capitale investito dai clienti, anche in caso di sospetto di provenienza criminale, a causa della possibile conseguente perdita di reputazione nell'ipotesi di apertura di investigazioni da parte delle autorità sul cliente sospetto. Vi è poi una difficoltà materiale nel condurre indagini finanziarie, che spesso, conducono a condotte illecite commesse all'estero; sul punto si osserva che le condotte di riciclaggio, intese come operazioni atte ad ostacolare la provenienza delittuosa, non avvengono su territorio tedesco, bensì all'estero, il denaro che entra in Germania, è, quindi, già "pulito". Inoltre, l'articolo 261 è stato introdotto nel sistema tedesco come trasposizione di una direttiva Europea e non rifletteva una necessità interna dello Stato; la formulazione così vaga, infatti, si presta più per il sistema giuridico degli Stati Uniti, in cui non vige l'obbligo dell'azione penale, mentre in Germania, dove i pubblici ministeri hanno l'obbligo di azione penale, tale norma porta ad iniziare numerose indagini senza avere la capacità di proseguirle. In generale, gli intervistati rappresentanti dei Ministeri rilevano la forte pressione subita da parte del GAFI e dell'Unione Europea per l'emanazione della legge anti-riciclaggio e concordano nel dire che se la norma fosse stata creata sulla base di una necessità e di un dibattito nazionale sarebbe stata scritta diversamente. C'è chi individua nel sistema penale le cause di inefficacia dell'articolo 261, nello specifico, la limitata possibilità di effettuare intercettazioni telefoniche, le restrizioni in materia di inversione dell'onere probatorio, e lo scarso utilizzo della confisca dei proventi di reato a causa del disinteresse da parte delle procure (gestite a livello di Bundesländer) nell'investire risorse in tal senso dato che i beni confiscati non resterebbero in mano al Bundesland ma verrebbero raccolti in un fondo federale e poi spartiti. Si osserva una generale mancanza di risorse pubbliche che porta ad una carenza di personale coinvolto nelle investigazioni e, quindi, ad una incapacità di far fronte ai processi in corso in modo efficace. Per questo motivo, i pm non hanno la capacità di indagare più a fondo casi di riciclaggio all'apparenza semplici, ma che potrebbero portare alla luce organizzazioni criminali operanti nell'ombra. Alla totalità degli intervistati è stata chiesta un'opinione sull'efficacia della legge. L'articolo 261 del codice penale tedesco è stato definito da un soggetto "una legge scritta in modo indecente, che produce risultati banali sul piano delle statistiche criminali, soprattutto con riferimento alle condanne per riciclaggio in grossi casi di criminalità economica". Il reato è così difficile da provare in giudizio, che risulta facile, per la difesa, sfruttare le lacune legislative per evitare una condanna per riciclaggio. I rappresentanti dei Ministeri confermano che la lettera dell'articolo 261 crea confusioni e che quindi l'accusa, pur trovandosi di fronte ad un caso di riciclaggio spesso preferisca perseguire i delitti presupposto. Questo non è, però, un sintomo di inefficacia, dato che l'effettività a cui mira il Ministero dell'interno non è data dal numero di condanne per riciclaggio, ma dal numero di casi risolti, e quindi dal numero di condanne in generale, a prescindere dall'imputazione. D'opinione opposta un altro intervistato che ritiene che l'articolo 261 non abbia alcuna capacità deterrente nei confronti della criminalità organizzata, "la norma ricorre così raramente nella prassi giudiziaria che di fatto non rappresenta una "minaccia" per i potenziali criminali". I soggetti intervistati esprimono più soddisfazione a riguardo della legislazione di prevenzione (GWG); in particolare, con riferimento alle piccole e medie imprese, per le quali è difficile riconoscere tra i partner commerciali coloro i quali investono denaro di provenienza illecita, la possibilità di affidarsi alle autorità investigative, in caso di sospetto è fondamentale. Un avvocato specializzato in compliance per società, descrive la norma preventiva come molto efficace e severa, tanto che è impossibile per le aziende, specialmente per quelle di medie o piccole dimensioni, adempiere a tutti gli obblighi prescritti dalla norma, ma, egli osserva, l'efficacia del sistema sta proprio nel fatto che le autorità di controllo, consapevoli dell'elevata rigorosità della legge, chiudono un occhio di fronte a lievi inadempienze. Una legge meno severa e un controllo più fiscale non otterrebbero la stessa efficacia, perché la norma non avrebbe lo stesso potenziale deterrente. L'efficacia all'interno delle amministrazioni responsabili per la lotta al riciclaggio è interpretata come efficienza dell'apparato, per questo motivo, non ci sono verifiche sull'efficacia degli strumenti giuridici sulla base degli scopi dichiarati, quanto piuttosto sulla correttezza del funzionamento dell'amministrazione e sulle possibilità di migliorarlo; il punto è capire come migliorare, non se il sistema sia efficace o no. Agli intervistati è stata chiesta un'opinione sull'eventuale efficacia simbolica della legislazione. La maggioranza delle risposte è stata negativa, gli sforzi compiuti da parte dello Stato -e quindi delle procure, della autorità competenti e della polizia- nel contrastare il riciclaggio e la criminalità economica non possono essere considerati simbolici. Alcuni intervistati ritengono assolutamente necessaria e strumentale – e quindi non simbolica- l'esistenza del reato nel codice penale come demarcazione di illegalità di tali condotte e come strumento atto a contrastare la criminalità economica perché mette in chiaro entro quali limiti le società possano perseguire profitti in modo legittimo. Di opinione diversa, invece, gli avvocati penalisti i quali si sono detti favorevoli a tale definizione sulla base dello scarso numero di condanne e soprattutto sulla mancata previsione da parte del Governo di mezzi adeguati per l'implementazione della legislazione. Lo stesso è osservato dal terzo settore, il quale sostiene che, a fronte di una legge complessa, oggetto di svariati emendamenti nel corso degli anni, non c'è stato un sufficiente impegno sul versante dell'implementazione; il coinvolgimento del GAFI e dell'OECD nella lotta al riciclaggio è percepito come un modo per creare posti di lavoro e nuove figure professionali, più che un'arena dove discutere efficaci strumenti di lotta ai reati economici. Altri elementi interessanti riscontrabili nelle interviste sono i conflitti di interessi che emergono dall'applicazione delle leggi anti-riciclaggio. Tra essi, vi è il dibattito tra il Ministero dell'Interno e quello di Giustizia in riferimento all'adeguatezza dello strumento penalistico nel contrastare la criminalità economica, dibattito già affrontato dalla dottrina, a cui, però finora, non è stata data una risposta univoca. Da una parte il Ministero dell'Interno auspica un intervento giuridico più deciso, che, per esempio, ricomprenda il reato di riciclaggio nella responsabilità penale degli enti (non ancora esistente in Germania) e sollecita una svolta politica generale in tema di criminalità economica dalla deregolazione del mercato finanziario all'intervento dello Stato in ambito economico ai fini di chiarire i comportamenti leciti e quelli illeciti. Dall'altra parte, il Ministero della Giustizia considera erroneo il ricorso al diritto penale ai fini di risolvere problemi di tipo economico o finanziario e cerca di frenare la tendenza moderna alla proliferazione penale, a favore di un intervento di tipo preventivo-sociale. A tal proposito, si osserva che agli incontri del GAFI a cui partecipano i rappresentanti dei Ministeri di Giustizia, coloro che provino a richiamare l'attenzione sulla necessità di rispettare i principi fondamentali costituzionali e di limitare l'intervento penale a tutela dei cittadini, vengano tacciati di non voler combattere la criminalità organizzata in modo efficace. In conclusione riapro la prospettiva a livello globale ed inserisco il reato di riciclaggio in una riflessione più ampia sulla governace finanziaria. In una prospettiva storica di analisi delle politiche economiche recenti si osserva come vi sia stata una tendenza a deregolare il mercato per mano delle istanze tradizionali pubbliche, e al contempo un aumento di strumenti transnazionali di cosiddetta soft-law che si sono fatti portatori di interessi particolari. Finché questa conflittualità non verrà risolta sarà impossibile impedire il riciclaggio di denaro sporco. Con particolare riferimento al contesto europeo, si prende atto che è stato molto più facile chiudere le frontiere per le persone fisiche e non a quelle giuridiche o ai capitali. ; This paper aims to question the sociolegal1 effectiveness of the money laundering offence.2 The literature that assesses the effectiveness of the anti-money laundering system is abundant. While most of it does not question the regime's goals this paper takes a step back and critically looks at the law-making process. In addition, while most studies have assessed the effectiveness of anti-money laundering law by looking at statistical outcomes, this paper takes a step forward and tries to explain those statistics by looking at legal praxis and at indirect effects. The significance of the research derives from the insertion of the analysis on money laundering offence in a broader political, economic and historical context. The methodology adopted is qualitative, with the intended purpose of underlining the complexity of the issue tackled, rather than reducing it through a quantitative approach. While most of the existing literature has quantitatively assessed the effectiveness of the anti-money laundering regimes on the basis of statistical data and other quantitative indexes and has tried to reduce the complexity of the issue by measuring it numerically, this research adopts a qualitative methodology, which instead highlights the entanglement and the different perspectives on the question. Money laundering is the process of giving profits originated illegally an appearance of having been made lawfully.3 Due to the tightening of economic criminal policies that limit the possibility of integrating ill-gotten gains in the legitimate economy, offenders have developed more and more complex methods and subterfuges to launder proceeds of crime, so the rise of a proper 'money laundering industry' (industria del riciclaggio) is mentioned.4 The total volume of money laundered is estimated to amount to between 2,5 and 5, 5 % of the world GDP.5 Due to the borderline nature of money laundering, which happens between the so-called 'legitimate economy' and the 'dirty economy', and thus involves different actors such as banks, the financial sector, certain professions and businesses, offenders, victims and law enforcement agencies, the legal response needs to compromise with all the various economic, political, social and financial interests at play. Furthermore, where legitimate business intermingles with illegal business and legitimate funds with illicit funds, it is very difficult to distinguish what is legal from what is not. The criminalisation of money laundering was specifically supposed to tackle this fine line. The goal of this research is to assess whether the choice of criminalising money laundering has been effective to tackle this fine line. In order to assess the impact of the domestic implementation of the existing legal framework, the research uses a case study that specifically questions the effectiveness of the money laundering offence in the German national criminal legal system. The interest in the German case derives from the fact that, according to the IMF, the OECD and the FATF, Germany might have 'a higher risk profile for large scale money laundering than many other countries'.6 There are some factors identified as enablers of money laundering activities, such as the large economy and financial centre, the strategical location in the middle of Europe, with strong international links, the substantial proceeds of the crime environment involving organised crime operating in most profit generating criminal spheres, the open borders, the large informal sector and a high use of cash, the large and sophisticated economy and financial sector, the important role in world trade, and finally the involvement in large volumes of cross-border trade and financial flows. The media have kept on reporting the fact that Germany is an ideal country, or even a paradise for money launderers.7 According to most recent media reports, corruption is increasing in Germany along with money laundering and organised crime,8 and illicit financial flows are estimated to amount to 50 Billion Euros annually.9 Renowned banks such as Commerzbank, Deutsche Bank, and Hypovereinsbank have been the focus of recent scandals due to their involvement in large tax evasion and money laundering schemes, investigated mostly by US law enforcement agencies.10 The legal framework has been considered as not being sufficient to tackle the estimated volume of money laundering. In 2007 and 2010 the European Commission initiated two proceedings against the German government for having contravened the European treaty by not having effectively transposed into national law the European framework to tackle money laundering and terrorist financing.11 In response to this wave of criticism, some important changes have been made.12 With specific regards to penal law, the legislature has amplified the scope of the money laundering offence and the sphere of criminal liability in order to improve the effectiveness of the existing legislation.13 Yet the continual expansion process has raised legal challenges that could constitute an obstacle for the effective enforcement of the measure. With regards to international legislation, scholars have often criticized the ineffectiveness of the anti-money laundering regime to not be able to achieve its goals and thus to be only appearance of public action. 14 While there is theoretical support for the perception that policies have contributed to a decrease in the incidence of money laundering, there is no evidence that this goal has actually been achieved.15 The official discourse describes the regime as a crucial tool to prevent and combat money laundering, and lawmakers have been focusing on expanding the reach of anti-money laundering laws. This work however takes a critical approach towards the existing legal framework and presents the view that questioning the effectiveness of the money laundering offence is essential before expanding the scope of the existing legal framework.16 On the background of the reflections based on the sociolegal framework that sets the definition of legal effectiveness with specific respect to criminal law, and on the critical literature on the inadequateness of the international anti-money laundering system to eliminate the targeted activity recalled in the introduction, the hypothesis underlying the case study is the following: Article 261 Gcc may be an example of a symbolic legislation, whose latent functions prevail on its declared functions. In particular, it is hypothesised that the law is an example of a 'compromise-law' that satisfy all parties taking part in the law-making process, thanks to the vagueness of the wording that allows a broad range of possible interpretations, and also thanks to the actual ineffectiveness, which pleases those who were contrary to the introduction of the provision. It is here necessary to recall the considerations on the 'legislator' being an heterogeneous group of parties not only constituted of members of the Parliament but often also by external actors, who can influence more or less transparently the law making-process. While the manifested function of tackling money laundering has in fact remained in the background, the thesis hypothesises that other latent goals have been pursued. It is further hypothesised that the 'law inaction' is part of a process of decriminalisation that intentionally grants impunity to a certain group of actors, in this case those laundering money, while giving the appearance that the practice is not accepted by law by labelling it as criminal. By using the concept of function, the study focuses on eventual conflicting interests emerging throughout the policy-making process and/or being displayed through the implementation of the provisions. In order to verify these hypotheses the research proceeds with a case study that aims at empirically assessing the sociolegal effectiveness of Article 261 Gcc. In particular, by applying the 'elastic' definition of effectiveness, the following chapters analyse the law-making process, the level of acceptance by legal scholars, the implementation, and the opinions of legal experts and professionals. The methodology adopted is qualitative. The research consists of a case study that includes a documental research, a qualitative analysis of statistical data and the conduction of interviews with privileged observers and legal actors. The study is a macro-sociological assessment of the effectiveness of a criminal legislation through the analysis of the motives that have triggered lawmakers to enact the current legal framework and the practical effects of the 'law in action'17 and of the 'law inaction'.18 Thanks to the use of sociological conceptual tools, as the ones of function, symbolic effectiveness, power, labelling, and legal culture, the research critically approaches the legal framework. In addition, the sociolegal perspective allows us to take into account the multidisciplinary nature of the phenomenon of money laundering and of its countermeasures and the diverse conflicting interests at play. The work has been conducted by a single person and not by a team of researchers; this has imposed a limit on the interviewing sample and the impossibility of undertaking, along with the qualitative analysis of the provision, a qualitative analysis of the jurisprudence and a quantitative analysis of the case law. In addition, criminal provisions have a deterrent purpose, yet in certain cases it is almost impossible to quantify the deterrence effect of those provisions, as in the case of the money laundering offence, and this represents a shortcoming of the current research. Official numbers are highly problematic, this element, despite impeding an objective quantification of the phenomenon, can represent a partial result for the qualitative analysis, because it highlights the complexity of the matter. The anti-money laundering regime is constantly evolving, and this would require continuously updating the assessment, instead the research provides a picture of the current situation. Yet the work offers the reader an instrument to critically interpret also possible changes in the wording of the money laundering offence that may be made following the publication of this work. The outcomes of the critical study on the reasons and effects of the current legislation can be used as a starting point for further research; the methodology set for the empirical analysis can be applied to assess the effectiveness of following developments. The structure of the thesis is the following: The first chapter presents the theoretical sociolegal framework and provides an operational definition of the concept of effectiveness that directs the empirical research. At the end the chapter describes the methodology of the qualitative research. Chapter two traces the genesis of the money laundering offence, as well on an internal, European and domestic level. The chapter analyses legislative intents, parliamentarian debates and other external contributions as declarations of intents and opinions through a desktop-study. The third chapter is dedicated to the doctrinal debate about the money laundering offence regulated in the German penal code. In particular the chapter highlights the controversial issues that have emerged through the abundant legal scholarship production, which might affect the effectiveness of the money laundering offence. Chapters four and chapter five present the empirical research. The fourth chapter analyses the quantitative data of the implementation of the money laundering offence from a qualitative perspective. The last chapter presents the results of the interviews. The main outcomes of the research are that the interests expressed more or less manifestly from the actors taking part in the initial phase of the creation of the anti-money laundering regime were strongly conflicting with each other. One representative example is the question whether to use the policy also to tackle large scale tax evasion or to leave proceeds deriving from fiscal crimes outside of the regime. Very different justifications were given for the criminalisation of money laundering at different stages. Often the declared motives did not correspond to the real goals of the actors taking part in the law-making process. The rhetoric connected to the seriousness of the drug issue was the manifest function of the new criminalisation of money laundering. However, other latent goals, for instance, the desire of financial institutions to clean their reputation and gain customs confidentiality or the interest of some governments to curb tax evasion were already present during this initial phase. Another controversial issue concerns the fact national states have adopted anti-money laundering measures under the pressure of the FATF, which is led by most industrialised countries.19 Despite lacking democratic legitimation, the FATF has imposed worldwide a brand new regime of criminalisation, prevention and enforcement. The legal framework has been used to address ever-new challenges, and this expansion process has been coupled by a rhetoric that scholars have defined the securitisation rhetoric.20 The most recent function manifestly attributed to the anti-money laundering legal framework, that is, in short, the protection of the soundness of the financial system. Especially in times of financial insecurity, the tendency of hardening laws against economic crimes increases. Having previously deregulated the financial system to enhance economic liberties, legislatures resort to criminal law to control illegality in the economy. As a response to the European financial crisis of 2007-2011, legislatures, instead of rethinking the approach towards the protection of the global finance, called for a tightening of economic crimes regulations. The European discourse on money laundering has mostly been related to the destabilisation of the market, the abuse of capitals' movement liberty, the disintegration of the internal economy. But, why was the EU so keen on imposing a common standard for the criminalisation of money laundering, without even enjoying competence in penal matters? The introduction of a common anti-money laundering control policy served to a latent function, namely to the purposes of the creation of the 'Single Market', by way of avoiding that Member States would have adopted measures inconsistent with the completion of the Internal Market, while taking action to protect their own national economies from money laundering.21 This was done by avoiding that domestic regulations implemented for protecting national economies from the infiltration of ill-gotten capital could have hampered the freedom of movement of capital within the European borders. The tension emerges, also in the wording of the most recent EU money laundering Directives, due to lack of Community action against money laundering could lead Member States, for the purpose of protecting their financial systems, to adopt measures which could be inconsistent with completion of the single market.22 There are thus conflicting interests between the claim for regulation to avoid the infiltration of illicit capital, and the demand for deregulation to foster the free market. The European legislature, however, did not declare completely this intention and justified, instead, the imposition of anti-money laundering rules given the threats posed by money laundering to the financial system and thus to society. According to this critical approach, the criminalisation of money laundering turns out to be more of a political tool aimed at achieving governance within the EU, while being presented to the public as an essential intervention to guarantee security and well-being. Once again, thus, the declared goals of the lawmakers did not correspond with the real intentions. It is especially in the interest of a research on the law's effectiveness to unveil functions that were undeclared, in order to evaluate the outcomes in a more critical way. Also from the analysis of the national law-making process emerged divergent opinions and expectations relating to the criminalisation of money laundering. The Parliamentarians debate that took place with regard to the introduction of the money laundering offence and other instruments to tackle drug-trafficking shows that the discussion was deeply embedded in the political-historical context. Given that Germany was just reunified after a period of two dictatorial regimes, the hearing gives the impression that lawmakers felt the responsibility of creating a new legal system against such historical background. In order to balance the very different legal cultures, the divergent approaches had to be compromised. The introduction of a new crime was particularly delicate due to the discriminatory and arbitrary use of criminal labels by the previous dictatorial regimes. Therefore, delegates would not easily give up on fundamental rights for the cause of persecuting criminals. The legislation can be seen as an attempt to balance the need to adopt more effective measures to tackle crime and the necessity of respecting the rule of law and creating a 'militant democracy'. Yet, given the external pressure of the FATF, the EU and of the media, the text was less of a compromise and rather a ratification of 'internationally' accepted standards. The rule of law was not the only issue emerged in the initial phase of the political debate. Controversial opinions were raised also with regard to the questions of the mens rea and the interest protected by the new criminal provision: Certain political parties supported the broadest criminal liability to ensure an effective prosecution of money laundering, other parties were worried that a widespread liability would have been cumbersome for the economic system. Moreover, along with the expansion of the international criminal legal framework to fight against money laundering, also the scope of Article 261 Gcc was extended to include ever-new predicate offences. From the analysis of the doctrinal debate, it emerged that legal scholars have revealed technical hindrances that hinder the provision's legitimacy and thus hamper a positive integration of the act in the criminal legal system. In addition, given that most controversial issues are caused by the wording of the offence, the chapter seems to uphold the idea of an intentional potential decriminalisation of money launderers. The wording of Article 261 Gcc has the potential of frustrating some of the intentions expressed by the legislature in occasion of the adoption of the provision. While the vague formulation of the money laundering offence was thought to tackle ever-new emergencies and has been justified by legislatures as necessary to ensure a more effective fight against money laundering, it has also raised issues that, far from being purely dogmatic, have undermined the acceptance of such law. If law makers have designed the offence in a broad way to allow the criminalisation of conducts that could not have been prosecuted by the existing offences before, the large discretion left to prosecutors, has resulted in a cumbersome element for the prosecution of money laundering. In addition, criminalising the reckless conduct without envisaging a specific criminal liability for security positions has widened the scope of the offence to the point that the law has missed its function of isolating criminals by criminalising gate-keepers' activities. In addition it emerged that there are some open questions with regard to the wording of the offence, for example the question of the interests protected by Article 261 Gcc. On one side a state intervention is considered necessary to contain the impact of economic misbehaviours to protect citizens, on the other side it is important to limit the resort to criminal law only for safeguarding individual or collective situations and not for defending an existing economic structure. The economic system may, in fact, not be considered as a collective interest that needs protection. Also, safeguards provided by penal law need to be substantial and not symbolic, because they urge to change a given situation of inequality, where criminals can profit from illegal practices while legitimate economic actors undergo unfair competition. From the doctrinal analysis it has instead emerged that the legislator seemed to be more interested in drafting a symbolic legislation that can be hardly integrated in the legal system and that raise strong challenges. Lawmakers have been focusing on expanding the reach of anti-money laundering in order to improve its effectiveness, yet without providing legitimacy for such expansion. One of the most meaningful fact observed in the qualitative analysis of statistical data is that organised crime and 'gross money laundering' are not persecuted through Article 261 Gcc. This fact can be inferred by the low number of convictions pursuant to Article 261 (4),23 by the low number of money laundering proceedings categorised as organised crime and by the low number of investigations in the field of money laundering, tax crimes and economic crimes recorded by public prosecutors offices in 2013, where more than one person was involved (18 %). Yet, this does not mean that the criminal justice system does not act against them, but rather that it uses other tools to achieve the goal. While the low conviction rate for serious money laundering cases could be also a symptom of a high degree of deterrence of the provision, it seems that law enforcement uses the money laundering charge as a fallback for authorities who are unable to acquire sufficient evidence in a preliminary phase for the predicate crime and necessitate further information otherwise not accessible. The charge of money laundering allows investigators to access the vast amount of information recorded pursuant to the GwG, which would not be otherwise accessible. Yet, after the investigative phase, prosecutors seem to prefer to modify the charge and opt for indictment for predicate offences instead. The law seems to be effective to the extent that it facilitates the initial investigations, while it does not serve directly the function of punishing money launderers. Besides having a substantial nature, the provisions seem to have a procedural function. It can be inferred that prosecutors find particularly difficult to bring evidence against organised money launderers also due to the fact that professional offenders do not leave traces. From the scarce use of Article 261 Gcc for tackling organised criminality, it can be inferred that the measure is not serving for one of the purposes declared by the legislature when introducing the offence. In addition, it can be hypothesised that other measures may be more suitable to tackle 'gross money laundering'. Given the high number of STRs filed and the low number of money laundering charges and of convictions deriving from the STRs since the introduction of the laws, it can be assumed that the system has been anyway maintained because it still provides some sort of benefits. It can be hypothesised that one benefit is the number of information provided to law enforcement agencies. This amount of recorded information is helpful not only to support further indictments, but also to increase the personnel awareness about the ever-changing money laundering techniques and schemes. Again the effect of the 'law in action' differs in respect to the declared legislative intentions, which justified the criminalisation of money laundering with the necessity of tackling organised crime's economic power. By spelling out this function, the assessment on the effectiveness of the law - as the possibility of collecting information - can be positive. Yet, this effect could be considered a social cost rather than a benefit. On a theoretical side, many scholars see the recording of personal information by private actors as an infringement of the right to privacy.24 On a more practical side such mechanism imposes significant costs on the designated businesses and professions that are in charge of collecting the data.25 When compared to the effective outcomes of the preventive regulations, in terms of law enforcement results, this aspect does not seem to win a cost-benefit analysis, as showed in the quoted researches. If one considers the advantages in terms of information collected, the policy may be considered worth the burden imposed, instead. However, the fact that the laws would have an effective impact on the long run on the fight against money laundering and organised crime may be seen as a diminished deterrence effect, because perpetrators would have the time to adapt to the new laws and find new ways of circumventing them. A collateral effect of the long-run effectiveness of the policy hypothesised on the basis of the outcomes of the research on the implementation is the fact that perpetrators could take advantage of the initiated but not completed cases, by acquiring knowledge about law enforcement strategies and thus develop subterfuges to elude them. On the contrary, it seems that the legislature is always running after to cope with the offenders' ever-new strategies. In fact, regulations about a new sector are updated when there is evidence that there is a risk of money laundering in that specific sector. Yet, offenders might have already moved their laundering activities to another sector. On the assumption that the inclusion of the reckless conduct would have potentially criminalised daily activities, a focus was posed on the number of convictions related to Article 261 (5) Gcc26 to verify the target of the criminal provision. Since 2005 a high number of convictions have been actually referring to reckless money laundering. This shows that the offence is used to punish primarily 'petty money laundering'. This fact can also be inferred from the relevant number of money laundering cases to the detriment of senior citizens, signalled by the FIU in the recent years. Also the fact that a significant number of STRs is filed in relation to the 'financial agents' phenomenon' is a symptom that the preventive mechanism targets more 'small fishes' rather than big perpetrators. Individuals convicted for the reckless conduct may be even victims of a fraud perpetrated by criminal networks. However, the criminal network acting behind the offender remains undetected. If on the one side it cannot be claimed that such offenders, given the lower degree of culpability should not be punished at all, on the other side this effect of the law involves a change of paradigm. The money laundering offence was initially introduced with the goal of tackling serious crimes. The observed effect, however, changes the function and the nature of the law, so that Article 261 Gcc could be considered rather a 'blue collar crime' more than a 'white collar crime'. From the analysis on the quality of STRs filed to the FIU, it can be inferred that certain designated professions and businesses are very reluctant in filing STRs, despite their notably exposure to money laundering risks. The list of designated professions and businesses has been amplified over the years exactly with the goal of facing this transfer of crime from one area to the other. Yet some professionals, such as legal advisors, do not report them, although they possess the capacity of recognising illicit transactions. The fact that some sectors do not actively participate in the effort of preventing money laundering, by allowing criminal proceedings to enter the legitimate economy, may lead to a general ineffectiveness of the system, because it can significantly hinder the capacity of the whole anti-money laundering system to respond to the ability of offenders to move their field of activity there where the law is lax. The provision does generate some instrumental effects by punishing offenders and by triggering a cooperation directed at signalling suspicious transactions between the obliged entities and law enforcement. However, some of the effects do not seem to completely fulfil the legislature's declared goals. For example the chapter seems to prove wrong the legislature's expectation of tackling the grey area by punishing gate-keepers or the attributed function of eliminating organised and serious crime. Given the high costs of implementation highlighted by the cost-benefits analyses, the rather low outcomes seem to be insufficient to fulfil the legislature's goals. Since it is sufficient that without latent functions it would be impossible to explain the adoption and maintenance of a legal act,27 it can be concluded that the intents declared by lawmakers do not satisfy the reasons why the provision was introduced. This opens up the hypothesis that Article 261 Gcc is an example of a symbolic legislation, which has been enacted with the purpose of compromising a complex parliamentarian debate. The analysis of the law-making process has revealed the existence of different expectations attributed to the introduction of Article 261 Gcc. Expectations that were conflicting with each other had to be negotiated and were compromised through the formulation of a vague offence that allowed different interpretations. Yet, the implementation of the law has led to the re-emersion of some of the conflicting situations. In addition, given that the policy regulates a complex and multifaceted issue new conflicts have emerged through its enforcement. The effects triggered by the norm can be indeed perceived positively or negatively by the different actors involved. In particular five principal conflicting situations have surfaced from the interviews. The first issue is the role played by external actors in the law-making process and the constant influence exercised by those actors in the process of updating the policy. The imposition of a US American approach to money laundering control through the role of the FATF has also been highlighted in the second chapter. Specifically, some scholars see the development of a global prohibition regime fostered by the US in the diffusion of anti-money laundering law. According to this literature, the powerful state creates an international regime focussed on achieving its own goals through global acceptance triggered by the securitisation rhetoric and compliance processes imposed through the menace of exclusion by international business relations. The second conflict that emanates from the words of the respondents is the one of the demand for criminal law to face financial misbehaviours and the necessity of limiting the tendency of expanding criminal law on the background of a situation of financial instability. Given the previous deregulation of the market, policy makers need to control and sanction economic abuse in order to protect fair competition and law-abiding individuals. On the other hand, the state needs to respect fundamental principles, such as the rule of law and the principle of ultima ratio that imposes a restriction of the use of criminal law in situations in which no other measures are suitable. This conflict has already been raised along the formulation of the money laundering offence with regards to the question of the interests protected by the law. Despite the legislator tying to limit the scope of the offence by attributing to Article 261 Gcc the protection of the administration of justice and of the interests protected by the predicate offences, this explanation was not considered suitable to the peculiarity of the offence. Indeed, shortly after the enactment, legal scholarship and the judiciary entered in a vivid debate in order to identify more suitable interests protected by the law, among them the financial and economic system under different perspectives. However, as chapter three shows, no solution could be found. In fact, the question concerning the suitability of criminal law to tackle illicit financial flows is perceived in the current research as still unsolved. The matter does not only concern money laundering control. On the contrary, it is a fairly widespread issue that has recently emerged due to the tendency of hardening economic crimes on the background of a situation of financial instability. The third conflict can be summarised as the following: on the one hand the policy being required to interfere with the personal sphere of suspected money launderers; on the other hand private institutions being interested in protecting their relations with loyal and trusted customers. Therefore, they are reluctant to give law enforcement the possibility to interfere too much in their business. The interest manifested by the private sector involved in the prevention of money laundering seems thus to collide with the legislative intent of preventing the infiltration of dirty money by way of preventing gate-keepers to help money launderers. The clash emerges at a micro-economic level and is triggered by the fact that the anti-money laundering policy demands an active participation by private sector in the detection of suspects. Private actors, are not appropriate to bear the burden of detecting offenders, moreover they need to protect the relationships with customers by avoiding unnecessary interferences. At the same time, the privatisation of crime control is questionable also from a governance point of view. It seems therefore that the public interest in persecuting crimes through having access to personal information from the private sector only marginally collides with the interest of protecting the right to privacy. Businesses and professions are predominantly interested in not interfering with their clients and in not bearing the burden of detecting offenders. The issue was also addressed during the national Parliamentarian debate, with regards to the degree of mens rea required for money laundering criminal liability. Making everybody taking part in economic or financial activities actively participating in the monitoring of the economic system under the threat of criminal liability for negligent money laundering was considered harmful for the business market. The same debate has been picked up by legal scholarship too. Yet, it seems that, despite the law being the result of negotiations, the question is still open. The fourth issue consists of discording opinions with regards to the opportunity of including tax evasion as predicate offence for money laundering. On one hand there is the interest of tackling tax evasion through the anti-money laundering regime, on the hand the concern of keeping the two phenomena distinct in order to avoid an overrating of money laundering. Since the genesis of the anti-money laundering policy, some actors taking part in the international law-making process, opposed the labelling of 'black money', naming money deriving from tax violations, as 'dirty money', indicating all proceeds of crime typically committed by organised crime. This distinction was based on the perception that tax-related offences were less serious and less harmful than capital flight and were advocated by financial centres in order to maintain a good reputation while still granting peculiar financial services, such as bank secrecy. This issue is a good example of the labelling theory, to the extent that it shows how a practice that was firstly not considered criminal enough to amount to a predicate offence for money laundering, has become part of the scope of the anti-money laundering regime on the basis of a political decision of labelling it as such. Respondents of the current research show to have different perceptions of the degree of the seriousness of tax laws violations and thus about the appropriateness and necessity of tackling them under the umbrella of the anti-money laundering policy. Again, the matter, which seemed to have been resolved through the negotiations on an international and European level, is still being debated at national level. The last two contrasting interests are the necessity of regulating the flows of money and the free movements of capitals in a neoliberal economy. The question is intrinsic in the nature of money laundering, which is a phenomenon that happens at the interface between legality and illegality. Regulations that facilitate the licit exchange of goods, capitals and services do also facilitate the flow of ill-gotten gains; there are thus conflicting interests between the public interest of persecuting crime and the claims for less regulation in a free market economy. From the interviews surfaced that not only opinions on the effectiveness of the law differ, but the very concept of effectiveness is perceived differently among the interview partners. Perceptions about how effective the anti- money laundering policy is appear to be similar among respondents belonging to the same experts' group. In particular, given the fact that the policy triggers many preliminary investigations, investigators work on a daily basis with the provision. This led to their opinion on the implementation of the legislation being rather positive. Positive opinions have common ground: they assert that the policy is not a simple one to implement, however, they believe that the legal practice has found its way through. On the contrary, defence attorneys specialised in economic crimes do not receive a significant amount of clients suspected for money laundering. For this reason they tend to have a rather negative opinion on the policy's effectiveness, also driven by the perception that the policy is not able to achieve the indirect goals. The diverse concepts of effectiveness provided by disciplines close to the sociology of law and the different definitions of effectiveness given by sociologists of law turn out to be useful here. Particularly the notions of 'efficiency' and of 'efficiency regardless of the goals' are proved very useful to interpret the respondents' opinions. Efficiency, is according to the administrative legal approach, the optimal relation between the goals achieved and the instruments used. A subcategory of this concept is the efficiency calculated through a cost-benefit analysis, of which some examples have been presented in the fourth chapter, which defines efficiency as the functioning of a legal order without assessing the goals achieved. This type of analysis focuses on the correctness of the operating system since the purpose of the system is its own existence. It refers to a whole legal order rather than to a specific single provision. Given that the anti-money laundering policy constitutes a legal order, due to the diverse regulations involved and the competent authorities created in order to achieve the goals of the policy, this notion can be applied. In the field of administrative legal theories, the first chapter has focussed on the approach that considers the (in)effectiveness of a law depending on its (failing) enforcement. A high degree of compliance of the anti-money laundering legislation might correspond to a high level of effectiveness of the policy with respect to its direct function, but at the same time to a rather low level of effectiveness with regards to its indirect purposes. The way to evaluate the degree of effectiveness is therefore also different. While compliance with legal provisions is calculated through a quantitative assessment of the processes in force and of the functioning of the system, the achievement of the indirect functions is measured on the impact of the policy. Interview partners have different perceptions about the indirect functions of the legislation too. This reflects, once again, the fact that the policy was a result of a compromise between different expectations and that the legislator was not able to limit the scope of its application to a particular goal. The different expectations and intents, which already emerged in the doctrinal debate about the legally protected interests, appears again in the different perceptions of the interviewees. The respondents were asked about the legislation's effectiveness with regards to one of the indirect functions, namely the capacity to deter organised crime. The legislator enacted the money laundering offence in the context of the fight against drug trafficking and other forms of organised crime, thus Article 261 Gcc's expressed rationale is the prevention and repression of organised crime. Finally, a relevant outcome regards the respondents' opinions on article 261 Gcc's latent symbolic function. Some of them agree with this. Others strongly oppose the hypothesis. They argue instead that the policy has instrumental effects on their daily practice, which cannot be defined as purely symbolic. According to most respondents, the law cannot be defined as symbolic, because it has led to instrumental effects. In the first place information gathered thanks to the GwG is used to start preliminary investigations under Article 261 Gcc. Secondly, the structure enacted to comply with the anti-money laundering policy is attainable and is visible and cannot be denied. Thirdly, the law is considered necessary because it labels a deviant behaviour. In particular, despite the fact that investigations do not lead to a conviction for money laundering they allow investigators to collect information in support of criminal cases for the predicate offences or to start a preliminary investigation for a predicate offence. In this sense, the function of the 'law in action', despite being questionable, is objectively instrumental. However, the fact that the law serves the purpose of tackling predicate offences through the support of investigations does not exclude the hypothesis that the law was enacted to pursue latent functions too. According to the sociologist Aubert, it is not necessary that the latent goal is the only one that plays a role, but it is necessary that the other purposes would not explain the analysed phenomenon completely. Indeed, in the opinions of those who exclude the symbolic function, yet the results achieved through compliance do not legitimate the burden imposed by the legislation. In other words, it seems that they recognise that the purpose of compliance cannot completely explain the policy makers' motivation, which re-opens the doors for the hypothesis of the existence of latent functions. In fact, such a demanding policy cannot be accepted for the sole purpose of re-enforcing the action of the criminal justice system in tackling predicate offences. On the other hand, compliance with the policy in terms of building of a structure and of expertise does not automatically mean fulfilling the policy's purpose. Particularly the creation of new professionalism, has been interpreted by scholars as a sign given to the public that the policy has produced certain effects. In conclusion, on the background of the research's outcome, the paper tries to reply to the question: (How) can the effectiveness of the money laundering offence be improved? While technical hindrances can (and perhaps) will be removed through legal reforms, 28 the inherent political economic and financial conflicting interests that impede a higher level of effectiveness are more difficult to solve. In contemporary industrialised economies there is a complicated and sometimes shifting boundary between legitimate and illegitimate transactions. This is particularly exacerbated in the context of financial capitalism, which 'subordinates the capitalist productive process to the circulation of money and monetary assets and hence to the accumulation of money profits'. Since the very beginning, determining the boundary between an area defined as 'criminal' and the space of 'legality' has been controversial. In fact, money has a neutral nature, pecunia non olet, making profit, irrespective of the monies' origin, is a very strong interest for both private and public entities, which collides with the one of eliminating illicit financial flows. In other words criminal policy goals diverge from purely economic interests. While one can assume the justice and correctness of the current financial system, and thus describes money laundering as harmful because it interferes with the existing economic order, one can also assume that the capitalist system leads per se to injustice and inequality, and that money laundering is actually embedded in this profit-oriented system and represents just the darker side of the capitalist economy. A compromised viewpoint is the one that describes money laundering as an accepted collateral effect of the capitalist system, that is to say 'a certain amount of illicit financial flows may be considered an acceptable price to pay for a market where free mobility of capital is guaranteed'. In other words, money laundering is intrinsic in or at least exacerbated by the capitalist system.
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Gabrielle Hecht on Nuclear Ontologies, De-provincializing the Cold War, and Postcolonial Technopolitics
This is the fourth in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich
Nuclear power has formed a centerpiece of Cold-War IR theorizing. Yet besides the ways in which its destructive capacity invalidates or alters the way we should understand questions of war and peace, there are different powers at play in the roles the nuclear assumes in global politics. Through careful investigations of alternative sites and spaces of nuclear politics, Gabrielle Hecht has uncovered some of the unexpected ways in which what one can call the 'nuclear condition' affects politics across the globe. In this Talk, Hecht, amongst others, explores what it means to 'be nuclear'; explains how we need to deprovincialize the Cold War to fully grasp its significance in global politics; and challenges us to explore technopolitics outside of the comfortable context of OECD-countries.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is according to your view the most important challenge facing global politics and what is/should be the central debate in the discipline of International Relations (IR)?
I think one of the most important challenges in global politics is the question of planetary boundaries. In the 1970s the Club of Rome published the report 'the Limits to Growth' (read PDF here), which addressed the finite quality of the planet's resources. It exposed the problems that the ideology (and practice) of endless economic growth posed for these limits. The question of climate change today really is all about planetary boundaries. We have already exceeded the CO2 level that is safe for the planet to sustain human life: We have just passed 400 parts per million; the desirable level is rated at 350 parts per million; the pre-industrial level of CO2 was 270 parts per million. So we have already produced more CO2 than is sustainable. And that is just one indicator. There are all kinds of other planetary boundaries at play—energy supply being the most salient one in terms of climate change. How can we even produce enough energy to maintain the lifestyles of the industrialized north? What about the requirements of the so-called 'rest'?
Obviously this is a huge issue and there are many parts to it. One part of this—the piece that I have studied the most—is nuclear power. Many people are enthusiastic about nuclear power as a solution to climate change. Some prominent environmentalists have been converted, because they believe nuclear power offers a way to produce a large amount of energy with a very small amount of matter, and because they see it as carbon free. (That's pretty clearly not the case, by the way, though nuclear power certainly produces less carbon than fossil fuels.) But are the human health and environmental costs worth the savings in carbon? Do the resources poured into nuclear power—some are predicting a thousand new reactors in the next few decades—take away resources from other forms of energy production, forms that could potentially address the emissions problems more rapidly and with lower costs for the environment and for human health? Moreover, nuclear power in any one location ends up becoming a global issue. So in that sense nuclear power in China, in India or in Japan is inherently a global problem. And the industry everywhere certainly needs global regulation—at the moment, there is none. The International Atomic Energy Agency is not a regulator. These are serious questions for international relations, and should be fodder for analysis.
One can obviously put this into perspective by comparing the death toll from nuclear power with that related to coal—would one then actually have to be against the use of coal? The numbers of coal-related deaths are astonishing. But the first, most obvious point to make is that being against coal doesn't require being in favor of nuclear power! It's also extremely important to realize that death and morbidity figures for nuclear power are highly contested. Take the figures concerning Chernobyl. The IAEA and WHO put Chernobyl deaths at 4,000. A study published by National Cancer Institute in the United States puts the deaths at something like 43,000. A meta-analysis of 5,000 Slavic language scientific studies estimates the total number of Chernobyl deaths (some of which are yet to come) at 900,000. These discrepancies have a lot to do with controversies over the biological effects of low-level radiation, and also with the technopolitics of measurement and counting. Comparing the two energy technologies is much more complicated than merely counting coal deaths vs. nuclear power deaths.
How did arrive where you currently are in your thinking about these issues?
Actually, the real question is how I came to study politics. I got my bachelor's degree in physics from MIT in the 1980s. The two biggest political issues on campus at that time were Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative and Apartheid in South Africa (specifically, a move to divest American corporate interests in South Africa, the very corporations that were funding MIT research and for which MIT students would work when they graduated). I got interested in both, and along the way I came to realize that I was much more interested in the politics of science and technology than I was in actually doing physics. So I took some courses in the field of science and technology studies (STS), and decided to attend graduate school in the history and sociology of science and technology.
I had also always had a morbid fascination with nuclear weapons. I'd read a lot of post-apocalyptic science fiction when I was a teenager. All of these things came together for me in graduate school. I first hoped to study the history of Soviet nuclear weapons but quickly realized that would be impossible for all kinds of reasons. I ended up studying French nuclear power after I realized that nobody had researched it in the ways that interested me. I had lived in France in the 1970s, when the nuclear power program was undergoing rapid expansion. So it was a good fit. After I was done with that project, I became interested in rethinking the so-called nuclear age from a colonial and post-colonial perspective.
What would a student need to become a specialist in global studies or understand the world in a global way?
Travel, learn languages. Remain attentive to—and critical of—the political work done by claims to 'global' purview. Learn history—you won't understand international relations in any depth at all if you remain rooted in the present.
Then, for those want to start exploring the global politics of science and technology, two books come immediately to mind. Timothy Mitchell's (Theory Talk #59) Carbon Democracy, on the global technopolitics of fossil fuels. And Paul Edwards's A Vast Machine, on the relationship between data and models in the production of knowledge about climate change. Both are must-reads.
The world is permeated with technological artifacts and systems—in what ways is this relevant for approaches to global politics? Where is the conceptual place for technologies within IR?
First, I should make clear that I am not an IR specialist.
That said, I think it does not make sense to think about international relations (lower case) without thinking about the technologies, systems, and infrastructures that make any kind of global movement possible. The flows of people, of products, of culture, political exchanges—these are all mediated through and practiced in the technological systems that permeate our globe. So are the interruptions and absences in such 'flows'. I draw attention to the specific political practices that are enacted through technological systems with the notion of technopolitics. I initially used this concept in my work on nuclear power in France to capture the ways in which hybrid forms of power are enacted in technological artifacts, systems and practices. There I used the term in a rather narrow sense to talk about the strategic practices of designing technologies to enact political goals. My paramount example was that of the French atomic weapons program. In the early 1950s, France's political leaders insisted that France would never build atomic weapons. But engineers and other leaders in the nascent nuclear program were designing reactors in a way that optimized the production of weapons-grade plutonium rather than electricity. When politicians finally signed on, the technology was ready to go. This example problematizes the very notion of a 'political decision'. Instead of a single, discursive decision, we see a complex process whereby political choices are inscribed into technologies, which subsequently favor certain political outcomes over others.
In this example, both engineers and politicians consciously engaged in technopolitics. By contrast, Timothy Mitchell has used the hyphenated term 'techno-politics' to emphasize the unpredictable and unintended effects of technological assemblages. Over the last fifteen years, I have also developed a broader notion of the term, particularly in its adjectival form, 'technopolitical'. I find this to be a useful shorthand for describing both how politics can be strategically enacted through technological systems, and also how technological systems can be re-appropriated for political ends in ways that were unintended by their designers. The point, really, is to highlight the myriad politics of materiality.
Do the particular characteristics of nuclear technologies and related research programs make it impossible to apply the lenses of 'high politics'?
I think a high-politics approach to understanding nuclear weapons decision-making is extremely impoverished. It's not that there aren't high politics, of course there are. But they cannot offer a sufficient or straightforward explanation for how or why any one particular country develops a nuclear program. A focus on high politics implies a focus decision makers and moments. But that's really misleading. In pretty much every case, the apparent 'moment' of decision is in fact a long process involving a tremendous amount of technopolitical, cultural, and institutional work, rife with conflicts and contingencies of all kinds. I think a more productive approach is to try to understand nuclear capacity-building.
Itty Abraham has done some fantastic work on India's nuclear program, which helps us think about other cases as well. For example, he analyzes the symbolic importance of the nuclear test, noting that IR uses 'the test' as kind of 'aha!' moment, the moment in which one knows that a country has nuclear weapons. Instead, Abraham sees the test as a process for the cultural production of meaning: a process in which certain meanings get fixed, but by no means the most important moment for understanding the actual technology and politics behind the production of nuclear weapons.
Your book Entangled Geographies (2011) explores a plethora of places, people, and technical networks that sustained the US and Soviet empires. Here, as in Being Nuclear (2012), you insist on investigating the Cold War as transnational history. What difference does this move make?
In Entangled Geographies, my colleagues and I build on the work of Odd Arne Westad, whose book The Global Cold War was an argument for understanding the non-superpower, non-European dimensions of the Cold War. We give that a technopolitical spin, which offers a de-provincializing of the Cold War that's complementary to Westad's. By focusing on places like Saudi Arabia, or Zimbabwe, or Brazil, or South Africa, we show how even the central struggles of the Cold War were intimately bound up in 'northern' relationships to colonial and post-colonial worlds, and in the imaginaries that characterized those relationships.
In Being Nuclear I focus on uranium from Africa—more specifically South Africa, Namibia, Gabon, Madagascar, and Niger. Uranium from Africa has long been a major source of fuel for nuclear power and atomic weapons, including the bomb dropped on Hiroshima, but it has been almost completely absent from accounts of the nuclear age, whether scholarly or popular. This changed in 2002, when the US and British governments claimed that Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein 'sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa' (later specified as the infamous 'yellowcake from Niger'). Africa suddenly became notorious as a source of uranium. But that did not admit Niger, or any of Africa's other uranium-producing countries, to the select society of nuclear states. Nor did it mean that uranium itself counted as a nuclear thing. My book explores what it means for something—a state, an object, an industry, a workplace—to be 'nuclear'. I show that such questions lie at the heart of today's global order and the relationships between 'developing nations' and 'nuclear powers'.
Being Nuclear argues that 'nuclearity' is not a straightforward scientific classification but a contested technopolitical one. In the first part of the book, I follow uranium's path out of Africa and analyze the invention of the global uranium market. In the second part, I enter African nuclear worlds, focusing on miners and the occupational hazard of radiation exposure. In both parts, I show that nuclearity requires instruments and data, technological systems and infrastructures, national agencies and international organizations, experts and conferences, and journals and media exposure. When (and where) nuclearity is densely distributed among these elements, it can offer a means of claiming expertise, compensation, or citizenship. It can serve as a framework for making sense of history, experience, and memory. When (and where) network elements are absent, weak, or poorly connected, nuclearity falters, fades, or disappears altogether, failing to provide a resource for people claiming remediation or treatment. Nuclearity in one register doesn't easily transpose to another: geopolitical nuclearity doesn't automatically translate into occupational nuclearity. Yet these domains remain connected. African uranium miners depend on the transnational movement of nuclear things, but that movement also depends on African miners. Ultimately, I conclude, nuclear security must be considered in tandem with other forms of human security—food and health and environmental and political security. By placing Africa in the nuclear world, and the nuclear world in Africa, the book seeks to remake our understanding of the nuclear age.
I should note that it's not only uranium production that connects the colonial and postcolonial spaces with nuclear things. (Also: African countries weren't the only such places where uranium was produced. Much of the rest of the world's uranium came from the Navajo nation in the United States, Aboriginal territories in Australia, First Nation territories in Canada, colonized spaces in the Soviet Empire, etc.) French nuclear weapons were tested in the Algerian desert and French Polynesia; the United States tested its weapons on the Bikini Islands; Britain tested its weapons in Maralinga, in Aboriginal Australia; the Soviet Union tested its weapons on the planes of Kazakhstan. And so on.
So, understanding the history of the Cold War—even its most iconic technology, nuclear weapons—as a form of transnational history really calls attention to spaces that have previously been considered marginal, even perhaps not fully nuclear. Ultimately, it should provoke us to problematize 'the Cold War' as a frame for global or transnational history (and social science).
Looking at those colonized and semi-colonized spaces of mining, testing and monitoring infrastructures gives us not necessarily an answer to the question of why the Cold War ended, but it does enable you to ask different and possibly more interesting questions. It can lead you, for example, to place the Cold War within the framework of imperialism (rather than the other way around). A longer historical view questions whether the Cold War really represents historical rupture. What political work is done by such claims to rupture? How does that work differ in different places? What are its material consequences?
Why are science and technology hardly ever studied in the postcolonial world from a STS perspective?
I think there are a number of reasons why STS has paid relatively little attention to the postcolonial world. One is that in STS—like many disciplines—the prestige of the subject matter maps onto the prestige of the researcher. So STS researchers who study cutting-edge science or large-scale technological systems seem somehow to be getting at 'harder' topics, ones that that focus on active creation. Engineering and other acts of creation appear more prestigious than acts of maintenance, or acts of dismantling. Even studying small-scale creation seems to confer more prestige than studying mundane practices. This brings us back to the theme of rupture vs. continuity: studying or proclaiming rupture seems somehow sexier—and certainly more radical—than studying continuity.
Another, more trivial answer is just that most STS researchers so far have come from Europe and North America, and they tend not to be trained in area studies.
Does the constant ontological insecurity of nuclear things mean that the 'nuclear' is purely a matter of social and political construction?
No, definitely not. But I think to explain what I mean by all this we should take a few steps back and start with what I like to call nuclear exceptionalism. This is a technopolitical claim—emerging immediately after the end of World War II—that there was something radically unique about nuclear things. From 1945 onward, both cold warriors and their activist opponents cultivated this nuclear exceptionalism. Atomic weapons were portrayed as fundamentally different from any other human creation. The bomb was the ultimate geopolitical trump card, and it was imagined as replacing empire in one fell swoop. You see nuclear scientists and engineers gaining prestige, power, and funding far beyond their colleagues in conventional research. In the meantime, anti-nuclear groups make their own claims to exceptionalism by talking about the unprecedented dangers posed by nuclear things. Everywhere you see nuclearity and morality intertwined. Nuclear things either represent salvation or moral depravity… or the apocalyptic end of mankind. But regardless of where you stood politically, this notion of nuclear exceptionalism rested on the sense that the difference between nuclear and non-nuclear things was transparent---ultimately a clear-cut, physical matter of radioactivity.
The nuclear thus emerges not just as a category, but also as a universal and universalizing ontology, one that seems to apply in the same way all over the globe. And frankly, historians, political scientists, anthropologists, and sociologists have reproduced that nuclear exceptionalism. (I did it myself in my first book, The Radiance of France.)
All of which has made it hard to see that what I call nuclearity—the process by which something comes to count as a "nuclear" thing – has a history, a politics, and a geography. Things that count as nuclear in one time and place might not count as nuclear at another. Rendering something as nuclear and exceptional is a form of technopolitical claims-making. It follows that insisting that certain things are not especially nuclear, or that they are banal, is also a form of technopolitical claims-making.
You can see this in the response of the nuclear industry to activist opponents. In the late 1960s and over the course of the 1970s, the nuclear industry began to represent nuclear power not as a life-saving technology for the human race, but as simply another way to boil water. Radiation was just another industrial risk. Such representations seek to banalize nuclear things.
Nuclearity could thus get made, unmade and remade. My favorite example comes from a 1995 US government report on nuclear proliferation. The appendix has a table that summarizes the nuclear activities of 172 nations. Neither Gabon, nor Niger, nor Namibia are listed as having any nuclear activities, despite the fact that those nations together, during that very year, produced something like 25% of the world's uranium. So when does uranium count as a nuclear thing? When does it lose its nuclearity? And what does Africa have to do with it?
The argument is not that radioactivity doesn't have to do anything with nuclearity, or that nuclearity has nothing to do with the technologies and physical processes we typically associate with the word. Rather, I argue that nuclearity is one thing, and radioactivity and fission are another; sometimes they are co-terminus, but not always and not necessarily. Understanding where (and why) they don't map onto each other is politically revealing.
Which kind of interdisciplinary exchanges do we need between your discipline and IR to deepen our understanding of global technopolitics?
Science and technology studies (STS) is really good at exploring practice, and especially at calling attention to the differences between principles and practice—for example, between regulation on the one hand, and the actual practices that regulations are meant to control (without ever entirely succeeding). STS can bring to IR an understanding of how the intimate details of practice matter politically—of how everyday technopolitical and techno-scientific exchanges can be more important loci for politics than treaties, diplomacy, and other forms of what you called high politics.
I can also answer this question wearing my historian's hat. The IR scholarship on nuclear weapons that I'm familiar with (and again, I'm not an expert!) seems to be quite focused on producing models—on using history to produce predictive models that will in turn serve to shape international policy on nuclear weapons regulation. But if history tells us one thing, it is that models are basically useless for understanding how countries develop nuclear weapons. Instead, history and STS both teach us about which questions to ask (in this instance, about nuclear development). Identifying the important questions—rather than prescribing the applicable model—leaves open the list of possible answers. It also leaves open solutions and policies, letting us be more attentive to the specificities and uniqueness of individual cases.
Final question. Let's take the example of Iran's nuclear program. What alternative question about the issue would lenses of nuclear exceptionalism bring us?
Nuclear technology has played an important role in shaping modern Iranian national identity. This began in the 1970s under the Shah, who – with the support of the US – developed a grandiose plan to build a fleet of nuclear reactors. It took a different turn after the 1979 Iranian revolution. For a while, the new regime sidelined the nuclear program as an unwelcome manifestation of western corruption. But after a few years leaders reappropriated nuclear development and sought to invest it with Iranian-ness. The dynamics of nuclear exceptionalism have operated in Iran much the same way they did in France and in South Africa. Nuclear exceptionalism has served to give material form to national identity. And materialized national identity is most emphatically not something that you can negotiate away in the P5+1 talks.
Gabrielle Hecht is Professor of History at the University of Michigan, where she also directs the Program in Science, Technology, and Society and serves as associate director of the African Studies Center. She recently published Being Nuclear: Africans and the Global Uranium Trade (MIT Press and Wits University Press, 2012), which has received awards from the American Historical Association and the American Sociological Association, as well as the 2013 Susanne M. Glasscock Humanities Book Prize and Honorable Mention for the African Studies Association's 2013 Herskovits Award. She is also the author of The Radiance of France: Nuclear Power and National Identity after World War II (MIT Press 1998 & 2009) and editor of Entangled Geographies: Empire and Technopolitics in the Global Cold War, editor (MIT Press, 2011). Hecht is embarking on a new book project on technology and power in Africa, as well as new research on transnational toxic trash. She has held visiting positions at universities in Australia, France, Norway, South Africa, and Sweden.
Related links
Hecht's faculty profile at the University of Michigan Read Hecht's Introduction to Entangled Geographies (MIT Press 2011) here (pdf) Read Hecht's The Power of Nuclear Things (Technology & Culture 2010) here (pdf) Read Hecht's Nuclear Ontologies (Constellations 2006) here (pdf) Read Hecht's Rupture-Talk in the Nuclear Age (Social Studies of Science 2002) here (pdf)
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
0 0 1 3775 21518 School of Global Studies/University of Gothenburg 179 50 25243 14.0
Die Volkswirtschaftliche Gesamtrechnung ist eine wichtige Grundlage der Wirtschaftsanalyse. Dies gilt nicht nur für die aktuelle Konjunkturbeobachtung, sondern auch für die wirtschaftshistorische Forschung. Bis heute gibt es keine nach anerkannten internationalen Konzepten ermittelte vergleichbare Datenbasis für eine sachgerechte Beurteilung der Ergebnisse der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung der DDR im gesamten Zeitraum ihrer Existenz. Im Jahre 2005 wurden mit dem Ergänzungsband der Zeitschrift "Historical Social Research" (HSR - Supplement No. 17/2005, Zentrum für historische Sozialforschung, GESIS Leibniz - Institut für Sozialwissenschaften, Köln) für den Zeitraum von 1970 bis 2000 neue Zeitreihen für wichtige Indikatoren der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung in Ostdeutschland veröffentlicht (siehe die Studie: Heske, G.: Die gesamtwirtschaftliche Entwicklung in Ostdeutschland 1970 bis 2000, neue Ergebnisse einer volkswirtschaftlichen Gesamtrechnung; Studiennummer: ZA8208, in HISTAT). Mit der vorliegenden Studie legt der Autor eine Vertiefung und vor allem eine Erweiterung des Zeithorizonts der erforderlichen Berechnungen bis 1950 vor. Im Unterschied zu den bisher vorliegenden statistischen Ergebnissen werden in dieser Publikation (HSR-Supplement No. 21/2009. Zentrum für Historische Sozialforschung, Köln) erstmalig für die ehemalige DDR vergleichbare Daten der Entstehung und Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts für 1950 - 1989 vorgestellt, die auf der Basis der Methodik des Europäischen Systems der volkswirtschaftlichen Gesamtrechnung (ESVG 95) ermittelt wurden. Damit wurde eine vorhandene Datenlücke geschlossen, die bisher die Einschätzung der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung der DDR behindert hat. Die für die einzelnen Jahre ausgewiesenen Ergebnisse beziehen sich nicht nur auf die Entstehung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts insgesamt, sondern auch auf die Wertschöpfung der Wirtschaftsbereiche und die volkswirtschaftliche Verwendung nach Hauptpositionen. Im Zusammenhang mit der Interpretation der erreichten Ergebnisse werden auch entsprechende Zeitreihen für die Bevölkerungsentwicklung und die Erwerbstätigkeit in der Untergliederung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen herangezogen. Da die für die ehemalige DDR vorgestellten Daten für 1950 bis 1989 im Ergebnis einer Rückrechnung der VGR nach annähernd gleichen methodischen und wirtschaftssystematischen Prinzipien erfolgten, war es möglich entsprechende Vergleiche mit entsprechenden Ergebnissen der früheren BRD durchzuführen. Dementsprechend erfolgte auch eine Zusammenführung der statistischen Daten für beide deutschen Staaten zu einem gesamtdeutschen Ergebnis rückwirkend seit 1950. Eine ausführliche Methoden- und Quellenbeschreibung der vorgelegten Ergebnisse unterstützt eine sachgemäße Interpretation der Daten. Der Autor diskutiert in einem gesonderten Abschnitt auch ähnliche Versuche der Rekonstruktion der VGR der DDR (z.B. Merkel/W./Wahl, S., 1991: Das geplünderte Deutschland. Bonn; Ritschl, A./Spoerer, M., 1997: Das Bruttosozialprodukt in Deutschland nach den amtlichen Volkseinkommens- und Sozialproduktstatistiken. Berlin; Schwarzer, O., 1996: "Die Währung der DDR beruht auf … der gesunden Grundlage der sozialistischen Gesellschaftsordnung". In: Beiträge zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, Band 63, Stuttgart; ders., 1999: Sozialistische Zentralplanungswirtschaft in der SBZ/DDR, Stuttgart; Sleifer, J., 2006: Planning Ahead und Falling Behind, Berlin. Maddison, A., 1995: Monitoring the World Economy 1820-1992, Paris; ders., 2001: The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective, Paris).
Im Mittelpunkt der Arbeit steht die Vorstellung der Ergebnisse einer vorgenommenen Neuberechnung der Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR für den Zeitraum von 1950 bis 1989 nach den Konzepten des SNA (ESVG), vergleichbar in Methodik und wirtschaftssystematischer Abgrenzung sowie in vergleichbaren DM (Euro)-Preisen. Damit soll auf der Grundlage des methodischen Gerüsts der VGR ein kohärentes System von Indikatoren geschaffen werden, mit dem die wirtschaftliche Gesamtentwicklung der DDR beschrieben und bewertet werden kann. Die damit verbundenen komplizierten und arbeitsaufwendigen Arbeiten konnten nur schrittweise geleistet werden. Erste Teilergebnisse der Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR, die sich auf den Teilzeitraum von 1970 bis 1989 bezogen, konnten bereits im Jahre 2005 als HSR-Supplement No. 17 publiziert werden (Heske, G., 2005: Bruttoinlandsprodukt, Verbrauch und Erwerbstätigkeit in Ostdeutschland 1970-2000. Köln Das HSR-Supplementheft steht auch als PDF - Datei zur Verfügung und kann kostenlos unter der Adresse herunter geladen werden). Zur Information über den Umfang der bis dahin erarbeiteten Indikatoren der VGR wird in der vorliegenden Publikation als Anhang 5 eine Übersicht über die damals veröffentlichten Ergebnisse beigefügt. Aufbauend auf den Resultaten dieser bisherigen Untersuchungen erfolgt mit der vorliegenden Ausarbeitung eine retrospektive Weiterführung der Berechnungen zur Entstehung und Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts der DDR für die Jahre vor 1970, d. h. bis zum Jahre 1950 zurück. Damit können erstmalig statistische Daten für die Entstehung des Bruttoinlandsprodukt der DDR für 1950 bis 1989, untersetzt nach Wirtschaftsbereichen und die inländische Verwendung nach Hauptpositionen und im Wesentlichen vergleichbar mit heutigen Abgrenzungskriterien der VGR zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Im Interesse einer langfristigen Darstellung des Zusammenhangs für den gesamten Referenzzeitraum ab 1950 bis 1989 wurden die Ergebnisse der bereits genannten früheren Untersuchungen für den Zeitraum von 1970 bis 1989 integriert. Die bisherige Situation des Fehlens einer aussagefähigen Datenbasis einer vergleichbaren volkswirtschaftlichen Gesamtrechnung für die DDR führte nach 1990 zu den verschiedensten Berechnungen einzelner Autoren zur Entwicklung des BIP der DDR. Diese Berechnungen hatten einen unterschiedlichen konzeptionellen Hintergrund und führten zu sich häufig widersprechenden Aussagen. Kennzeichnend für die meisten dieser Versuche war ein quantitatives Herunterrechnen der tatsächlichen wirtschaftlichen Leistungen der DDR; teilweise ergab sich infolgedessen bei Langzeitvergleichen daraus das kuriose Ergebnis, dass sich die DDR-Wirtschaft im Jahre 1989 noch auf dem Produktivitätsniveau der Vorkriegszeit befunden hätte bzw. nur bei ca. 20 bis 30 Prozent des Niveaus der früheren Bundesrepublik. Auf diese Probleme und die entsprechenden Datenquellen wird näher eingegangen. Die bestehenden Lücken an vergleichbaren statistischen Reihen gesamtwirtschaftlichen Indikatoren für die DDR nach den Konzepten der VGR erleichterten insofern Fehleinschätzungen über die gesamtwirtschaftlichen Ergebnisse und verhindern eine allseitige Beurteilung des Verlaufs der ökonomischen Prozesse und der sie beeinflussenden Faktoren in der DDR. Naturgemäß können derartige volkswirtschaftliche Langzeituntersuchungen nie die Genauigkeit und Verlässlichkeit einer aktuellen jährlichen Nachweisung erreichen. Dies gilt nicht nur für den vorliegenden Arbeitsgegenstand der VGR, sondern für alle längerfristigen wirtschafts- und sozialstatistischen Beobachtungen. Durch die umfassende Nutzung der vorliegenden statistischen Daten und zutreffender statistischer Methoden kann jedoch eine hinreichende Genauigkeit bei der statistischen Widerspiegelung der Entwicklungstendenzen erreicht werden. Außerdem gewährleistet im speziellen Fall der VGR die Nutzung der Bilanzmethode, d. h. die getrennte Ermittlung der Entstehung und der Verwendung des BIP aus unterschiedlichen Datenquellen eine zusätzliche Möglichkeit zur Gewährleistung der Validität. Dies gilt auch für die Rückrechnung von DDR-Daten. Die für die DDR bei dieser VGR - Neuberechnung für 1950 bis 1989 nach annähernd den gleichen methodischen und wirtschaftssystematischen Grund¬sätzen ermittelten Größen für die Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP ermöglichten es, entsprechende Vergleiche mit der Wirtschaftsentwicklung in der früheren Bundesrepublik durchzuführen. Gleichfalls bestanden dadurch die Möglichkeiten gesamtdeutsche Ergebnisse näherungsweise zu berechnen. Im Unterschied zu westlichen Autoren, die sich vor 1990 mit partiellen Schätzungen des BIP der DDR für einzelne Zeiträume bzw. der Entstehung des BIP beschäftigt hatten , konnte der Verfasser der vorliegenden Ausarbeitung auf die Gesamtheit der archivierten statistischen Daten, der veröffentlichten und geheimen Informationen, sowie dazugehöriger organisatorischer und methodischer Unterlagen der amtlichen DDR-Statistik zurückgreifen. Als langjähriger Mitarbeiter der Staatlichen Zentralverwaltung für Statistik der DDR war es ihm möglich, noch teilweise vorhandenes Insiderwissen von verantwortlichen Experten der Statistikproduktion und nicht archivierte Dokumente zu erschließen. Die Arbeit untergliedert sich in die vier Hauptabschnitte A bis D. Im ersten Hauptabschnitt A werden die wichtigsten inhaltlichen und konzeptionellen Ausgangspunkte einer Rückrechnung der Entstehung und Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts für die DDR sowie die dafür erforderlichen datenbezogenen Voraussetzungen behandelt. Im zweiten Hauptabschnitt B werden die Hauptergebnisse der Rückrechnung für die einzelnen Strukturelemente der Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR für den Zeitraum von 1950 bis 1989 vorgestellt. Dabei wurde nach Möglichkeit versucht, entsprechende Vergleichsdaten für die BRD heranzuziehen. Durch den Vergleich der Ergebnisse der Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR mit den entsprechenden Daten der BRD war eine bessere Bewertung der erreichten Wirtschaftsergebnisse der DDR möglich. Im dritten Hauptabschnitt C werden die Methoden und datenbezogenen Grundlagen der VGR-Rückrechnung ausführlich beschrieben. Da das gesamte Projekt der Rückrechnung der VGR der DDR für 1950 bis 1989 in mehreren Etappen realisiert wurde, war es zweckmäßig zum Verständnis des angewendeten Gesamtkonzepts teilweise auf bereits früher publizierte Materialien zurückzugreifen und sie in die einzelnen Abschnitte einzuordnen. Im letzten Hauptabschnitt D werden Versuche anderer Autoren zur Rückrechnung des BIP der DDR vor und nach 1990 beschrieben und in ihre methodischen Konzepte in den Grundzügen sichtbar gemacht. Dadurch soll die Einordnung und Beurteilung der vorliegenden Rückrechnung der Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR für 1950 bis 1989 unterstützt werden. Im Anhang 1 werden die Ergebnisse der VGR - Rückrechnung von 1950 bis 1989 in den territorialen Abgrenzungen für die DDR, die BRD und Deutschland als Zeitreihen (in Bezug auf die textlichen Einschätzungen in Hauptabschnitt B) tabellarisch näher untergliedert und für alle Jahre des Untersuchungszeitraums nachgewiesen. In Anlehnung an die aktuelle Praxis bei der Veröffentlichung mehrjähriger Reihen zur Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP durch das Statistische Bundesamt werden die einzelnen Indikatoren vorwiegend als Indexreihen mit fester Basis (1950 = 100) dargestellt. Im Interesse einer eindeutigen numerischen Darstellung wurden die Daten mit einer Kommastelle ausgewiesen, wobei dadurch nicht eine Genauigkeit der sachlichen Ergebnisse in diesem Zahlenbereich vorgetäuscht werden soll. Die Anhänge 2 bis 4 enthalten ergänzende methodische Materialien und Daten zur VGR, wie einen Überblick zu den Methoden und Begriffen der VGR in der ehemaligen DDR und der BRD (Anhang 2), der Zuordnung der Wirtschaftszweige zu den volkswirtschaftliche Wirtschaftsbereichen im Rahmen der VGR (Anhang 3), Originalergebnisse der SZS der DDR zur Entwicklung des Gesamtprodukts und Nationaleinkommens der DDR von 1949 bis 1989 nach dem MPS - Konzept (Anhang 4) und eine Übersicht der bereits früher veröffentlichten Tabellen zur Entstehung und Verwendung des BIP der DDR von 1970 bis 1989 in HSR-Supplement No. 17 (2005) als Anhang 5. Das Heft wird abgeschlossen (Anhang 6) durch ein detailliertes Verzeichnis aller Tabellen im Text und im Anhang.
Themen
Datentabellen in HISTAT (Thema: Volkswirtschaftliche Gesamtrechnungen):
I. Tabellen im laufenden Text ("T" - Tabellen) T.01 Entwicklung des BIP in der DDR und der BRD, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989) T.02 Jährliche Wachstumsrate des BIP in der DDR und der BRD nach Zeitperioden, in % (1951-1989) T.03 Vergleich des Niveaus des BIP zwischen der DDR und der BRD, DDR = 1 (1950-1989) T.04 Anteil der Wirtschaftbereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung in der DDR, in % (1950-1989) T.05 Entwicklung der Bruttowertschöpfung der DDR nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989) T.06 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen und Zeitperioden, in % DDR (1950-1989) T.07 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen und Zeitperioden, in % BRD (1950-1989) T.08 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung in der BRD, in % (1950-1989) T.09 Anteil der Industriebereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung des produzierenden Gewerbes in der DDR und der BRD, in % (1950-1989) T.10 Struktur des Bereichs "Finanzierung, Wohnungsvermietung, öffentliche und private Dienstleister", in % (1970-1989) T.11 Bevölkerung und Erwerbstätigkeit in der DDR und der BRD, Anzahl, 1950= 100 (1950-1989) T.12 Beschäftigungsgrad DDR/BRD, in % (1950-1989) T.13 Arbeitsfähige Bevölkerung in der DDR, Anzahl je 1000 der Bevölkerung (1950-1989) T.14 Erwerbstätige in der DDR nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950 = 100, Anteil in % (1950-1989) T.15 Entwicklung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts in der DDR und der BRD je Einwohner und je Erwerbstätigen, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989) T.16 Niveau des Bruttoinlandsprodukts je Einwohner und je Erwerbstätigen in der DDR im Vergleich zur BRD, DDR = 1 (1950-1989) T.17 Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen nach Wirtschaftsbereichen im Jahr 1950 in der DDR im Vergleich zur BRD, DDR = 1 (1950-1950) T.18 Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen in der DDR nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989) T.19 Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen in der BRD nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989) T.20 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen in der DDR nach Zeitperioden, in % (1950-1989) T.21 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen in der BRD nach Zeitperioden, in % (1950-1989) T.22 Vergleich der Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen nach Wirtschaftsbereichen zwischen der DDR und der BRD, DDR = 1 (1950-1989) T.23 Grobstruktur der BIP-Verwendung in der DDR, in % (1950-1989) T.24 Grobstruktur der BIP-Verwendung in der BRD, in % (1950-1989) T.25 Konsumausgaben und Bruttoinvestition in der DDR, 1950 = 100, Anteile in % (1950-1989) T.26 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Konsumausgaben und Bruttoinvestitionen in der DDR nach Zeitperioden, 1950 = 100, Anteil in % (1950-1989) T.27 Konsumausgaben und Bruttoinvestitionen in der BRD, 1950 = 100, Anteil in % (1950-1989) T.28 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Konsumausgaben und Bruttoinvestitionen in der BRD nach Zeitperioden, in % (1950-1989) T.29 Konsumausgaben je Einwohner in der DDR und der BRD, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989) T.30 Jährliche Wachstumsraten der Konsumausgaben je Einwohner in der DDR nach Zeitperioden, in % (1950-1989) T.31 Relation BRD/DDR und DDR/BRD der Konsumausgaben je Einwohner (1950-1989) T.32 Bruttoinvestition je Einwohner, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989) T.33 Jährliche Entwicklungsraten der Bruttoinvestitionen je Einwohner nach Zeitperioden, in % (1950-1989) T.34 Relation BRD/DDR und DDR/BRD der Bruttoinvestitionen je Einwohner (1950-1989) T.35 Struktur der Investitionen nach Wirtschaftsbereichten, in % (1955-1988) T.36 Anteil der Wohnungswirtschaft an den Investitionen der sonstigen Wirtschaftsbereiche der DDR und der BRD, in % (1955-1989) T.37 Struktur der Investitionen nach Bereichen des produzierenden Gewerbes, in % (1955-1989) T.38 Entwicklung des Exports und Imports in der DDR und der BRD, 1950 = 100 (1950-1989) T.39 Relation der Ex- und Importe BRD/DDR - DDR/BRD je Einwohner (1950-1989) T.40 Bruttoinlandsprodukt der neuen Länder, 19989 = 100 (1989-2000) T.41 Volkswirtschaftliche Indikatoren für die DDR/Neue Länder, 1950 = 100 (1950-2000) T.42/43 Bruttoinlandsprodukt und Wertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen für die DDR/Neue Länder, 1989 = 100 (1989-2000) T.44 Bruttowertschöpfung der Gruppen "Materielle Produktion" und "Dienstleistungen", 1989 = 100 (1989-2000) T.45 Anteil der Wirtschaftbereiche an der Wertschöpfung insgesamt, in % (1989-2000) T.46 Bruttowertschöpfung im produzierenden Gewerbe, 1989 = 100, Anteile in % (1989-2000) T.47 Bruttowertschöpfung im Handel, Gastgewerbe und Verkehr, 1989 = 100, Anteile in % (1989-2000) T.48 Bruttowertschöpfung im Wirtschaftsbereich Finanzierung, Vermietung und Unternehmensdienstleistungen (1989-2000) T.49 Bruttoinlandsprodukt und Inländische Verwendung, 1989 = 100, Anteile in % (1989-2000) T.50 Konsumausgaben und Bruttoanlageinvestition (1989-2000) T.51 Konsumausgaben der privaten Haushalte und des Staates (1989-2000) T.52 Bevölkerungszahl und Erwerbstätige (1989-2000) T.53 Erwerbstätige nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1989 = 100 (1989-2000) T.54 Bruttoinlandsprodukt je Einwohner und je Erwerbstätigen, 1989 = 100 (1989-2000) T.56 Entwicklung des BIP der DDR, BRD und Deutschland, 1950 =100 (1950-1989) T.57 Anteil der DDR und der BRD am gesamtdeutschen BIP, in % (1950-1989) T.58 Anteil der DDR an der gesamtdeutschen Wertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, in % (1950-1989) T.59 Relation des BIP je Einwohner und je Erwerbstätigen, Deutschland = 100 (1950-1989) T.62 Vergleich der Dynamik von VGR-Indikatoren der DDR nach dem MPS- und SNA-Konzept in Prozent, 1950=100 (1950-1989) T.63 Gesellschaftliches Gesamtprodukt zu jeweiligen Preisen und Preisen 1985 sowie Preisindex (Deflator) (1970-1989) T.64 Vergleich der Wachstumsraten, in % zum Vorjahr (1976-1980) T.65 Jährliche Preiserhöhung durch neue und weiterentwickelte Erzeugnisse, in Prozent (1970-1988) T.66 Originale und korrigierte Preisindizes, 1985=100 (1970-1989) T.67 Verbraucherpreisindizes nach Warengruppen, 1985=100 (1970-1985) T.68 Preisindizes für die Aggregate der Entstehung des BIP, 1970=100 (1970-1989) T.69 Preisindizes für die Produktionswerte, die Vorleistungen und die Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1970=100 (1970-1989) T.70 Preisindizes der Verwendungspositionen des Bruttoinlandsprodukts, 1970=100 (1970-1980) T.71 Vergleich der Preisänderung, 1970=100 (1970-1989) T.73 Deflatoren (Preiskoeffizienten) der Bruttowertschöpfung für die neuen Länder (ohne Berlin), 1995 gegenüber 1991, 1991=1,000 (1995) T.75 Deflatoren der DDR- Nationaleinkommensrechnung der SZS, 1950=100 (1950-1970) T.76 Entwicklung der DDR - Abgabepreise für ausgewählte Erzeugnisgruppen, 1950=100 (1950-1970) T.77 Entwicklung der Bruttowertschöpfung der DDR bei unterschiedlicher Bewertung mit vergleichbaren Preisen 1989 gegenüber 1970, 1970=100 (1970-1989) T.78 Entwicklung der NSW-Exports der DDR zu effektiven und vergleichbaren Bedingungen, 1975=100 (1975-1988) T.79 Entwicklung der NSW-Exportrentabilität zu effektiven und vergleichbaren Bedingungen (1975-1988) T.80 Berechnung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts der DDR in DM auf der Grundlage eines durchschnittlichen Umrechnungskoeffizienten (1950-1989) T.81 Vergleich von Berechnungen zur Entwicklung des BIP der DDR, 1950=100 (1950-1989)
II. Tabellen aus dem Anhang Statistische Übersichten zur Entwicklung der Entstehung und Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts 1950 bis 1989 (Rückrechnungsergebnisse):
1. Deutsche Demokratische Republik (Tab. 1.1 bis Tab. 1.9) Tab. 1.1.A Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Konsumausgaben, Bruttoinvestitionen, absolute Angaben (1950-1989) Tab. 1.1.B Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Inländische Verwendung, 1950=100 Tab. 1.2 Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 1.3 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung, Insgesamt=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 1.4 Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen nach Wirtschaftsbereichen 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 1.5 Erwerbstätige nach Wirtschaftsbereichen. 1950=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 1.6 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an den Erwerbstätigen, insgesamt=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 1.7 Inländische Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts, Ex- und Import, 1950=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 1.8 Anteil an der inländischen Verwendung, Inländische Verwendung, insgesamt=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 1.9 Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts je Einwohner, 1950=100 (1950-1989)
2. Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Tabellen 2.1 bis 2.9) Tab. 2.1.A Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Konsumausgaben, Bruttoinvestitionen, Absolute Angaben (1950-1989) Tab.2.1.B Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Inländische Verwendung, 1950=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 2.2 Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 2.3 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung, Insgesamt=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 2.4 Bruttowertschöpfung je Erwerbstätigen nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 2.5 Erwerbstätige nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 2.6 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an den Erwerbstätigen, Insgesamt=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 2.7 Inländische Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts, Ex- und Import, 1950=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 2.8 Anteil an der inländischen Verwendung, Inländische Verwendung, insgesamt=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 2.9 Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts je Einwohner, 1950=100 (1950-1989)
3. Deutschland (Tabellen 3.1 bis 3.9) Tab. 3.1.A Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Konsumausgaben, Bruttoinvestitionen, Absolute Angaben (1950-1989) Tab. 3.1.B Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen, Bevölkerung, Erwerbstätige, Inländische Verwendung, 1950=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 3.2 Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 3.3 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an der Bruttowertschöpfung, Insgesamt=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 3.4 Bruttowertschöpfung nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 3.5 Erwerbstätige nach Wirtschaftsbereichen, 1950=100, 1970=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 3.6 Anteil der Wirtschaftsbereiche an den Erwerbstätigen, Insgesamt=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 3.7 Inländische Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts, Ex- und Import, 1950=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 3.8 Anteil an der inländischen Verwendung, Inländische Verwendung, insgesamt=100 (1950-1989) Tab. 3.9 Verwendung des Bruttoinlandsprodukts je Einwohner, 1950=100 (1950-1989)
4. Vergleich DDR/ BRD – BRD/ DDR (Tabellen 4.1 bis 4.4) Tabelle 4.1 Bruttoinlandsprodukt insgesamt, je Einwohner, je Erwerbstätigen (1950-1989) Tabelle 4.2 Inländische Verwendung, Konsumausgaben, Bruttoinvestitionen insgesamt und je Einwohner, DDR=100 (1950-1989) Tabelle 4.3 Inländische Verwendung, Konsumausgaben, Bruttoinvestitionen insgesamt und je Einwohner, BRD=100 (1950-1989) Tabelle 4.4 Export, Import
Tabellen zur Entwicklung des gesellschaftlichen Gesamtprodukts und Nationaleinkommens in der DDR von 1949 bis 1989 (Amtliche Ergebnisse der SZS der DDR nach dem MPS – Konzept). (Auszug aus dem Statistischen Jahrbuch des gesellschaftlichen Gesamtprodukt und des Nationaleinkommens 1989, Herausgeber: Statistisches Amt der DDR, August 1990. Fundort: Bundesarchiv, DE 2/ 23081):
5. Gesellschaftliches Gesamtprodukt und Nationaleinkommen (Tabellen 4.5 und 4.6) Alle Angaben in den folgenden Tabellen (Tab. 4.5 und Tab. 4.6) entsprechen der Preis- und Strukturbasis von 1985!
Tab. 4.5 Gesellschaftliches Gesamtprodukt und Nationaleinkommen: In Millionen Mark und Entwicklung, 1950=100 (1949-1989) Tab. 4.6 Gesellschaftliches Gesamtprodukt und Nationaleinkommen: Struktur in Prozent (1949-1989)
In the last decade, the energy industry has been taken a big impact socially, ambiently, and economically due to the exponential increment in the use of fossil energetics, energy resources that have several problems due to low energetic efficiency, high-level pollution in storage and use. With the oscillations of the current price of petroleum and other fossil energetics, glo bal governments have determined the necessity to develop the research of renewable energy technologies, for global exploitation. The energetic potential of the Sun has shown as an alternative with a higher level of adaptation for domestic and industrial use; said potential due to their variable nature de pending on the time of the day, the season of the year, and the atmospheric situation shows an energetic constant of 1360 W/m2 . In this section is important to clarify the importance of quantification of the solar radiation that reaches the terrain surface, the main issue in the exploitation of renewable energetic, since the beginning of the XX century has approached widely. Several mathematic models of direct solar radiation have made using different strategies in solar tracking; the main importance of these solar tracking methods consists of the necessity to optimize the amount of solar radiation in any solar collector system. This research work proposes the mathematical analysis of the incident solar radiation on a flat surface through MATLAB programming language of several solar tracking schemes on clear sky conditions to geographical coordinates and climate conditions of Zacatecas (Latitude 22.7725 N, length 102.6436 E and altitude of 2,240 m). In this paper, programming routines have been written for the next tracking schemes: Continous tracking in the form of heliotrope, tilted with latitude and with azimuthal angular rotation. Tilted tracking with latitude. Continous tracking that rotates in the horizontal axis West-East according to the solar altitude. Fixed tracking. The main purpose is to find an efficient solar tracking method for the study location. This manner follows with step tracking analysis to 1, 30, 60, 120, and 240 minutes respectively. Clear sky model developed by the European Solar Radiation Atlas, Linke turbidity factor, total diffuse radiation by the change of a solid angle, Albedo parameter and, relative optical mass are concepts that have been worked to develop the analyzed modeling method on this thesis. Obtained data of the average monthly diary solar irradiation calculations are shown in form of tables and graphs to perform the corresponding analysis. Data comparison is ma de for each of the months of the 2019 year, to the different solar tracking schemes. Data analysis has been work and is shown as monthly percentual values, control case is defined as the continuous solar tracking heliotrope type with 100 %, due to the natural behavior of the scheme which provides the maximum value of solar energy possible. Shown for validation different comparations with the calculated data, regarding the mea sured data by the solar station Zacatecas 04 located at the UAZ Siglo XXI Campus in Zacatecas in the sixth building of the Universidad Aut´onoma de Zacatecas. In the same way, were analyzed and compared data obtained with a similar model develop in Mexico City presented by Ram´ırez in the 2017 year in her bachelors' degree thesis, at the Facultad de Ciencias de la UNAM. Making a comparison of the different cases of solar tracking, the following is observed: (a) More solar radiation reaches each month, to the surfaces that comply with some scheme of sun-tracking, with respect to those surfaces that do not move.(b) The surface to which the least collection of solar radiation affects monthly is the horizontal surface. The solar irradiation per month estimated for this case is approximately 25 % below the maximum calculated value corresponding to the monitoring of heliotrope-type solar collection. Regarding the comparative analysis of the data obtained, it can be seen that: (a) The clear sky model prepared by ESRA has a behavior very close to reality for the geographical location Latitude 22.7725 N, longitude 102.6436 E and altitude 2,240 m related to the UAZ Siglo XXI Campus in Zacatecas, having a difference with the data obtained by the station Solarimetric Zacatecas 04 with a maximum value of 0.13 % for the month of January of the same year. ; En la última década la industria de los energéticos ha tomado un gran impacto social, ambiental y económico debido al aumento exponencial del uso de los energéticos fósiles, fuentes energéticas que poseen variados problemas en su uso los cuales van desde baja eficiencia energética, alto nivel de contaminación en su uso y reserva. Con las actuales oscilaciones del precio del petróleo y el de otros combustibles fósiles, los gobiernos mundiales han llegado a la conclusión de que es necesario fomentar la investigación y desarrollo de tecnologías de energías renovables, para su explotación global. El potencial energético del Sol, se muestra como una de la alternativas con mayor adaptabilidad para los usos domésticos e industriales; dicho potencial aun en su naturaleza variable de acuerdo a la hora del día, época del año y situación atmosférica, presenta como constante energética 1360 W/m2. En este apartado es de suma importancia el cuantificar la radiación solar que alcanza la superficie terrestre, principal problema en el aprovechamiento del energético renovable, que desde principios del siglo XX se ha abordado ampliamente. Varios modelos matemáticos de la radiación solar directa se han realizado utilizando diversas estrategias de seguimiento solar; la importancia de estos sistemas radica en la necesidad de optimizar la cantidad de radiación solar en cualquier tipo de colector. En este trabajo de investigación se plantea el análisis matemático de la radiación solar incidente en una superficie plana mediante el lenguaje MATLAB de diversos esquemas de seguimiento solar en condiciones de cielo claro para las coordenadas geográficas y condiciones 12climatológicas de Zacatecas (Latitud 22.7725 N, longitud 102.6436 E y altitud 2,240 m). Se escribieron rutinas de cáculo para los esquemas de seguimiento: Seguimiento continuo de tipo heliotropo, inclinada con latitud y rotación según el ángulo acimutal.Seguimiento inclinado con la latitud. Seguimiento inclinado con la latitud. Seguimiento continuo que rota sobre el eje horizontal Este-Oeste según la altura solar. Seguimiento fijo. La finalidad principal es encontrar el método de seguimiento solar mas eficiente para el lugar de estudio, de esta manera continuar con el análisis del seguimiento escalonado a 1, 30, 60, 120 y 240 minutos respectivamente. El modelo de cielo claro desarrollado por el Atlas Europeo de la Radiación Solar (ESRA por sus siglas en inglés), el factor de turbidez de Linke, la irradiación total difusa por el cambio de angulo sólido, el parámetro de Albedo y la masa óptica relativa son conceptos que se trabajaron para desarrollar el modelo analizado en esta tesis. Los datos obtenidos de los cálculos de irradiación solar promedio diaria mensual, se presentan en forma de tablas y gráficas con la finalidad de realizar el análisis correspondiente. Se hace una comparación de los datos obtenidos para cada uno de los meses del año 2019, para los diferentes esquemas de seguimiento solar. Se analizaron los datos y también se presentan en los valores en forma de porcentaje mensual, a manera de control, se considera el esquema de seguimiento continuo al sol de tipo heliotropo con el 100 %, esto se hace debido a la naturaleza del mismo esquema, el cual proporciona la máxima energía solar posible. Se muestra a manera de validación, diferentes comparaciones con los datos calculados con las rutinas elaboradas, con respecto a los datos obtenidos de mediciones de la estaciónsolarimétrica Zacatecas 04 ubicada en el Campus UAZ Siglo XXI, edificio 6 de la Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas. De la misma manera se analizaron y compararon los datos obtenidos mediante un modelo similar en al Ciudad de México presentados por Ramírez en el año 2017 en su tesis de licenciatura, en la Facultad de Ciencias de la UNAM. Al hacer la comparación de los diferentes casos de seguimiento solar se observa lo siguien te: (a) Llega más cantidad de radiación solar por mes, a las superficies que cumplen con algún esquema de seguimiento del sol, con respecto a aquellas superficies que no se mueven. (b) La superficie a la que menos captación de radiación solar incide mensualmente es la superficie horizontal. La irradiación solar, por mes estimada para este caso se encuentra aproximadamente en un 25 % por debajo del máximo valor calculado correspondiente al seguimiento de captación solar de tipo heliotropo. Respecto al an´alisis comparativo de los datos obtenidos se puede apreciar que: (a) El modelo de cielo claro elaborado por ESRA tiene un comportamiento muy cercano a la realidad para la ubicación geográfica Latitud 22.7725 N, longitud 102.6436 E y altitud 2,240 m relacionado con el Campus UAZ Siglo XXI en Zacatecas teniendo una diferencia con los datos obtenidos por la estación solarimétrica Zacatecas 04 con un valor máximo de 0.13 % para el mes de Enero del mismo año.
As teoretiese raamwerk vir die bestudering van die mens-plant-verbintenisse in Die sideboard word vertrek vanaf die teoretiese beginsels van die nuwe materialisme. Die konsep materie verwys na sowel menslike as niemenslike liggaamlikheid, na sowel organiese as anorganiese substansies en kragte. Natuurelemente word beskou as in besit van aktiewe krag en nie as passiewe sosiale konstruksies en objekte vir menslike uitbuiting nie. Die afgelope tyd het 'n fokusverskuiwing in die omskrywing en gebruik van die konsep materialiteit plaasgevind – die klem val nou op verhoudings as konteks vir die interaksie tussen magte van beïnvloeding en die substansies wat beïnvloed word, op vorme van vervlegting of netwerke eerder as op individuele kragte van lewende of nielewende aard. Hierdie onlangse neiging in die nuwe-materialisme-benadering is rigtinggewend vir die huidige ondersoek. Die doel daarvan is die ontleding en beskrywing van relasionele aspekte in die uitbeelding van die mens-plant-verbintenisse in die roman Die sideboard (2014) van Simon Bruinders. Só word gepoog om literêre bevestiging te vind van die teoretiese standpunt dat plante as vorme van aktiewe of beïnvloedende krag kan optree binne die konteks van interafhanklike verbintenisse met die mens. Die ontrafeling en beskrywing van die mens-plant-interaksie in die roman lei tot interessante insigte. Die hooffiguur en groenteboer, Abraham, blyk op 'n veel ingrypender wyse beïnvloed te word deur die gewasse wat hy kweek as ten opsigte van sy finansiële welstand. 'n Ooglopende aanhanklikheid van hierdie plante en 'n subtiele beïnvloeding van sy psige, lewe én lewensingesteldheid daardeur word uitgebeeld. Die roman belig op genuanseerde wyse verskeie vorme en aspekte van die vervlegting wat ontstaan wanneer mense en plante in kontak tree. Dit open nuwe perspektiewe op die rol van plante in die mens se lewe. In Die sideboard word verhoudingsdimensies geïllustreer wat antroposentriese beheer as aanvaarde uitgangspunt in die hantering van plante uitdaag ; Die sideboard (2014), Simon Bruinders's first novel, is about Abraham de Bruin who grows vegetables on his mother's rented plot near George in 1939. His dream of owning land is crushed by the political system of the time. An interesting aspect of the novel is the role that Abraham's farming with vegetables, even on a small scale, plays in his life. It becomes clear that the crops Abraham grows have a much more profound influence on his psyche than on his income. The portrayal of nuanced or meaningful relations with plants is rare in Afrikaans narratives. The influence of plants as portrayed in Die sideboard involves a form of positive contribution to Abraham's (and later his whole family's) life and well-being, on a psychological level as much as regarding their physical needs. Relational aspects emerge that highlight the importance of plants to people in a way that's different from the anthropocentric perspective of nature's being a passive servant of man. This novel offers fertile ground to explore the real roles given to man and plant. As a theoretical framework for studying the plant-people relationships in Die sideboard the principles of ecocriticism are used. Ecocriticism can be described as "a cross-disciplinary initiative that aims to explore the environmental dimensions of literature and other creative media in a spirit of environmental concern not limited to any one method or commitment" (Buell, Heise and Thornber 2011:418). Marijke van der Veen's article "The materiality of plants: plant-people entanglements", published in World Archaeology in 2014, emphasises the central place of plants in man's life and forms the theoretical basis for studying Die sideboard. Van der Veen uses the concept of materiality and the idea of "plant agency" to investigate man-plant relationships. The focus of her research falls on intricate forms of entanglement or meshworks that are created, often unintentionally, when plants and people interact. Van der Veen's research is supported by the new materialism as a theoretical field within which the concept of materiality is rethought. Matter is viewed as including "human and nonhuman bodies, organic and inorganic substances and forces" (Oppermann 2013:71), so that the strict dualisms of living/non-living, human/non-human are discarded, and also the idea that elements of nature are passive social constructions. Oppermann (2013:72) states: "The new materialists perceive nature as an active, signifying force; an agent in its own terms [.]. Being thus liberated from its previous conceptualizations as a blank, silent source for the exploits of culture [.] nature is discussed as a significant participatory force field in the entanglement of meaning and matter." Van der Veen (2014:799) stresses the fact that the concept of materiality has changed over recent years in terms of its precise definition and use: "(It) has changed from an initial focus on the agency of objects, that is the recognition of material and non-human agency, to a greater emphasis on relationships, networks and meshworks, rather than on the individual agency of either person or object." This observation is endorsed by several other researchers. Robb (2016:505) describes the property of agency as always relational and contextual: "(I)t is always defined in the context of a relationship between an agent and a recipient. Hence material things can be agents as long as humans interact meaningfully with them. [.] The idea of material [.] makes perfect sense within a relational view of agency; people act within relationships with things as much as with other individuals and groups." Coole and Frost (2010:9) also pertinently include the aspect of relationality in their description of matter as "a force, vitality, relationality". Ingold (2016:14) sees the environment as a world that is continually unfolding in relation to the beings who make a living in it. He is convinced that "its reality is not of material objects but for its inhabitants". Ingold (2016:14) concludes: "Thus the properties of materials, regarded as constituents of an environment, cannot be identified as fixed, essential attributes of things, but are rather processual and relational." This study follows the most recent trend in the new materialism approach to the understanding of the agency of plants. The purpose of this investigation is the tracing, analysis and description of relational characteristics in the depiction of the plant-people interactions in Die sideboard. It is guided by a sharp focus on the phenomenon of interdependent relationships in this novel, on the ways in which man becomes entangled with plants in body and mind, and how people are influenced by plants at the levels of the psyche and identity. This is an attempt to find confirmation for the theoretical view that plants act as agents, as forms of an active force, within the context of dynamic relationships with man. If approached from the latest premise that matter should be viewed within the context of networks and relationships, Die sideboard becomes a fascinating text for the purpose of literary investigation. It is clear that Abraham's dream of a patch of land becomes much more than the mere desire to manage a piece of land profitably. Several dimensions of the relationship between farmer and plant are revealed in this novel. These relationships are portrayed in a way that challenges anthropocentric control as the accepted point of departure in the handling of plants and offers a new perspective on the role of plants. Van der Veen (2014:806) refers to "webs of relationality" between man and plant, and explains: "Both plants and humans become caught up or trapped in the relationships: humans get caught up in a double-bind, depending on things (plants) that depend on humans." The results of the unravelling and description of the plant-people relationships in Die sideboard are instructive. This novel illuminates in a nuanced way the phenomenon that is the focal point of the investigation: the literary embodiment of the idea that man and plant influence each other and function in a strong relational context. Aspects of plant-people interdependence and of the interwovenness of human and non-human existence are powerfully illustrated in this novel. These are central concepts in the contemporary way of thinking about and emphasising the relational dimensions that have recently begun to emerge in the field of the new materialism. It becomes evident that Abraham grows vegetables not only for his family's use, or to earn something. There are relational elements that come into play. A form of devotion to the processes of planting and witnessing growth is portrayed. In addition to that, an obvious dependency on plants as well as signs of the subtle influencing by plants of the character's mind, life and attitude towards life are depicted. Being busy with planting and harvesting also has an impact on Abraham's realisation and confirmation of his identity. He finds it possible to express himself through pampering his plants. The novel also clearly illustrates how this self-interpretation manifests in the demonstration of his self-esteem, beliefs, pride and behaviour. Abraham's interaction with plants and an awareness of his life's intertwinement with the rhythm and routine that plants and caring for them require, inspire the will to rise above personal misfortune and disruption. This is of vital importance in the process of adaptation after each episode of uprooting in his life. The novel opens new perspectives on opinions about the place and role of plants in man's life. This is particularly significant in an era in which anthropocentric views are influencing us to see plants in their subservient role with regard to people: as passive objects within the context of farming, trade and nutritional needs. The findings from this study support Van der Veen's (2014:799) argument that "concepts such as materiality and entanglement help us not only to foreground the vital importance of plants in human life, but to appreciate that these plants are best studied within the complex webs of relationships that exist between plants, environments and people". Between the pages of Die sideboard man and plant indeed live as if interwoven in a web of relationality
Policymakers in many countries, including the Russian Federation, are attempting to encourage fertility as part of their response to the challenge of population aging. Whether pro-natalist policies will be effective depends crucially on how well they address the underlying causes of low fertility and barriers to larger family size. While in some countries in Western Europe postponing childbearing and increased childlessness seem to be driving the fertility decline, these factors do not appear to be as influential in Russia. Instead, the problem seems to be the relatively low frequency of second and higher-order births, which persists despite major changes to pro-natalist policies introduced in 2007 and the prevalence of the two-child ideal of family size. This study analyzes current and prospective fertility trends in contemporary Russia, with special attention to second-child birth dynamics and its determinants. Stable employment and accessibility of formal childcare options are found to be factors that are correlated with mothers preferences for additional children and the probability that they will have a second child. In light of this observation and international experience, a menu of policies to improve work-family balance is suggested.
Abstrak Patriarkiadalah salah satumasalahbesar bagisetiapwanita di dunia, masalah iniakhirnyadiwakilidengankarya sastra, dansalah satunya adalahAtiqRahimiBatuKesabaran.Terdapat Perempuan, sebagai karakter utamadiceritakandengan semuakesedihan, menikahdengan dipaksa, menikahdengan foto, sampai diaharus membuathamil dengantanpajalan dandia memilikibayi daripria laindia tidak pernahtahu. Berdasarkanfakta-fakta, ini memberikan dua pertanyaanutama sebagairespondarimasalah, adalah(1) GambaranbelenggupatriarkimelaluisuaradiamPerempuandiAtiqRahimiBatuKesabaran?(2) DampaksuaradiamPerempuandiAtiqRahimi, BatuKesabaran?Untuk mengatasi hal itudengan analisis, membutuhkanmetode yangmembaca, mengumpulkan data, dan interpretasi, teknik yang digunakanadalahinterpretasi, dan pendekatanmimesis. Sebagaihasil dariini, itu akanmenemukan sesuatu, suaradiamPerempuan, dan initerjadidi Afghanistan, oleh karena itu,dapat dikatakanbahwa sistempatriarkibisa mengambilhak-hak perempuan, dan apahal-hal yangdapat memberikanPerempuanadalahsuaradiam,suarayang dapat menjadigerakan feminisuntuk setiapsimpatiuntuknya. Ini mewakili, untukberkatadalam bisikanyang sangathalus yangmasih adaketimpanganyang disebabkan olehpatriarki, danWanitatidak dapatberbuat apa-apa. Kata Kunci: Patriarki, perempuan, suaradiam, danfeminisme. Abstract Patriarchy is one of the great problem for every women in the world, this problem finally is represented to a literary work, and one of it is AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. There, the Woman, as the main character is told with all sorrow, marrying by being forced, marrying with a photo, until she has to make pregnant with regardless the way and she has baby from another guy she never knows. Based on the facts, it delivers two main questions as the response of problems, they are (1) Depiction of patriarchy's handcuffthrough the Woman's Silent Voicein AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone? (2) The impact ofthe Woman's Silent Voice in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone? To solve it by analysis, it requires a method that is reading, collecting data, and interpretation, the used technique is interpretation, and the approach is mimesis. As the result of this, it will find something, the silent voice of the Woman, and this is happen in Afghanistan, therefore, it can be said that patriarchy system can grab the rights of women, and what things that the Woman can deliver is the silent voice, the voice that can be a feminist movement for every sympathy to it. It represents, it says in very smooth whispers that there are still inequality caused by patriarchy, and the Woman cannot do anything. Keywords: Patriarchy, women, silent voice, and feminism. INTRODUCTION Human lives in the world are like corrosion on the ply of metal in the process of abrasion. What the core of this analogy is the way human wear their brain shell to think and find the solution of every problem they face to. Human are divided in to two genders normally, they are men and women. Men, a creature whose penis sticks strongly with dignity and power to dig every hole in front of it. Women, a creature whose vagina decorates beautifully with softness and warmness for everything that prepares for digging it. Based on the differences of the two, the conflicts arise. It starts when women begin realizing that what they think is their right, is grabbed by the creature, called men. In addition, this thought probably can be supposed as the basic thought of feminism movement. Before going further to the meant feminism, it is important to see what feminism fights to, and it is patriarchy system. Patriarchy system is a system that has been rooted in society generally. Erich From asserts that Patriarchy system is where men is fated to dictate/control women, and it rules to all part in the world. (Fromm, 2002: 177). To add it, to make the establishment of this system of men, chronologically there are some experts that give distance between men and women where men are supposed to be the better one. Classically, women are inequality creature, and it is added by Aristotle who views women as an imperfectness of nature (Beauvoir, 2003:ix). Francis Bacon comments that the more negative assertion that women are the jail of men because women give bad effect or influence to men (Arivia, 2002:40). Kant even says that women does not have any ability to use their cognitive ability therefore women should not be allowed to deliver what they think (Arivia, 2002:40). While, St. Thomas supposes women as "imperfect men", women are creature who are created not deliberately, and it is proven by the symbolic story where Eve is portrayed by Bossuet as a creature who is made of the "Adam's Rib" (Beauvoir, 2003:xi). According to Cixous, the term of men and women pinpoints to the difference of the two where the first term must posit the higher or better meaning, and it is placed by men. Therefore, men are self and women are the Liyan. Women live in men's world, therefore women are considered as the Liyan for men. (Tong, 2009: 292). Based on those facts, society finally construct a system where men dominate the whole contents of social life. J. Douglas (1976: 34) adds that many feminists use the term patriarchy as a generic term for male privilege, supremacy, and domination, referring to their current as well as past forms. The attraction of this usage is readily apparent: first, its rhetorical punch and strongly pejorative connotations; second, its reminder of the tenacity and continuity of male domination. Despite earth-shaking social changes, not the least of which are the women's Movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century, male power remains. Therefore, what the things that can be inferred into these facts are the problems between men and women. Feminism moves to throw everything that involves in men's domination because they dictate women, women seem to live in a coop. It means that what women fight is the system of men. In general, feminism is the theory of women's liberation since the intrinsic in all its approaches is the belief that women suffer injustice because of women's sex (Humm, 1989: 74). From the inequality that exists between both gender, women want to search equality in the society, they start to speak up their voices in the publicarena. Women themselves must articulate who they are and what role they play in the society. Most importantly, they must reject the patriarchal assumption that women are inferior to men. This started the feminist movement. It was started by the reality that male-female relations is a form of power structure in which men dominate women (Thebaud, 1994: 290). From this starting point the feminist believe that existing inequalities between dominant and marginalized groups can and should be removed. In the practive the feminist scholars attempt to examine beliefs and practices from the viewpoint of the "other", in this case women, treating them as subjects, not merely objects. Based on those views, it can be said that feminism simply is a thought that focuses on the equality between men and women, especially to talk about the rights of women. Therefore, what things that can be put into the main topic of this, is the all things relates to the inequality between men and women where men are supposed to be the superiority ones. Feminism itself is part of cultural studies in literature, which arises since women feel discredited and being treated unequal to men as human. Yet, what is not acceptable is the differentiation in position, that men are superior to women. That awareness prompts women to rise up and fight for their rights. Feminism deals with freedom, appreciation, and fair treatment for women. It is not women's disability to sit equal with men, but the systems in their social life discourage women to gain self-assertion to actualize themselves as well as men. Meanwhile, women want to grow as human beings who have equal role and opportunity in their own life and society. In the West and East alike, feminists were up against home-grown patriarchalist opponents who used sundry means to denigrate feminism and its supporters. In the West, detractors portrayed feminists as man-haters. In the East, enemies branded feminists as agents of cultural subversion and, ironically in so doing 'colluded' with westerners in declaring feminism western. (Kynsilehto, 2008: 26). Therefore, what can be integrated from this Islam feminism understanding is the way Islam see the equality between men and women, from the agents of truth about the equality between men and women, not creating women to hate men just to beg an equality as what west feminism says to. It is clear to see that this problem finally inspires some authors to write it down in beautiful work, and one of it is AtiqRahimi with his novel entitled The Patience Stone. The main thing that is hidden in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone is the way feminism is shown up. This novel, especially the main character, the woman, erodes the feeling of the readers to give sympathy and tears on what has happened to the woman. The woman cannot fight to the system of men he faces on, but she just can deliver it through a telling to her comate husband, which is not changing anything to her fair life. Specifically, in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone, there is told a woman sits in front of his comate husband. She tells everything she never confesses before because of some reasons. She is the wife of a soldier who is lying unconscious with a bullet in his neck, and she calls her husband withThe Patience Stone or "Sang-e Saboor," it is a mythical stone accords to Persian folklore that absorbs the pain of those who confide in it, until it eventually explodes. When the novel opens, the man has been comatose for over two weeks, and shows no signs of recovery. Frustration and despair on the woman's part gradually turns to angry rebellion and, uncertain whether or not he can hear her words, she becomes ever more talkative and outgoing as she gathers over their ten-year marriage. The thing that is important to know is that the couple didn't meet before their wedding, nor even during it, since he was away fighting. Instead a ceremony was performed between the teen bride (the Woman) and a photograph, after which she spent three years as a married virgin. She is not allowed to be out of house of seeing friends and family. When the Husband returns, she discovers that she is married to a violent, because the Husband brutally detaches sex at the first sex time. It can be seen that the woman as main character reflects "handcuff" of women life against patriarchy in the social life of the novel. The Women uses her inability to comprehend and talk back to tell him things that she will not dare to say otherwise. With his disability she has been left to feed herself, her two children and continue buying medicine to keep her husband alive. The only job available for an Afghan woman in her desperate situation it seems is prostitution. It is an interested topic to explore because AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone is part of a Persian myth about a stone that has this phenomenal strength to listen to stories of suffering and sorrow. What sorrow that is delivered is from the heart voice of a woman that lives in the unfair world. The unfair world is caused by the inequality. Thus, to respond it, the readers must have attention to give sympathy to the woman indirectly, and to call this feeling, it is not too naïve when it said as the feminist movement that calls everyone in talking the equality women should have. To classify it, this thought belongs to first wave, where women have voice to utter although it is not a fight directly. Then, the voice that is not changing anything significantly to what the Woman faces, is the silent voice. Silent voice is the voice that is not heard, listened, and sensed. However, this voice exists, and the existence gnaws sympathy to see how unequal the social system the Woman faces, the sympathy that dribbles to feminism thought indirectly to get the equal rights. Based on the reasons above, this thesis then conveys analysis on the life and some aspect of main characters thorough feminism approach accords to patriarchy concepts and understanding in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. Finally, the planned title can be written as The Woman's Silent Voice toward Patriarchy's Handcuff Reflected in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience. For more additional support that this thesis uses credible object, it is important to see that AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone is the winner of Prix Goncourt Prize in 2008. Therefore, this thesis hopefully can be a great product and be great donation of literary critics and analysis. Indeed, the decision to select AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone rather than the other works of him is caused by the main topic of the work. AtiqRahimi's The Patience Stone delivers more complex problem between men and women, that finally grabs the problem of Patriarchy and Feminism, while the feminism that is used is based on the glasses of Islam because the setting is in Afghan. In AtiqRahimi'sEarth and Ashes is told about the patriotic father that struggle with his blind son during the Russia invasion in Afghanistan, while in AtiqRahimi'sA Thousands Room of Dream and Fear delivers a student who exiles form his life because he is chased, he loves someone saves him. Based on the two reference, AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone becomes the best one to analyze accords to men and women problem culturally. RESEARCH METHOD This study is taking one of the Atiq Rahimi's stories entitled The Patience Stone as the primary source. In case of analyzing this story, library research is used in order to find some theories, which are relevant to the topic. Finally, Mimesis approach will be used in analyzing this story because the topic that will be discussed about the main character's silent voice as a woman against patriarchy in her social life as the universal truth. In collecting data, this research focuses on analysis and citations. The first step is reading novel. In this step, novel becomes the object of the research. The novel is entitled The Patience Stone, written by Atiq Rahimi. This is to reach the understanding all contents completely with all possibilities both intrinsically and extrinsically. The second is inventorying data. This step is collecting data through noting the quotations related to the statement of the problems and objectives of the study, it is including in words, sentences, and discourse that can represent patriarchy and feminism in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone. The third is classification data. This step to classify the data based on the statement of the problems including the portrayal patriarchy and the way the Woman posits herself against it. The fourth is tabling the data. It is to simplify reading the data and classify data that is used in the analysis for the readers. Those collected data are continuosly intrepreted to react the statement of the problems. The handling of a technique is a duty to do, it is to keep the analysis not jumping out of the limitation in order to solve the statement of the problems. Furthermore, it is significant to be on familiar terms with the data that it is from the novel entitled The Patience Stone, written in 136 pages plus 4 pages of brief introduction by KhaledHossaeni. It is written by AtiqRahimi with original title of SynguéSabour. Pierre de patience, published with ISBN: 9780701184102, and by Chatto&Windus. It is addressed at Random House, 20 Vauxhall Bridge Road, in London at 7wiv 25a. The book design is created Chatto and Windus group and translated by Polly McLean. On the dark cover, there is laid a stamp of Goncourt Winner 2008. CULTURAL APPROACH The term culture is a description of a particular way of life, which expresses certain meanings and values not only in art and learning but also in institutions and ordinary behavior (Frow, 1996: 8). Frow also states that culture is the way of life and is the meanings and values in that way of life. Therefore, basically a cultural approach is a way to think about a literary text based on the ideas or customs of certain society in which the text is made. According to Stanley Fish, J. Hillis, and Michael Foucault, language helps create what we call objective reality, thus reality is a social construct since it is created from language which is a product of customs produced by certain society. (Bressler, 1999: 264) Each society or culture contains in itself a dominant cultural group which determines that culture's ideology, its dominant values it sense of right and wrong, and its sense of personal self worth. (Bressler, 1999: 264) Culrural approach is divided into some theories. Those are: Marxism, post colonialism, new historicism, and feminism (Bressler, 1999: 178). As stated above, cultural approach investigates the domination and the dominated groups. Therefore, this approach will be used to analyze Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone and since the dominated group in this novel is women, the theory of feminism will be used for further analysis. Before going deeper to the feminism, it is important to see that feminism that will be used is the feminism from the glasses of Islam. In the West and East alike, feminists were up against home-grown patriarchalist opponents who used sundry means to denigrate feminism and its supporters. In the West, detractors portrayed feminists as man-haters. In the East, enemies branded feminists as agents of cultural subversion and, ironically in so doing 'colluded' with westerners in declaring feminism western. (Kynsilehto, 2008: 26). Therefore, what can be integrated from this Islam feminism understanding is the way Islam see the equality between men and women, from the agents of truth about the equality between men and women, not creating women to hate men just to beg an equality as what west feminism says to. This thought is also influence to the way of the culture move by times, Eastern as universal truth sees, is culturally have features of moral, politeness, differences, and those all shape a unity of eastern culture that is very cultural. While, in Western, thought, rationality, and will or dreams becomes the subjects that move them to be better, and it shapes their mind and finally becomes the culture of west, therefore, the freedom of women seems to be radical rather that to grab the equality. PATRIARCHY Patriarchy system is a system that has been rooted in society generally. Erich From asserts that Patriarchy system is where men is fated to dictate/control women, and it rules to all part in the world. (Fromm, 2002: 177). Engels gives different perspective that patriarchy system is begun when human have already understood about privacy owning, and it marks the birth of system of class. (Budiman, 1981: 21). What Engels means, must reflect to the birth of system of class of men and women. To add it, to make the establishment of this system of men, chronologically there are some experts that give distance between men and women where men are supposed to be the better one.Classically, women are inequality creature, and it is added by Aristotle who views women as an imperfectness of nature (Beauvoir, 2003:ix). Francis Bacon comments that the more negative assertion that women are the jail of men because women give bad effect or influence to men (Arivia, 2002:40). Kant even says that women does not have any ability to use their cognitive ability therefore women should not be allowed to deliver what they think (Arivia, 2002:40). While, St. Thomas supposes women as "imperfect men", women are creature who are created not deliberately, and it is proven by the symbolic story where Eve is portrayed by Bossuet as a creature who is made of the "Adam's Rib" (Beauvoir, 2003:xi). According to Cixous, the term of men and women pinpoints to the difference of the two where the first term must posit the higher or better meaning, and it is placed by men. Therefore, men are self and women are the Liyan. Women live in men's world, therefore women are considered as the Liyan for men. (Tong, 2009:292). Based on those facts, society finally construct a system where men dominate the whole contents of social life. J. Douglas (1976: 34) adds that many feminists use the term patriarchy as a generic term for male privilege, supremacy, and domination, referring to their current as well as past forms. The attraction of this usage is readily apparent: first, its rhetorical punch and strongly pejorative connotations; second, its reminder of the tenacity and continuity of male domination. Despite earth-shaking social changes, not the least of which are the women's Movements of the nineteenth and twentieth century, male power remains. These all continuously give a perspective that women are really controlled, handled, and dictated by men particularly in society. The representation of society can be found in family. Family is the crucial institution in society (Millet, 1972: 33) because it can represent to what happens in the society. In a family the women mostly being the victim of oppressed by their husband or brother. Furthermore, feminist knowledge develops and becomes more sophisticated throughout the 1970s; the family comes to be an important object of analysis. In many cases, it is the crucial site of women s oppression, the space where, unheeded by the world outside, women are at the mercy of fathers or husbands; where the law of patriarchy holds its most primitive form (Pilcher&Whelehan, 2004: 44). Engels as quoted by Millet explains that the ideal type of the patriarchal family and the ancestor is the Roman family, whence come both the term and the legal forms and precedents in the west. Engels informed the word familiaas follow: signify the composite ideal of sentimentality and domestic strife in the present day philistine mind. Among the Romans it did not even apply in the beginning to the leading couple and its children, but to the slave alone. Famulus means domestic slave, and familia is the aggregate number of slaves belonging to one man the expression [familia] was invented by the Romans in order to designate a new social organism the head of which had a wife, children and a number of slaves under his paternal authority and according to Roman law, the right of life and death over all of them(Millet, 1972: 123—124). In family, Gough as quoted by Jo, mentions that men and women cooperate through a division of labor based on gender. Child care, household tasks and crafts closely connect with the household, tend to be done by women; war, hunting, and government by men. Besides that, men in general have higher status and authority over the women of their families, although older women may have influence, even some authority, over junior men (Jo, 1984: 84). Therefore, what things can be inferred to those all understandings, are the problem that is faced by women in the society, the society is like the jail of women and it is sourced by thoughts where place men in a good position to control women. This is also what things reflected on AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone that finally makes the main character, the woman, whispers something as the silent voice in the middle of patriarchy system. This reaction potentially can be said as the thing to get attention and sympathy about what happens to women in Afghanistan, and this can be said as the movement of feminism. FEMINISM In general, feminism is the theory of women's liberation since the intrinsic in all its approaches is the belief that women suffer injustice because of women's sex (Humm, 1989: 74). From the inequality that exists between both gender, women want to search equality in the society, they start to speak up their voices in the publicarena. Women themselves must articulate who they are and what role they play in the society. Most importantly, they must reject the patriarchal assumption that women are inferior to men. This started the feminist movement. It was started by the reality that male-female relations is a form of power structure in which men dominate women (Thebaud, 1994: 290). From this starting point the feminist believe that existing inequalities between dominant and marginalized groups can and should be removed. In the practive the feminist scholars attempt to examine beliefs and practices from the viewpoint of the "other", in this case women, treating them as subjects, not merely objects. Based on all general understanding, it is important to sharpen it into the good shape for not going out of the limitation and wasting buss of explanation of the theory. First of all, it is a long discussion of talking about feminism and its complex sources. To maintain the stability of this research that uses feminism as the knife to slice the discourse of patriarchy reflected in AtiqRahimi's The Patience Stone, thus the first feminism, the main slicer, continuously will be the main point of theory to discuss. The first wave of feminism appeared in the 19th and early 20th centuries, when women's suffrage was at the pole position of an industrializing world. In other word, it happened at the age of Victorian age. In 1800, women had little control over their lot in life. The average married female gave birth to seven children. Higher education was off-limits. Wealthier women could use limited authority in the domestic scope but possessed no property rights or economic autonomy. Lower-class women toiled alongside men, but the same social and legal restrictions applied to this stratum of society as well. Somewhat ironically, religion fueled some of the initial social advancements women made at the beginning of the 19th century. The Second Great Awakening, which started in 1790, emphasized emotional experience over dogma, allowing women more leadership opportunities outside of the home. Abolition and temperance movements that shared Protestant undercurrents activated women as well. It is like to what Stuurman, as quoted by Bryson, says that feminist theological arguments were further elaborated in the seventeenth century: for example, some writers used the creation story to argue that Eve was superior to Adam because she wascreated last, or because she was created out of Adam's rib rather than out of mud and slime (Bryson, 2003: 6). Thus, it can be seen, that in religion, or theologically, the inequality women have, has been rooting to put them down under the knee of men. That means, men are taking higher position in human life where men and women separate them. To talk about the theologically term about the inequality, then women want to get the equality, means that women have something different from the way theology thinks about it and the way of thought is Cartesian with all rationality to think. Bryson notes that the inspiration for these new ways of thinking (feminisms) was the revolution in western philosophy, which had been started in the first half of the seventeenth century by Descartes. According to Cartesian philosophy, all people possess reason, and true knowledge, which is based on experience and self-discovery rather than study of the classics or sacred texts, is in principle available to all. This means that traditional authority is rejected in favor of rational analysis and independent thought, and that customs and institutions which are not in accordance with reason should be rejected. (Bryson, 2003: 6). Therefore, what has been done by feminist is breaking the old thought that is sourced by the empirical way of theology. Moreover, what becomes the main point of this born is the equality that is thought as the right that has been robbed by men and their all system. The first-wave of feminism began in the United Kingdom and the United States around the nineteenth century and lasted until the early twentieth century. The focus of this movement at this time was on de jure inequalities, or officially mandated inequalities. There were many people during this time who were considered to be feminists, Mary Wollstonecraft, Susan B. Anthony, Lucy Stone, Olympia Brown, and Helen Pitts; there are countless more. The first-wave of feminism was monumental to the movement, however, without the continuing second-wave, there would be no hope for feminism in current times, for each wave is connected and dependent on the other's history. In simpler words, feminism is not some simple thing that people can generalize, like it is just an excuse for women to kick men in the balls, and not take care of themselves, or that men and women must be equal at all costs. Feminism is a movement, which has been incredibly important to the success and failures of this country and has been a necessary journey for the women in our country to travel upon so that they can discover and create their own unique place in society. First wave feminists spent hundreds of years in activism, writing, protesting and working for the betterment and equality of their sex and gender. First wave feminists worked not only for suffrage, or the right to vote, but also for the right to an education, the right to work, the right to work safely, the right to the money they earned when they worked, the right to a divorce, the right to their children and the right to themselves and their own bodies. Rights for women can be traced back to the Middle Ages in the Middle East when early reforms under Islam gave women greater rights in marriage, divorce and inheritance. Women in other cultures were not afforded such rights until centuries later. Further improvements of the status of Arab women included things such as the prohibition of female infanticide and recognizing women's full personhood. The things mentioned above are necessary and were necessary, and in some case, came at the end of long efforts. First wave feminists had to work against this impression, and they had to work against the society that allowed an unmarried woman to be property of her father and a married woman to be property of her husband. The first wave of feminism was the longest, and it is the most taken for granted. It is common now to speak with women who do not identify as feminists who think that feminism is a dirty word, who simultaneously pursue careers and an education, who exercise their right to vote, who own property and benefit from the fruits of their labor. Understanding the history and the efforts of feminism, understanding how much progress they made and how long it took them is important both to those who think they are not feminists, and those who identify as feminists and who live life trying to better the world by the feminist ideal. (Retrieved from uic.edu and pacificu.edu). Victorian feminism is a difficult concept to analyze. On the one hand, some of the greatest reforms of women's social and legal position before those of the late twentieth century occurred in a few decades of the nineteenth century; on the other, many of those women who were active campaigners—Caroline Norton, Florence Nightingale, Emily Davies, and Barbara Bodichon—were ambivalent about the extent of their own feminism, and over-anxious to distance themselves from unconventional lifestyles and behavior. Moreover, they seemed concerned mainly with the plight of intelligent middle-class single women. Their commitment to respectability gave them something of a timorous or half-hearted allegiance to a more wide-ranging kind of feminism; in any case, their contribution to the feminist cause was often narrowly specialized as they concentrated on a particular campaign—whether for women's colleges at Cambridge or child custody rights—to the exclusion of others, and many still relied on men to help them with the legal or parliamentary part of their activism. For some, however, it was impossible to avoid being drawn into a wider examination of women's rights, as happened with Caroline Norton and Harriet Martineau, for example, and by the end of the century, most of the major journals were carrying heated debates about the unsatisfied needs of the modern woman. Beginning initially with spasmodic bursts of activism, first wave feminism gathered pace through the work of specific individuals working for specific ends, until the momentum of events made concern for women's full participation in social and political life a matter of public interest across the whole political spectrum. This in itself was no mean achievement (Gamble, 2006: 24). According to those all explanations about first wave feminism, that is majorly from west, then it is continued to see this based on the glasses of Islam feminism reflected to AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. There is a woman that faces a fact of patriarchy system, she cannot do anything except confessing something about the inequality that indirectly getting sympathy for anyone who read to pay the pity about equality of thee Woman should have. The equality is something has been robbed by the patriarchy system, and the way the Woman acts, can be said as feminist movement. As Muslim, this thought can be clearly is seen as east feminist movement. It is like to what Kynsilheto says that it was in this context that some of us reported that Muslim women were subverting the patriarchal Islamist project through what appeared to be a new form of feminism-in-the-making which Muslim women in different parts of the world would soon call Islamic feminism. (Kynsilehto, 2008: 26). Therefore, the understanding of this feminism toward this research goes clearer to see as the relevant theory that will be used to slice the data just to become a good shape of analysis without going out of the limitation. STATUS WOMEN IN AFGHANISTAN The position of women in Afghanistan traditionally has been inferiorto that of men. This position has been continuing to age, socio-culturalnorms, and ethnicity. In fact, Afghan women, even until the beginning of 20thcentury are still being the slaves of their father, husband, father-in-law, and elder brother. Thus, it can be said that the status of women are silence and obedience. The essence of attitude towards women could be clearly seen in the relationshipof the family after the birth of a female baby.The birth of a female baby,particularly in those cases where the mother gives birth to several girls, is the main cause of contracting a second marriage, and it is still happened until nowadays. Girls areusually raised to be good mothers and tolerant housewives. Thus no one pays attention to their education, except in very rare cases in some well-to-do families. Furthermore, they are married to young and even to very old men, in most caseswealthy ones between the ages of 13 and 16, and in certain cases between the ages of 10 and 12, if their parents desire. They were exchanged for what is called "Toyana" or marriage price. Young girls had no right to choose theirfuture husbands, or question their engagement, which is arranged by theirparents. Early marriage is the main cause of suffering for girls in Afghansociety. Such marriages are both physically and psychologically unhealthy,and often resulted in sickness and psycho-neurotic diseases. Many youngmothers pass away during releasing it because of physiological reasons and earlymotherhood.Divorce is an easy act if the husband wants it. Afghan women do not have any right to ask for divorce. The man is the governor, the controller, the dictator, of every authorizing in divorcing. It is a slur for both families.Occasionally, wives were deprived of their rights and claims on their ownchildren. Traditional women refer to their husbands as "Sahib", the lord. Wives aregreatly trusted by their husbands. This great confidence rendered byhusbands has led Afghan wives towards great honesty, chastity, courage, andproper manners. Women are mainly occupied with rearing children, cooking,sewing, milking, weaving, spinning, and other similar house-works. For thosewho can pay for servants, their servants free them from the burden of home duties. Women take part in social occasions and family entertainments,but they separate from men. On all occasions where both sexes take part,they remainsto be separated. According to Scharmann (Kakar, 1971), thedivision of men and women into two separate worlds is pronounced inAfghan society. In entering the world outside their homes, women are toveil themselves. They usually try to hide their faces from men, calling them "Namahram", though the exception was for women in upper class families,the number of which was very small. Afghan women are patriotic. They love their native land. That is whyAfghan women in time of war helped Afghan warriors in the battle fields byproviding services such as carrying supplies, removing bodies, helpingwounded soldiers, etc. For example, in the second Afghan war with theBritish, Maiden Malalyis known as the symbol of courage at Maiwand war.At present, women take an active part in defending the revolution. They areorganized in committees for such defense. Based on the paraphrasing of Wali M. Rahimi in his book Status of Women: Afghanistan that is supported by UNESCO, therefore it can be accepted that what things happen to the Woman in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone, is not only a kind of play of the plots of a fiction, but it can be related to the reflection of the reality world, where women are still living in the jail, they live in the armpits of men that are very rotten. HOW AL-QURAN VIEWS PATRIARCHY As a religion that is always involved in patriarchy, Islam actually seems to be like a scapegoat religion. By the showing from the first creature of Adam, the duty of men of being a leader and women should follow their husband, until the greater rights of wealth heritage. Those all constantly strike Islam as a religion that gives privilege to men rather than to women. This all happen, potentially from the miss understanding toward the interpretation of Al Quran.In Al Quran, the holly book of all Muslim, there is told some reason of those wrong perceptions. In a verse from Surah An-NAhl. There is written, Anyone who works righteousness, male or female, while believing, we will surely grant them a happy life in this world, and we will surely pay them their full recompense (on the Day of Judgment) for their righteous works(16:97). This is what is said as the equality of Men and Women. Both men and women are treated with same treatment, and those all based on what they do in the world with regardless what sex they have. Additionally, there are some verses and Surah that show Islam give similar position between men and women, and the difference of the two is not a hierarchal system, but difference of patching each other. This is very different to what patriarchy understands about, therefore, there is no reason to call Islam as patriarchal religion. SILENT VOICE This is a new term that will be a source of question, what does it mean? How can this term raise among all problems that this thesis emerges up? And many questions follow to trace with no end. However, this term is actually taken from the basic problem of the Woman, as the main character, in AtiqRahimi'sThe Patience Stone. The Woman faces problems of patriarchy system, she cannot do anything except following that system. She is just woman, and she has no voice to demonstrate what she feels, but, when her husband comes back in comate condition, she finally can utter everything she feels. Based on this fact, it can be said that the Woman has a chance to say what she feels from the comate condition of her husband, with that moment she says. She voices something, something that is always hidden and repressed. This repressed voice, finally can be seen as the silent voice, because silent literally mean cannot be uttered directly, it exists but it is not heard and listened, even it cannot be heard nor listened. The voice symbolically shows the heart, the feel, and experience. Therefore, it is completely seen as the silent voice of the Woman, definitely. DEPICTION OF PATRIARCHY'S HANDCUFF THROUGH THE WOMAN'S SILENT VOICE IN ATIQ RAHIMI'S THE PATIENCE STONE The things become the crucial issue in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone is the problem that is faced by the Woman. The Woman here is unnamed character, she has a comate husband after taking back from the war. Here, the Woman delivers everything she has kept, hid, and buried. These feelings are blown up by what she utters to the "dead" husband. Here the conflict emerges as long she delivers it. To start it, the conflict can be rushed to the conflict where the Woman has a sex with her husband at the first night, 'Oh yes bleeding…I was lying to him, of course.' She glances keenly at the man, more mischievous than submissive. 'Just as I've lied to you…more than once!' she pulls her legs up to her chest and wedges her chin between her knees. 'But there is something I'd better tell you…' (Rahimi, 2010: 28). There is something different going wrong in this case. On the quotation, the Woman admits to her comate husband that she has been lying to him. What she lies, is the thing happens when they firstly sleep in gathering. Pulling the plot before, the man comes after homing from war. He is as nervous as the woman in facing the first having sex. Then, they finally have a sex. The Husband feels happy because he thinks that the woman is still virgin. The proof is, the blood melts down while the Husband penetrates his penis down. It is accepted because, in oriental countries, culture, women are like the special things. Therefore, the virginity of women is the crucial thing every man should have got. It can be thought carefully when it is compared with western culture. In western culture, a man and a woman can live together although they have not been married, but it is not accepted in mostly eastern culture, moreover in Afghanistan. To get it, men's culture construct a jail where women are prohibited to be out of house in order to make them saves of being not virgin. However, the blood that melts on the Woman's vagina is the blood of menstruation. The Husband does not know, and he does not want to know. The way the Husband does it, the way the Husband treats his wife with regardless the condition of the wife appears something. It is a kind of a force, the insisting seems that the Husband, as a man, has a power and right to do everything to the wife. This authority can be belonged to an action of domination of a man to his wife. Further explanation, the way these two creatures marry, is not in a proper equal right. What is meant by this statement is, the Woman marries to her husband in a condition where she has to be sit with a photo because the Husband in on process of war. That is the pity thing for every woman to marry with someone she never sees directly and physically. This marriage happens because the Woman is believed as a woman who has been already of being married. With regardless the love, the feeling, and the desire to marry, the Woman is insisted to marry. This is harsh thing, the hard thing for women to neglect it. Women are poisoned by this system, because if women try to make a move of changing it means that women have not been ruling the law, and it is considered as fighting to God's rule. As it can be mirrored directly that, this system, this marriage gives something pleasant for the men because they (men) do not have to be so serious in facing the marriage because they can represent their appearance, their existence, in the ceremony. Another fact is, when the Husband has a sex with the Woman, actually the Woman is in the period that means she has menstruation. However, what thing that can stick to every eye is the fact that the Husband firstly meet the Woman, his wife, three years after they marry.'When you and I went to bed for the first time after three years of marriage, remember! Anyway, that night, I had my period.' (Rahimi, 2010: 28).From the quotation above, it can be read unmistakably that the Woman meets her husband firstly after three years passed. This is added the explanation above that the Woman is jailed in the system of patriarchy. The Woman cannot break the rule, she has to follow the rule, she has to be laid down on the feet of a man. It can be imagined, how can a marriage is not attended by one of the couple? It is really strange and seemed not to be a fair marriage. Additionally, the Woman marries to her husband is caused by the time she has to marry. Moreover, her sister has been sold to a man because her father cannot pay the debt after being lost in his bet. After having a sex, the days after, the Husband should go to the war again. It means that he has to leave his wife again. The Woman, as a woman generally in the world, must feel sad of being left by the husband. Therefore, the Husband looks to be a pride thing for everyone in Afghanistan, because he struggles for nation, for religion, for Afghanistan. Although, what the Husband does is sacrificing the happiness of the Woman. This is the voice of the Woman in front of the comate Husband. She utters everything she feels, what she utters means that she has been keeping, holding, and defending her emotion and anger because of the relation with her husband. She marries with a man, and during the marriage, for ten years, she never speaks, she never does something husband-wife does generally such a chit-chatting, joking, giving romantically action, and other actions. The coming of the Husband is only run out by drinking, partying, and laughing with all his friend, then he wants to have sex with his husband, the Woman. Therefore, it means that the woman is only an object of sexuality, object to deliver the Husband desire of sexuality, the object that is only for satisfying his ambition of the desire. Within this context, within this culture that asks every woman to fulfill the desire of the husband, becomes the thing that can be good and bad. Generally, it is good for a normal relation that has good husband and wife. For example, the filling what husband desires can strengthen the relation of the two, between the husband and the wife. However, the context that the Woman faces is different. She is very seldom of meeting with his husband, she never speaks, talks, and make conversations. Then the Husband comes home, and wants to have sex after drinking and partying. Can it be looked as a duty for every woman in the world to fill what the husband wants? This is unfair thing. This is the thing that can slice the feel of every woman. Women are also creature, they are human being, they also have feeling and desire. They want to be felt, they want to treated humanely. If the Husband just want to throw out his desire and after that he goes off again. It makes the impression of the Woman that she just a whore of the man, she is just a slut of the Husband, she is only a harlot of his husband. This s irony, but this is what happens to the Woman in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone. Because the setting is in Afghanistan, it can be reflected that something happens to the Woman, is what the things happen to some women in Afghanistan. Talking about Afghanistan, it must relate to the system they use. Afghanistan is a complicated country. Therefore, what can be inferred from the explanation has been noted in the understanding before about the position women in Afghanistan, is the women have no freedom to move, to express something, to say something such as "Excuse me, I want to divorce you." Or something like "Um… Sorry we need to discuss it before." The fate of women seems to have been robbed out. They do not have anything in the world, everything they want to say, everything they want to deliver based on what they feel, based on what they think is unfair, is unsaid, and it is kept in heart. What else that has to be said that this system is called as patriarchy system. Indeed, it is Islam, but it is longer used as what equality in Islam has been written on the holy Koran. This is caused by the wrong interpretation of human, the wrong interpretations are finally used as the culture, and for the God's sake, it is inherited. The Quran makes it clear that Women and Men are equal in the eyes of God. This is the weakness of human, to see something they always see it by what they can accept, although God has different point of view. One of the most misunderstood areas in Islam is the position, the situation, and the condition of women in the religion. The universal view in the West is that Muslim women are subjugated and almost seen as property or the object of men. Although, not all Muslims deal with that statement that women as inferior, this is unfortunately true in some segments of the Muslim world and this treatment is supposedly reasonable thing by the religion. However, when it is looked at the basis of the religion, the Quran, it can be seen a different picture. In the Quran God makes it very clear that men and women are equal. Their Lord responded to them: "I never fail to reward any worker among you for any work you do, be you male or female - you are equal to one another. Thus, those who immigrate, and get evicted from their homes, and are persecuted because of Me, and fight and get killed, I will surely remit their sins and admit them into gardens with flowing streams." Such is the reward from GOD. GOD possesses the ultimate reward. (3: 195). The only criterion for distinguishing among the people. Based on what those show, it can be articulated that God seems to have no distinguishing, or special thing to differ between men and women. The two can have sins, the two can hbe living in the paradise, the promised place. If the God seems to say that, why men creates their own understanding to control women in their armpits, is that a kind of breaking the rule of God whereas God say that there is no difference between men and women, the two can live in paradise and have sins. If the paradise is for good human, and men try to be good by slaving women, and women try to be good women by being slaved by men, is that a kind of justice? Men can live freely by slaving women in the world, and slaving is kind of joyful action. They do not have to be pregnant, they do not have to be working at house, wiping the shits of the baby, feeding the baby, menstruation, and busy of massaging their husband. If they (women) have to do so as their duty, they should have the same result of what they have done, the same right of not being slaved. They should have similarity, because of what they do for men are rightfully consisted of rights. However, men, the culture of men, the system of men, the wrong interpretation, makes them fall to the disgusting thinking about women. How can that clear verses be ignored? Why are women treated so poorly in some Muslim communities? The answer lies in the fact that those communities take other sources besides the Quran as the basis of their religion. There are many Hadiths that degrade women. In addition, the pre-Islamic cultures of much of the Muslim world do not value women and have little use for them. The following verses demonstrate this fact: Long and complicated, the tradition that brings and leads the system of men to mostly Muslim nations, here is Afghanistan. However, it can be traced that what makes this becomes the intimate problems of Afghanistan is their condition. Their variety of religion and the territorial that is surrounded by West and East culture makes them are easy to be got down, especially in their rule. Islam, where the verses are delivered beautifully, but it is interpreted wrongly, and makes the wrong system of men. There are difference between men and women, but the difference does not mean they are not equal. They have same duty and right, the same means to the effect rather than the direct meaning of duty, so does the right. However, this right does not longer exist for many women, and it can be represented by the Woman in AtiqRahimi. Again, she has to admit that to be married with the Husband is not what she wants. 'Your mother, with her enormous bust, coming to our place to ask for the hand of my younger sister. It wasn't her turn to get married. It was my turn. So your mother simply said, "no problem, we'll take her instead!", pointing her fleshy finger at me as I poured the tea. I panicked and knocked the pot over.' She hides her face in her hands.in shame, or to dispel the image of a mocking mother in law. 'as for you, you didn't even know this was happening. My father, who wanted nothing more, accepted without the slightest hesitation. He didn't give a damn that you weren't around! Who were you, really? No one knew. To all of us, you were just a title: the hero! And, like every hero, far away. Engagement to a hero was a lovely thing, for a seventeen year old girl. I said to myself. (Rahimi, 2010: 53—54). Here is told that the Woman does not have any right to choose which man she wants to be married to, because her mother selects the man for her. It shows that the power of parents is strongly grabbing the children, and the children that gets the bigger grab is woman. Women are considered as slow, weak, and brittle. Thus, it is not right if women are given a chance to choose men. Furthermore, the Women does not love the man she marries. It is a kind of insisting. Why should be woman? This is the patriarchy system, the system that control women. The more ironical thing happens to the Woman in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone is, she marries with a man she never knows, and even in the marriage ceremony, she marries to a photo. '… they celebrated our engagement without the fiancé. Your mother said. "don't worry, victory is coming! It will soon be the end of the war, we will be free and my son will return!" Nearly a year later, your mother came back. Victory was still a long way off. "It's dangerous to leave a young, engagement woman with her parents for such a long time!" she said. And so I had to be married, despite your absence. At the ceremony, you were present in the form of photo and that wretched khanjar, which they put next to me in place of you. (Rahimi, 2010: 54). Based on the quotation above, it can be read obviously that the Woman marries to a man she never knows and during the marriage ceremony, she just sits next to a photo, not the man she marries to. This is an irony fact, the Woman must feel sad, besides the force of marrying the man she never knows, she must also feel sad of this moment. This is an unfair thing for woman, and can it be said that this is the fair thing for woman to marry with a photo? Furthermore, for years the Woman is not allowed to jostle, to join with a group, with neighbors, and friends. She has to be in home, doing everything in home. The home is like the jail of her, she is prohibited of talking to anyone. And I had to wait another three years. Three years! For three years I wasn't allowed to see my friends, or my family…it was not considered proper for a young married virgin to spend time with other married women. Such rubbish1 I had to sleep in the same room as your mother, who kept watch over me, or rather my chastity. And it all seemed so normal, so natural to everyone. To me, too! I didn't even know how lonely I was.' (Rahimi, 2010: 54). The way her mother in law treats her can be analogized that the Woman seems like a prisoner. She is forbidden to interact with the other side of the house, she has to sleep with her mother in law while the Husband is in war. The mother always keeps watching on her, and it is like a guard in the jail, and the woman is the prisoner. She is like a creature who is born to be kept watching, with no right to do, every move she makes is something her mother in law catches.When she is like a prisoner, she must be the fault one whether she is fine or doing a mistake. It is portrayed to this below quotation. Those all are what the Woman feels and it is portrayed in a conclusion where patriarchy system in Atiq Rahimi's The Patience Stone is drawn. The Woman is the representation of this portrayal, she feels in jail, she feels like a prisoner, no right and no freedom to move. She marries to a man she never knows, her sister becomes the stake of her father's bet, and she forced to be pregnant although the Husband is the unfertile one. She is insisted to meet someone like a priest to consult the pregnant, and the priest is actually a procurer. She is asked to get in a room, and a man with blindfolded penetrates her until she gets pregnant. The way her mother insists her to get pregnant with not knowing the condition of her son, makes the Woman has a baby from a man she does not know. This the cruel of the patriarchy, when women do not have any right to speak something, they are jailed, and the only one thing the Woman in the story can do is, delivering everything she feels to her comate husband. With a silent voice, she utters and posits herself. THE IMPACT OF THE WOMAN'S SILENT VOICE IN ATIQ RAHIMI'S THE PATIENCE STONE As the response of facing this problem, the Woman cannot do anything except telling the truth of what she feels, what she hides, what she wants to deliver, because she does not want to hurt anyone. Therefore, she wants to tell it to no one, besides that she must be afraid of telling what she feels because what she faces is the culture, the misunderstood religion, and social truth. This problem is delivered through this below quotation, she thinks that it is better to keep silent and to tell to no one. 'I never wanted anyone to know that. Never! Not even my sisters!' she leaves the room, upset. Her fears echo down the passage. 'He's driving me mad. Sapping my strength.Forcing me to speak.To confess my sins, my mistakes.He's listening to me. Hearing me.I'm sure of it. He wants to get to me…to destroy me!' (Rahimi, 2010: 60—61). This is what happens to the Woman's sister. Her sister is forced to marry, her father sells her sister because her father defeats in bet. However, what can the Woman do? She is just a woman, she has no voice, her voice is not to be heard or listened, she is just a creature that is created by not deliberation, therefore, woman should be in room, cooking, bearing baby, feeding baby, and doing "female" activity. She does not have to have something like man, like voicing voice. This shows that the Woman posits herself in a mute, in silence, and in the broken heart with no fight back. The culture has constructed them t be like this, silence and mute. This is the best position the Woman can replace because if she wants to break the rule, she must be destroyed, tortured, and punished by the law the men create. One of the best way, besides keeping silence, is telling the truth to God. When her husband is comate, the Woman always prays on her Husband. Her Husband is just comate, cannot respond, cannot do anything. A hand, a woman hand, is resting on his chest, rising and falling in time with his breath. The woman is seated. Knees pulled into her chest. Head sunk between her knees. In the other hand, the left, she holds a long string of black prayer beads. She moves them between her fingers, telling them. Silently.Slowly.In time with her shoulders. In time with the man's breath. Within reach, open at the flyleaf and placed on a velvet pillow, is a book, the Koran. Her plump, dry, pale lips are softly and slowly repeating the same word of prayer. (Rahimi, 2010: 2—3). This is what the Woman does, he prays for the Husband, although everyday it seems no worth, no use, and it even seems to be in vain. However, as a Good wife, she always prays, and never quits for stopping praying. This is the way the Woman posits herself, although she gets unfair life, although her life is grabbed by the system of men, although her happiness is robbed by the injustice, she just tries and keeps trying to be a good wife fro her evil Husband. The way the Husband keeps silence and receives all things the Woman tells, is analogized as the Patience Stone. It is the mythical stone for Muslim in Hajj, the stone that is very soft and can release all burden. Probably, this is why the Woman tells it to her comate Husband. There are so many internal conflicts the Woman faces, and she almost has a plan to leave her comate Husband. However, she is a god wife, and she is so sorry of having it. It is reflected on this below quotation. 'Forgive me', as she strokes his arm. 'I'm tired. At breaking point. Don't abandon me, you're all I have left.' She raises her voice : 'Without you, I have nothing. Think your daughters! What will I do with them? They're so young…' She stops stroking him. 'The Mullah won't come today,' she says with some relief (Rahimi, 2010: 14—15). In this quotation, it shown and portrayed that the Woman is almost surrendered, she almost quits, she is almost getting tiring. Her frustration is caused by the condition of the Husband that is not different days by days. However, she remembers about her daughter, and it adds something in her heart not to leave the Husband. Based on this fact it can be seen that the Woman is trying to posit herself in a god way, she is just trying to be a good wife, a good Muslim who works the rule of not leaving the Husband and doing everything for the Husband, although the Husband is in comate condition. This portrayal, is the form of faith, the Woman is really special woman, by the condition that can strike her, the situation that can make her angry, the experience that can make her has a revenge for the injustice, she keeps having a feeling to take care of her Husband. Then, the reflection of the Woman to posit herself is clearly seen b this quotation. As a good mother, the Woman also treats her children with lovely treatments. It is shown by this quotation below that shows that the children are not allowed to disturb the comate father. 'Don't be frightened, darling. I'm here.' The mother reassures her : 'I wasn't shouting. I was talking to your father.' They walk away from the door. 'Why are you calling my father Al-Qahhar? Is he cross?' 'No, but he will be if we disturb him.' The little girl falls silent (Rahimi, 2010: 17). The way the Woman asks to her children not to disturb their father who is comate shows that the Woman keeps the Husband, she does not want her Husband gets worse by the disturbing. This is showing the Woman posits herself in treating her Husband. Based on the experience when she has to marry with a photo, the experience where she has to be penetrated while she has menstruation, until her Husband's brothers who always spy the Woman while she takes a bath, she does not have any revenge. If she has, she must kill the Husband easily because the Husband is between the condition of dead and alive. He is comate, and it is very easy for everybody to kill him, no exce
La Revista Publicaciones, de la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación y del Deporte del Campus de Melilla de la Universidad de Granada, es una revista científica, de acceso abierto, que se ofrece como medio de comunicación de investigaciones y trabajos relevantes en temas del ámbito educativo. Así pues, surge la invitación para realizar un número especial que conmemorara los cincuenta años de una organización que ha promovido la integración educativa, científica, tecnológica y cultural de países de América Latina, el Caribe y España. Este homenaje se hace a la Organización del Convenio Andrés Bello; por el trabajo constante e ininterrumpido hacia la construcción de una ciudadanía global, que integra diversas culturas y desde los elementos de estas a las raíces de sus miembros. En consecuencia, es importante reconocer el espíritu visionario de sus organizadores, allá por 1970, siendo España uno de sus miembros y donde en 1990 se sustitituye el Tratado de 1970 y se adhiere a la Organización como parte de sus países miembros; simplemente, porque observaba los resultados de un pacto que fortalecía la unión y la integración entre los pueblos y que planteaba innovaciones políticas que beneficiaban a sus habitantes. Conocido por sus siglas, el CAB se ha proyectado con el sueño de Andrés Bello, unos de los intelectuales más prolíficos del siglo XIX. Él es autor de un clásico de la literatura castellana, la Gramática de la Lengua Castellana al uso de los americanos, publicada por primera vez en Chile en 1847. Sin embargo, la obra de este insigne hombre es tan amplia que aborda la ciencia, la tecnología, la filosofía y la política. Fue, sin lugar a dudas, una persona adelantada a su época, pero que logró dejar en sus escritos suficientes evidencias de su trabajo multitemático, con aportes significativos en todos ellos. Promovió la unidad e integración hispano americana y fue por ello propuesto para que esta organización adoptara su nombre. Un nombre al que ha hecho mérito el CAB desde su creación. En sus primeros ejercicios por la integración, los países miembros buscaron establecer un mecanismo que permitiera que los estudiantes pudieran moverse de un país a otro, sin que resultase en perjuicio de sus estudios; es así como surge la Tabla de Equivalencias del CAB, instrumento de integración singular de la Organización que, además de otros, ha servido para impulsar prospectiva política en los campos de la educación, la ciencia y la cultura.La colección de artículos que se publican en este número son el reflejo de avances y logros en el desarrollo de temas diversos; que desde el CAB pretenden contribuir al debate y reflexión necesarios en torno a los mismos, pues han sido llevados adelante desde distintos escenarios. Se han escogido en torno a tres áreas temáticas, en las cuales se ha hecho presente el CAB: educación, cultura y sociedad digital. Dentro de cada una de esa áreas se presentan: desde La Estrategia de Integración Educativa (ESINED) en los países del CAB: desafíos y oportunidades, eje fundamental del actual acontecer en el CAB para el mejoramiento de la calidad de la educación en la región; el artículo basado en la necesidad de un currículo integrado y articulado que contribuya al desarrollo del talento ante la realidad migratoria de nuestros pueblos, que rescata la Tabla de Equivalencias como una herramienta de uso actual, renovada y adoptada por otros Estados, que, sin ser miembros del CAB, otorgan a este instrumento un valor para la preservación del derecho a la educación de los niños; el artículo sobre "Progresión de aprendizajes y tipos de evaluación", que propone una forma de mejorar en el aula. De gran relevancia para los momentos que vivimos, el artículo "Sensibilidades y ciudadanías interculturales. Retos para la educación." Testimonios del quehacer del CAB en estos 50 años, son los artículos "Proyectos educomunicacionales que inspiran, entretienen y educan. "multimediando" hacia una cultura de paz" y "Los concursos como herramienta para visibilizar buenas prácticas de integración educativa ante la movilidad humana", temáticas que han sido objeto de líneas de acción en los programas de educación y cultura a lo largo de su trayectoria.En adición, se presentan los temas de la investigación científica que se desarrollan desde las universidades y que permiten el intercambio de saberes para mejorar los problemas educativos o sociales; es un acercamiento con el artículo "La Formación de pensamiento matemático en niños y niñas durante los primeros años de la escuela: opiniones de maestros que les enseñan en Panamá" y lo que aspiran estos sistemas universitarios con el artículo "Un modelo de acreditación que asegure la mejora de la calidad de un programa de estudios. Experiencia en el nivel universitario."En el campo de la cultura, "Narramos el Centro Histórico de Quito: las historias familiares preservan la memoria" y "Los productos culturales en los países del Convenio Andrés Bello en el escenario global", nos permiten valorar los complejos caminos de la cultura, para ser visibilizados ante el mundo, como un pivote para crear las Cuentas Satélite de Cultura (CSC), metodología generada por el CAB y que ha sido adoptada e implementada en la actualidad por países miembros y no miembros. Y en el campo de la sociedad digital, como respuesta a uno de los componentes de la ESINED, el artículo "Síntesis del Estudio de Tendencias Innovadoras en Recursos Educativos Digitales a Nivel Mundial", realizado por el IPANC-CAB-2018, y "Una propuesta para potenciar el aprendizaje STEM basado en Robótica BEAM", como parte de esos recursos digitales que requerimos saber usar, más que nunca, en estos momentos. La relación de artículos presenta las distintas facetas del trabajo del CAB en sus cincuenta años y las formas que en el presente han tomado esas acciones, sus implicaciones y el futuro que les depara a todas.Finalmente, nuestra gratitud para la Universidad de Granada, Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación y del Deporte de Melilla, por esta invitación que celebra las bodas de oro del CAB y a los autores de los artículos que han brindado sus conocimientos y experiencias, donde se plasma la sintonía con la misión de nuestra Organización y los retos, desafíos y prospectivas de la educación, la cultura, la ciencia y la tecnología. ; The journal Publicaciones, put out by the Department of Education and Sports Sciences at the University of Granada's Melilla Campus, is an open-access scientific journal that is offered as a means of transmitting research and relevant work in the field of Education. Thus, an invitation was extended to produce a special issue to commemorate the 50th anniversary of an organisation that has promoted the educational, scientific, technological and cultural integration of Spain and the Latin American countries, including those in the Caribbean.This tribute is offered to the Andrés Bello Agreement Organisation for its constant and tireless work towards the development of a global citizenship integrating diverse cultures, their elements, and the roots of their members. Consequently, it is important to recognise the visionary spirit of its organisers, back in 1970, when Spain was already part of it. In 1990 the 1970 Accord was superseded, and Spain joined the Organisation as one of its member countries, simply because it observed the results of an alliance that strengthened the union of and integration between countries and proposed political innovations benefitting their inhabitants. Known by its Spanish acronym, the CAB was conceived to realise the dream of Andrés Bello, one of the most prolific intellectuals of the 19th century. He was the author of a classic of Spanish literature, the Grammar of the Spanish Language, first published in Chile in 1847. However, the body of work produced by this distinguished man was so extensive that it encompassed science, technology, philosophy and politics. He was, without a doubt, ahead of his time, but he managed to leave in his writings ample evidence of his multi-thematic interests, with significant contributions to all of them. He promoted Latin American unity and integration, hence the organisation's adoption of his name, one which the CAB has merited and honoured ever since its creation. In their first integration exercises, the member countries sought to establish a mechanism that would allow students to move from one country to another without this adversely affecting their studies. This is how the CAB's Table of Equivalences came about, a unique integration instrument that, in addition to others, has served to promote prospective policies in the fields of Education, Science and Culture.The set of articles published in this issue is a reflection of progress and achievements in a range of areas in which the CAB seeks to contribute to the necessary debates and reflections in a number of different settings. They were chosen with a view to three thematic areas, in which the CAB has made its presence felt: Education, Culture and the Digital Society. Each of these areas are addressed in the latest publication. With reference to the Educational Integration Strategy (ESINED) in the CAB countries, one examines the challenges and opportunities related thereto, as the fundamental axis of current activity by the CAB to improve the quality of education in the region. The article is based on the need for an integrated and coordinated curriculum that contributes to the development of talent in the face of the migratory reality of our peoples, one that recovers the Table of Equivalences as a tool for current use, renewed and adopted by other States, which, without being members of the CAB, grant this instrument value for the preservation of children's right to education. The article on "Learning progression and types of assessment", meanwhile, proposes a way to improve in the classroom. And, of great relevance to the times we are currently living in is the article "Intercultural sensibilities and citizenship. Challenges for education". Testimonials of the CAB's work over these 50 years are provided in the articles "Educommunicational projects that inspire, entertain and educate: using multiple media towards a culture of peace", and "Contests as a tool for showcasing good educational integration practices in the face of human mobility", topics that have constituted lines of action in education and culture programmes over the course of the organisation's history.Also featured are scientific research topics tackled by universities and that facilitate exchanges of knowledge to resolve educational and social problems, as in the article "The training of mathematical thinking in children during their first years of school: the opinions of educators who teach them in Panama". What these university systems aspire to is discussed in the article "An accreditation model that assures improvement in the quality of study programmes. Experience at the university level."In the field of Culture, there is "Narrating the Historical Centre of Quito: family stories preserve memories", and "Cultural products in the countries of the Andrés Bello Agreement on the global stage", which allow us to appreciate the complex paths of culture, to be made visible to the world, as grounds for creating the Culture Satellite Account (CSA), a methodology generated by the CAB and that has been adopted and implemented today by both member and non-member countries. In the realm of the Digital Society, as a response to one of the components of the ESINED, there is the article "Synthesis of a study of innovative trends in Digital Educational Resources at a Global Level", carried out by the IPANC-CAB-2018; and "A proposal to promote STEM learning based on BEAM Robotics", as part of those digital resources that we need to know how to use, more than ever, at this time in history. The list of articles illustrates the different facets of the CAB's work in its 50 years and how those actions have shaped the present, their implications, and the future that awaits them all.Finally, we would like to express our gratitude to the University of Granada's Department of Education and Sport Sciences in Melilla for this invitation celebrating the CAB's golden anniversary, and to the authors of the articles, who have shared their knowledge and experience, thereby revealing their support for the mission of our organization and the challenges and prospects facing Education, Culture, Science and Technology.
A discussão em torno de políticas públicas ambientais direcionadas à sustentabilidade da agricultura familiar tem significativa importância no cenário nacional, em vista da contribuição que os pequenos e médios empreendimentos rurais têm dado à preservação do meio ambiente e à criação de empregos e renda. Nesse sentido, a presente pesquisa tece uma analisa das políticas públicas voltadas ao desenvolvimento sustentável da agricultura familiar no município de Parauapebas, localizado no sudeste do Pará. Para a realização deste estudo, primeiramente foi realizado levantamento bibliográfico e documental sobre a temática, seguido da coleta de dados através de documentos institucionais e governamentais disponibilizados pela Secretaria Municipal de Meio Ambiente (SEMMA) e pela Secretaria de Produção Rural (SEMPROR) e, por fim, foi elaborada uma estrutura das políticas públicas distribuídas por esfera governamental. Na expectativa de ocupação e desenvolvimento da Amazônia, foram implantadas políticas públicas que contribuíram para o nascimento de pequenos e médios empreendimentos familiares rurais, que apresentam participação significativa na economia brasileira e necessitam de apoio técnico e financeiro para que desenvolvam suas atividades produtivas alinhadas às práticas de sustentabilidade sob o ponto de vista econômico, social e ambiental. Nesse contexto, dentre as dificuldades apresentadas para o desenvolvimento da agricultura familiar estão: escassez de infraestrutura, dificuldades de acesso à informação e ao aperfeiçoamento técnico, onerosidade do processo de regularização fundiária e ambiental para a comercialização dos produtos. Na pesquisa foi possível identificar a execução de políticas públicas em benefício da sustentabilidade para agricultura familiar pela Prefeitura de Parauapebas com objetivo de fomentar produções rentáveis e sustentáveis.
Referências BARBIERI, J. C. Desenvolvimento e meio ambiente: as estratégias de mudanças da agenda 21. 12. ed. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2011. BRASIL. Constituição (1988). Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil. Brasília, DF: Senado,1988.Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/constituicao.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. BRASIL. Decreto nº 1.946, de 28 de junho de 1996. Cria o Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar - PRONAF, e dá outras providências. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto/d1946.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. BRASIL. Decreto nº 9.064, de 31 de março de 2017. Dispõe sobre a Unidade Familiar de Produção Agrária, institui o Cadastro Nacional da Agricultura Familiar e regulamenta a Lei nº 11.326, de 24 de julho de 2006,que estabelece as diretrizes para a formulação da Política Nacional da Agricultura Familiar e empreendimentos familiares rurais. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2015-2018/2017/decreto/d9064.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. BRASIL. Decreto-Lei nº 1.166, de 15 de abril de 1971. Dispõe sobre enquadramento e contribuição sindical rural. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto-lei/1965-1988/del1166.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. BRASIL. Lei nº 4.504, de 30 de novembro de 1964. Dispõe sobre o Estatuto da Terra, e dá outras providências. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l4504.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. BRASIL. Lei nº 8.212, de 24 de julho de 1991. Dispõe sobre a organização da Seguridade Social, institui Plano de Custeio, e dá outras providências. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l8212cons.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. BRASIL. Lei nº 8.213, de 24 de julho de 1991. Dispõe sobre os Planos de Benefícios da Previdência Social e dá outras providências. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l8213cons.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. BRASIL. Lei nº 9.393, de 19 de dezembro de 1991. Dispõe sobre o Imposto sobre a Propriedade Territorial Rural - ITR, sobre pagamento da dívida representada por Títulos da Dívida Agrária e dá outras providências. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l9393.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. BRASIL. Lei nº 8.171, de 17 de janeiro de 1991. Dispõe sobre a política agrícola. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l8171.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. BRITO, M. S. Políticas públicas para a agricultura familiar: análise do PRONAF nas comunidades rurais de balsas – Maranhão. Dissertação de Mestrado Profissional do Programa de Pós-Graduação, do Mestrado Profissional em Gestão de Políticas Públicas, da Universidade Federal do Tocantins, Palmas, 2020. BORGES, F. Q. BORGES, F. Q. Royalties minerais e a promoção do desenvolvimento socioeconômico: Uma análise do projeto Carajás nos municípios de Parauapebas no Pará. Planejamento e políticas públicas, n. 36, jan./jun. 2011. _______. Lei nº 8.629, de 25 de fevereiro de 1993. Dispõe sobre a regulamentação dos dispositivos constitucionais relativos à reforma agrária, previstos no Capítulo III, Título VII, da Constituição Federal. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l8629.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. _______. Lei nº 11.326, de 24 de julho de 2006. Estabelece as diretrizes para a formulação da Política Nacional da Agricultura Familiar e Empreendimentos Familiares Rurais. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2004-2006/2006/lei/l11326.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. _______. Lei nº 9.782, de 26 de janeiro de 1999. Define o Sistema Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária, cria a Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária, e dá outras providências. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l9782.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. _______. Lei nº 12.188, de 11 de janeiro de 2010. Institui a Política Nacional de Assistência Técnica e Extensão Rural para a Agricultura Familiar e Reforma Agrária - PNATER e o Programa Nacional de Assistência Técnica e Extensão Rural na Agricultura Familiar e na Reforma Agrária - PRONATER, altera a Lei no 8.666, de 21 de junho de 1993, e dá outras providências. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2007-2010/2010/lei/l12188.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. _______. Lei nº 11.947, de 16 de junho de 2009. Dispõe sobre o atendimento da alimentação escolar e do Programa Dinheiro Direto na Escola aos alunos da educação básica. Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2007-2010/2009/lei/l11947.htm. Acesso em: 22 out. 2021. CASADO, Deise Donatoni. Análise da definição da agenda do Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF) no governo FHC. 2014. 152 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Ciências Sociais) – Programa de pós graduação em Ciências Sociais, Universidade Federal de São Paulo, 2014. GUILHOTO, J. et al. A importância do agronegócio familiar no Brasil. RER, Rio de Janeiro, v. 44, n. 03, p. 355-382, jul-set 2006. HURTIENNE, T. P. Agricultura familiar e desenvolvimento rural sustentável na Amazônia. Novos Cadernos NAEA, v. 8, n. 1, p. 09-071, 2005. IBGE, INSTITUTO BRASILEIRO DE GEOGRAFIA E ESTATÍSTICA. Censo Agropecuário 2017 - Resultados definitivos. Rio de Janeiro: IBGE, 2017. NUNES, S.P. Instrumentos de Política Agrícola para a agricultura e agricultura familiar no Brasil. DESER - Boletim Eletrônico, Conjuntura Agrícola. Departamento de estudos socioeconômicos rurais, ed. 159, jun, 2007. OLIVEIRA, A.L. A. de; OLIVEIRA, L. P. de A. de. Agricultura familiar, desenvolvimento rural e as políticas públicas de preservação da natureza: reflexões sobre o Código Florestal Brasileiro (Lei 12.651/2012). Revista Agricultura Familiar, Belém, AP, v. 12, n. 02, p. 26-43, jul-dez. 2018. PARAUAPEBAS, Lei Orgânica do Município de Parauapebas de 1990. Disponível em:https://leismunicipais.com.br/lei-organica-parauapebas-pa. Acesso em: 15 set. 2021. PARAUAPEBAS, Lei n° 4.253 de 17 de Dezembro de 2002. Dispõe sobre a Política Municipal de Meio Ambiente, Sistema, Conselho, Fundo, Controle Ambiental e dá outras providências. Disponível em https://leismunicipais.com.br/a/pa/p/parauapebas/lei-ordinaria/2002/425/4253/lei-ordinaria-n-4253-2002-dispoe-sobre-a-politica-municipal-de-meio-ambiente-sistema-conselho-fundo-controle-e-licenciamento-ambiental-e-da-outras-providencias. Acesso em: 18 out. 2021. PARAUAPEBAS, Lei n° 4.285 de 08 de Junho de 2005. Altera a Lei n. 4.213 de 29 de Junho de 2001, que dispõe sobre a estrutura organizacional da administração direta e indireta do município de Parauapebas, e cria a Secretaria Municipal da Mulher, a Secretaria Municipal do Meio Ambiente e dá outras providências. Disponível em: https://leismunicipais.com.br/a/pa/p/parauapebas/lei-ordinaria/2005/428/4285/lei-ordinaria-n-4285-2005-altera-a-lei-n-4213-de-2-9-de-junho-de-2001-que-dispoe-sobre-a-estrutura-organizacional-da-administracao-direta-e-indireta-do-municipio-de-parauapebas-e-cria-a-secretaria-municipal-da-mulher-a-secretaria-municipal-do-meio-ambiente-e-da-outras-providencias. Acesso em: 10 out. 2021. PARAUAPEBAS, Lei n° 4.723 de 08 de Dezembro de 2017. Altera dispositivo da Lei nº 4.253 de 17 de dezembro de 2002, que dispõe sobre a Política Municipal de Meio Ambiente, Sistema, Conselho, Fundo, Controle e Licenciamento Ambiental e dá outras providências. Disponível em: https://leismunicipais.com.br/a/pa/p/parauapebas/lei-ordinaria/2017/472/4723/lei-ordinaria-n-4723-2017-altera-dispositivos-da-lei-n-4253-de-17-de-dezembro-de-2002-que-dispoe-sobre-a-politica-municipal-de-meio-ambiente-sistema-conselho-fundo-controle-e-licenciamento-ambiental-e-da-outras-providencias. Acesso em: 18 out. 2021. PARAUAPEBAS, Lei n° 4.730 de 21 de Dezembro de 2017. Institui e disciplina as taxas ambientais pelo exercício regular de poder de polícia, revoga a lei municipal n. 4.252 de 17 dezembro de 2002, altera os anexos II e IV da Lei municipal nº 4.253 de 17 de dezembro de 2002 e dá outras providências. Disponível em: https://leismunicipais.com.br/a/pa/p/parauapebas/lei-ordinaria/2017/473/4730/lei-ordinaria-n-4730-2017-institui-e-disciplina-as-taxas-ambientais-pelo-exercicio-regular-de-poder-de-policia-revoga-a-lei-municipal-n-4252-de-17-de-dezembro-de-2002-altera-os-anexos-ii-e-v-da-lei-municipal-n-4253-de-17-de-dezembro-de-2002-e-da-outras-providencias. Acesso em: 18 out. 2021. PARAUAPEBAS, Lei n° 4.925 de 22 de Dezembro de 2020. Dispõe sobre a proibição de queimadas no âmbito do município de Parauapebas, altera a lei nº 4.730 de 21 dezembro de 2017, e dá outras providências. Disponível em: https://leismunicipais.com.br/a/pa/p/parauapebas/lei-ordinaria/2020/493/4925/lei-ordinaria-n-4925-2020-dispoe-sobre-a-proibicao-de-queimadas-no-ambito-do-municipio-de-parauapebas-altera-a-lei-4730-de-21-de-dezembro-de-2017-e-da-outras-providencias. Acesso em: 18 out. 2021. PARAUAPEBAS, Lei Complementar n° 24 de 05 de Janeiro de 2021. Institui o Plano Diretor do município de Parauapebas e revoga a lei municipal nº 4.328 de 30 dezembro de 2006. Disponível em: https://leismunicipais.com.br/a1/plano-diretor-parauapebas-pa. Acesso em: 20 set. 2021. PEREIRA, J.M. O processo de ocupação e de desenvolvimento da Amazônia. Repositório Institucional da Universidade de Brasília, v. 34, n. 134, p. 75-86, abr-jun, 1997. PECCATIELLO, A. F. O. Políticas públicas ambientais no Brasil: da administração dos recursos naturais (1930) à criação do Sistema Nacional de Unidades de Conservação (2000). Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente, n. 24, p. 71-82, jul-dez. 2011. ROCHA, G. S. de. PINHEIRO, A. V. dos R. COSTA, C. E. A. de S. Gestão dos Recursos Hídricos no Município de Parauapebas (PA): Avaliação dos Usos, Alteração dos Cenários e Possíveis Impactos. Research, Society and Development, v. 9, n. 4, e194943042, 2020. SANTOS, A.M. MITJA, D. Agricultura familiar e desenvolvimento local: os desafios para a sustentabilidade econômico-ecológica na comunidade de Palmares II, Parauapebas, PA. INTERAÇÕES - Revista Internacional de Desenvolvimento Local, Campo Grande, v. 13, jun, 2012. Disponível em: https://www.scielo.br/j/inter/a/ZR3nDZyGHJRyztng3NVdX4m/abstract/?lang=pt. Acesso em: 20 out 2021. SCHMITZ, H.; MOTA, D. M. Agricultura Familiar: elementos teóricos e empíricos. Revista Agrotrópica. Itabuna, v. 19, p. 21-30, 2007. SILVA, Jean Marcos da, et al. "Políticas Públicas de Garantia de Preços Mínimos para Produtos da Sociobiodiversidade (Pgpmbio): Composição do Custo de Extração de Castanha da Amazônia em Rondônia e Acre." Revista de Administração da UFSM 15.1 (2022): 62-82. SOUSA, A.C.A. de. A evolução da política ambiental no Brasil do século XX. Revista de Ciência Política, n. 26, 2005. Disponível em: <http://www.achegas.net/numero/vinteeseis/ana_sousa_26.htm>. Acesso em: 10 out 2021. VEIGA, J. E. Agricultura familiar e sustentabilidade. Cadernos de Ciência & Tecnologia, Brasília, v.13, n.3, p.383-404, 1996.
España es líder Europea en la producción piscícola de rodaballo (Scophthalmus maximus) y, concretamente en Galicia supone una importante actividad económica y social, representando más del 60% de la producción de la Unión Europea. Debido a que uno de los mayores problemas en la acuicultura es el impacto negativo que tienen las enfermedades, en los últimos años se ha realizado un considerable esfuerzo en estudiar el sistema inmune de los peces cultivados, para poder desarrollar herramientas de lucha y prevención frente a estas. Incluso cuando enfermedades víricas, (como la causada por el virus de la septicemia hemorrágica viral (VHSV) (Tafalla et al., 1998)), bacterianas (como la causada por bacterias como Aeromonas sp (Toranzo et al., 1993)) o parasitarias (como la causada por Philasterides dicentrarchi (Iglesias et al., 2001)) han sido investigadas y se sabe que afectan a estos cultivos, poco se conoce sobre los mecanismos de defensa de estos animales contra los patógenos. Aunque se han llevado a cabo considerables esfuerzos para desarrollar vacunas convencionales o subunidades para muchos de estos patógenos de peces, su éxito ha sido muy limitado. Es conveniente que se introduzcan nuevos enfoques en la investigación concerniente a las vacunas, que proporcionen seguridad y eficacia frente a las enfermedades más importantes de los peces comerciales. Se conoce que en los peces el peso de la respuesta inmune no específica o innata es mayor que el que parece tener en mamíferos y por lo tanto, se confía más en su respuesta inmune innata que en la adaptativa para combatir las infecciones. Recientemente se ha descrito en vertebrados la existencia de mecanismos inmunes independientes de células B/T o "trained immunity" (TI), que previamente ya habían sido descritos en plantas e invertebrados. Sin embargo, la TI y su contribución a la protección frente agentes infecciosos en peces aún no ha sido explorada, aunque existen muchas evidencias que sugieren que es así. En este proyecto emplearemos dos especies de peces; el rodaballo (Scophthalmus maximus) y el pez cebra (Danio rerio), que emplearemos como herramienta de laboratorio para poder profundizar en el estudio de procesos básicos en los que sea difícil trabajar con especies comerciales. El pez cebra se ha empleado como modelo, tanto para el estudio de la respuesta inmune frente a enfermedades de los peces cultivados (Novoa et al., 2006; Rodríguez et al., 2008; Encinas et al., 2010; Novoa y Figueras, 2012), como para el estudio de procesos inflamatorios de gran interés para la salud humana, como el choque séptico y la tolerancia al lipopolisacárido bacteriano (LPS) (Novoa et al., 2009). Además, nos ha servido para estudiar la ontogenia del sistema inmune en peces (Dios et al., 2010; Varela et al., 2012 ). En este proyecto pretendemos profundizar en la modulación de la respuesta inflamatoria o innata frente a patógenos virales como el virus de la septicemia hemorrágica viral (VHSV), asociado con mortalidades de rodaballo o el SVCV, que se emplea como patógeno del pez cebra (Varela et al, 2014). - Dios S, Romero A, Chamorro R, Figueras A, Novoa B. 2010. Fish Shellfish Immunol, 29(6):1019-27. - Encinas P, Rodriguez-Milla MA, Novoa B, Estepa A, Figueras A, Coll J. 2010. BMC Genomics, 27;11:518. - Iglesias R, Paramá A, Alvarez MF, Leiro J, Fernández J, Sanmartín ML. 2001. Dis Aquat Organ, 22;46:47-55. - Novoa B, Romero A, Mulero V, Rodríguez I, Fernández I, Figueras A. 2006. Vaccine, 24 (31-32):5806-16. - Novoa B, Bowman TV, Zon L, Figueras A. 2009. Fish Shellfish Immunol, 26(2):326-31 - Novoa B. and Figueras A. 2012. Adv Exp Med Biol, 946:253-75 - Rodríguez I, Novoa B, Figueras A. 2008. Fish Shellfish Immunol; 25(3):239-49. - Tafalla, A. Figueras & Novoa, B. 1998. Veterinary Immunology and Immunopathology, 62: 359-366. - Varela M, Dios S, Novoa B, Figueras A. 2012. Dev Comp Immunol, 37:97-106. - Varela M, Dios S, Novoa B, Figueras A. 2014. J.Virol, 88(20):12026-12040. ; España é líder Europea na produción piscícola de rodaballo (Scophthalmus maximus) e, concretamente en Galicia supón unha importante actividade económica e social, representando máis do 60% da produción da Unión Europea. Debido a que un dos maiores problemas na acuicultura é o impacto negativo que teñen as enfermidades, nos últimos anos realizouse un considerable esforzo en estudar o sistema inmune dos peixes cultivados, para poder desenvolver ferramentas de loita e prevención fronte a estas. Mesmo cando enfermidades víricas, (como a causada polo virus da septicemia hemorrágica viral (VHSV) (Tafalla et al., 1998)), bacterianas (como a causada por bacterias como Aeromonas sp (Toranzo et al., 1993)) ou parasitarias (como a causada por Philasterides dicentrarchi (Iglesias et al., 2001)) foron investigadas e sábese que afectan a estes cultivos, pouco coñécese sobre os mecanismos de defensa destes animais contra os patógenos. Aínda que se levaron a cabo considerables esforzos para desenvolver vacinas convencionais ou subunidades para moitos destes patógenos de peixes, o seu éxito foi moi limitado. É conveniente que se introduzan novos enfoques na investigación concernente ás vacinas, que proporcionen seguridade e eficacia fronte ás enfermidades máis importantes dos peixes comerciais. Coñécese que nos peixes o peso da resposta inmune non específica ou innata é maior que o que parece ter en mamíferos e por tanto, se confia máis na súa resposta inmune innata que na adaptativa para combater as infeccións. Recentemente describiuse en vertebrados a existencia de mecanismos inmunes independentes de células B/T ou "trained immunity" (TI), que previamente xa foran descritos en plantas e invertebrados. Con todo, a TI e a súa contribución á protección fronte axentes infecciosos en peces aínda non foi explorada, aínda que existen moitas evidencias que suxiren que é así. Neste proxecto empregaremos dúas especies de peces; o rodaballo (Scophthalmus maximus) e o peixe cebra (Danio rerio), que empregaremos como ferramenta de laboratorio para poder profundar no estudo de procesos básicos nos que sexa difícil traballar con especies comerciais. O peixe cebra empregouse como modelo, tanto para o estudo da resposta inmune fronte a enfermidades dos peixes cultivados (Novoa et al., 2006; Rodríguez et al., 2008;Encinas et al., 2010; Novoa e Figueras, 2012), como para o estudo de procesos inflamatorios de gran interese para a saúde humana, como o choque séptico e a tolerancia ao lipopolisacárido bacteriano (LPS) (Novoa et al., 2009). Ademais, serviunos para estudar a ontogenia do sistema inmune en peces (Dios et al., 2010; Varela et ao., 2012 ). Neste proxecto pretendemos profundar na modulación da resposta inflamatoria ou innata fronte a patógenos virales como o virus da septicemia hemorrágica viral (VHSV), asociado con mortalidades de rodaballo ou o SVCV, que se emprega como patógeno do peixe cebra (Varela et al, 2014). - Dios S, Romero A, Chamorro R, Figueras A, Novoa B. 2010. Fish Shellfish Immunol, 29(6):1019-27. - Encinas P, Rodriguez-Milla MA, Novoa B, Estepa A, Figueras A, Coll J. 2010. BMC Genomics, 27;11:518. - Iglesias R, Paramá A, Alvarez MF, Leiro J, Fernández J, Sanmartín ML. 2001. Dis Aquat Organ, 22;46:47-55. - Novoa B, Romero A, Mulero V, Rodríguez I, Fernández I, Figueras A. 2006. Vaccine, 24 (31-32):5806-16. - Novoa B, Bowman TV, Zon L, Figueras A. 2009. Fish Shellfish Immunol, 26(2):326-31 - Novoa B. and Figueras A. 2012. Adv Exp Med Biol, 946:253-75 - Rodríguez I, Novoa B, Figueras A. 2008. Fish Shellfish Immunol; 25(3):239-49. - Tafalla, A. Figueras & Novoa, B. 1998. Veterinary Immunology and Immunopathology, 62: 359-366. - Varela M, Dios S, Novoa B, Figueras A. 2012. Dev Comp Immunol, 37:97-106. - Varela M, Dios S, Novoa B, Figueras A. 2014. J.Virol, 88(20):12026-12040. ; Spain is the European leader in the production of turbot (Scophthalmus maximus). This is an important economic and social activity in Galicia. The turbot production represents more than 60% of the production of the European Union. One of the major problems in aquaculture is the negative impact of disease. For this reason, considerable efforts have been made in recent years to study the immune system of cultured fish. The target is to develop prevention and control tools for aquaculture. Even when viral diseases (such as that caused by viral hemorrhagic septicemia virus (VHSV) (Tafalla et al., 1998)), or bacterial diseases (such as that caused by bacteria such as Aeromonas sp (Toranzo et al., 1993)), or parasitic diseases (such as that caused by Philasterides dicentrarchi (Iglesias et al., 2001)) have been investigated and are known to affect these crops, little is known about the defense mechanisms of these animals against pathogens. Although considerable efforts have been made to develop conventional vaccines or subunits for many of these fish pathogens, their success has been very limited. DNA vaccines are the only prophylactic means that have shown promising results as an effective strategy to fight viral diseases in fish. New approaches to vaccine research should be introduced to provide safety and efficacy against the major diseases of commercial fish. It is known that in fish the weight of the nonspecific or innate immune response is greater than to have in mammals. Because of this, it relies more on its innate immune response than on the adaptive one to combat infections. Recently there have been described in vertebrates the existence of independent immune mechanisms of B / T cells or "trained immunity" (TI). This was previously described in plants and invertebrates. However, TI and its contribution to protection against infectious agents in fish has not yet been explored. There is much evidence to suggest that this is so. In this project we will use two species of fish. The turbot (Scophthalmus maximus) of great commercial interest and cultivated mainly in Galicia, and the zebrafish (Danio rerio), which we will use as a laboratory tool. Zebrafish be able let us deepen into the study of basic processes in which it is difficult to work with commercial species. Zebrafish has been used as a model for the study of the immune response to diseases of cultured fish (Novoa et al., 2006, Novoa et Figueras, 2012), and for the study of inflammatory processes of great interest for human health (such as septic shock and tolerance to bacterial lipopolysaccharide (LPS) (Novoa et al., 2009)). In addition, it has served to study the ontogeny of the immune system in fish (Dios et al., 2010; Varela et al., 2012). In this project, we intend to deepen in the modulation of the inflammatory or innate response to viral pathogens such as viral haemorrhagic septicemia virus (VHSV), associated with mortality of turbot or SVCV, which is used as a zebrafish pathogen (Varela et al. Al, 2014). - Dios S, Romero A, Chamorro R, Figueras A, Novoa B. 2010. Fish Shellfish Immunol, 29(6):1019-27. - Encinas P, Rodriguez-Milla MA, Novoa B, Estepa A, Figueras A, Coll J. 2010. BMC Genomics, 27;11:518. - Iglesias R, Paramá A, Alvarez MF, Leiro J, Fernández J, Sanmartín ML. 2001. Dis Aquat Organ, 22;46:47-55. - Novoa B, Romero A, Mulero V, Rodríguez I, Fernández I, Figueras A. 2006. Vaccine, 24 (31-32):5806-16. - Novoa B, Bowman TV, Zon L, Figueras A. 2009. Fish Shellfish Immunol, 26(2):326-31 - Novoa B. and Figueras A. 2012. Adv Exp Med Biol, 946:253-75 - Rodríguez I, Novoa B, Figueras A. 2008. Fish Shellfish Immunol; 25(3):239-49. - Tafalla, A. Figueras & Novoa, B. 1998. Veterinary Immunology and Immunopathology, 62: 359-366. - Varela M, Dios S, Novoa B, Figueras A. 2012. Dev Comp Immunol, 37:97-106. - Varela M, Dios S, Novoa B, Figueras A. 2014. J.Virol, 88(20):12026-12040.
"National and international strategies to protect children must empower and build the capacities of women, families and communities to address the root causes of conflict and strengthen local development." –Graça Machel[1]Over this past year we saw events, reflections, and new research on the 20th anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security, and the 25th anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action. Critical dialogue has continued on the roles of men and women in peacekeeping and gaps remain in our collective understanding of how gender influences peacekeeping practice. The Vancouver Principles on Peacekeeping and Preventing the Recruitment and Use of Child Soldiers, now endorsed by over 100 countries, raises particular attention to the intersections of gender and child protection practice and policy. Principle 11, Contributions of Women, aims "to recognize the essential contribution of women to peacekeeping operational effectiveness, and the distinct and critical roles of both men and women in the protection of children and the prevention of the recruitment and use of child soldiers."Thus, for this 5th volume of Allons-y, we called on the international community to consider the interconnections between the Women, Peace and Security and Children, Peace and Security agendas to explore how gender influences the prevention of the recruitment and use of children in violence. The contributors are researchers and practitioners with extensive experience working in the fields of child protection, security sector reform, and feminist scholarship. Together, the contributions in this volume demonstrate the complexities of the humanitarian, development and security nexus, and the importance of understanding the complexities of gender within peace and security.In the opening preface, Clare Hutchinson, the NATO Secretary-General's Special Representative for Women, Peace and Security, reflects on the evolution of formal mechanisms designed to address the gendered impacts of conflict and the importance of enhancing women's meaningful engagement in peace and security. Nidhi Kapur and Hannah Thompson argue that the complexities of gender, beyond a binary perspective, need to be considered in child protection, not least in the context of fragile and conflict environments if peace is to be sustained. Vanessa Brown argues for reforms to military training that prioritize the protection of children affected by conflict and considers an intersectional, gendered analysis as essential to effective military operations. Dustin Johnson analyzes Vancouver Principle 11 – Contribution of Women – in relation to the emerging complexities of a gender transformative approach to child protection.The Vancouver Principles are an important mechanism to prioritize children within peace and security. Recognizing that conflict and conflict prevention are gendered social issues that require a commitment to critical dialogue, reflective practice, and evolving protection frameworks, are essential to a comprehensive approach to protecting children. The contributions in this volume particularly demonstrate the importance of applying theory to practice, and illustrate the value of using critical and feminist approaches in scholarship to tackling the complexities of gender, peacekeeping, and, child recruitment. We hope this 5th volume of Allons-y serves to challenge understandings and practices in order to improve child protection and the prevention of the recruitment and use of children as soldiers.[1] Graça Machel, "Impact of Armed Conflict on Children" (New York: United Nations, 1996), 59, https://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/51/306. ; "Las estrategias nacionales e internacionales de protección infantil deben proporcionar y desarrollar las capacidades de las mujeres, las familias y las comunidades para abordar las raíces de las causas de un conflicto y promover el desarrollo local". –Graça Machel[1][traducido]Durante el último año, fuimos testigos de eventos, reflexiones y nueva investigación en el 20mo aniversario de la Resolución 1325 del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU sobre mujeres, paz y seguridad, así como el 25to aniversario de la Plataforma de Acción de Beijing. A pesar que en el presente existe un debate crítico continuo sobre los roles de hombres y mujeres en labores de mantenimiento de la paz aún, quedan brechas para nuestra comprensión colectiva de cómo el género influye en la práctica del mantenimiento de la paz. Los Principios de Vancouver sobre Mantenimiento de la Paz y Prevención del Reclutamiento y Uso de Niños Soldados, que actualmente cuentan con el apoyo de más de 100 países, consideran de manera específica las intersecciones entre el género y las prácticas y políticas de protección infantil. El Principio 11, Contribuciones de las mujeres, tiene por fin "reconocer la contribución esencial de las mujeres a la eficacia de las operaciones de paz, así como los roles distintos y fundamentales de hombres y mujeres en la protección infantil y en la prevención del reclutamiento y uso de niños soldados".Por lo tanto, para este 5to volumen de Allons-y, invitamos a la comunidad internacional a considerar las interconexiones entre los planes sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad, y Niños, Paz y Seguridad para analizar cómo el género influye en la prevención del reclutamiento y el uso de niños en contextos de violencia. Los colaboradores son investigadores profesionales con vasta experiencia de trabajo en los ámbitos de protección infantil, reformas del sector de seguridad y estudios feministas. En conjunto, las contribuciones en este volumen demuestran las complejidades del nexo humanitario, de desarrollo y seguridad, así como la importancia de comprender las complejidades de género en temas de paz y seguridad.En el prefacio, Clare Hutchinson, la Representante especial del Secretario General de la OTAN para el plan sobre Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad, reflexiona sobre la evolución de los mecanismos formales diseñados para abordar los impactos de género de un conflicto y la importancia de fomentar la participación significativa de las mujeres en labores de paz y seguridad. Nidhi Kapur y Hannah Thompson afirman que, para mantener la paz, es necesario considerar las complejidades del género, más allá de una perspectiva binaria, en la protección infantil, particularmente en el contexto de entornos frágiles y de conflicto. Vanessa Brown señala que las reformas en la capacitación militar que priorizan la protección de niños afectados por un conflicto deben considerar un análisis interseccional y de género para que las operaciones militares sean eficaces. Dustin Johnson analiza el Principio de Vancouver 11: Contribución de las mujeres en relación con las complejidades emergentes de un enfoque transformador del género para la protección infantil.Los Principios de Vancouver constituyen un mecanismo importante para hacer de los niños una prioridad en los temas de paz y seguridad. Reconocer que el conflicto y la prevención del mismo son problemas sociales basados en el género que requieren un compromiso de diálogo crítico, práctica reflexiva y marcos de protección en constante cambio, es crucial para adoptar un enfoque integral de protección infantil. En términos específicos, las contribuciones en este volumen demuestran la importancia de aplicar la teoría a la práctica e ilustrar el valor de aplicar enfoques críticos y feministas en el ámbito académico para abordar las complejidades de género, mantenimiento de la paz y reclutamiento infantil. Esperamos que este 5to volumen de Allons-y sirva para cuestionar las concepciones y las prácticas con el fin de optimizar las iniciativas de protección infantil y prevención del reclutamiento y uso de niños soldados.[1] Graça Machel, "Impact of Armed Conflict on Children" (New York: United Nations, 1996), 59, https://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/51/306. ; « Les stratégies nationales et internationales de protection des enfants doivent tendre à permettre aux femmes, aux familles et aux communautés de mieux s'adapter aux causes profondes des conflits et de promouvoir le développement local. » – Graça Machel[1]Au cours de l'année écoulée, nous avons assisté à des événements, à des réflexions et à de nouvelles recherches à l'occasion du vingtième anniversaire de la Résolution 1325 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies sur les femmes, la paix et la sécurité, et du vingt-cinquième anniversaire du Programme d'action de Beijing. Le dialogue critique s'est poursuivi sur les rôles des hommes et des femmes dans le maintien de la paix, et des lacunes subsistent dans notre compréhension collective de la manière dont la dimension sexospécifique influence la pratique du maintien de la paix. Les Principes de Vancouver sur le maintien de la paix et la prévention du recrutement et de l'utilisation d'enfants-soldats, auxquels ont désormais souscrit plus de 100 pays, accordent une attention particulière aux recoupements entre les pratiques et les politiques en matière de sexospécificité et de protection des enfants. Le Principes 11, intitulé Contribution des femmes, consiste à « reconnaître la contribution essentielle des femmes à l'efficacité opérationnelle des opérations de maintien de la paix, ainsi que les rôles distincts et cruciaux que jouent les hommes et les femmes dans la protection de l'enfance et la prévention du recrutement et de l'utilisation d'enfants soldats ».Ainsi, pour ce cinquièmevolume d'Allons-y, nous avons appelé la communauté internationale à considérer les interconnexions entre le programme « Femmes, paix et sécurité » et le programme sur les enfants, la paix et la sécurité afin d'étudier l'influence de la dimension sexospécifique sur la prévention du recrutement et de l'utilisation des enfants dans la violence. Les collaborateurs sont des chercheurs et des praticiens possédant une vaste expérience dans les domaines de la protection de l'enfance, de la réforme du secteur de la sécurité et des études féministes. Ensemble, les articles de ce volume établissent la complexité des interfaces entre l'action humanitaire, le développement et la sécurité, et l'importance de comprendre les subtilités de la dimension sexospécifique dans la paix et la sécurité.Dans la préface, Clare Hutchinson, représentante spéciale du Secrétaire général de l'OTAN pour les femmes, la paix et la sécurité, réfléchit à l'évolution des mécanismes officiels conçus pour traiter les impacts sexués des conflits et à l'importance de renforcer l'engagement significatif des femmes dans la paix et la sécurité. Puis, Nidhi Kapur et Hannah Thompson soutiennent que les questions complexes de la dimension sexospécifique, au-delà d'une perspective binaire, doivent être prises en compte dans la protection de l'enfant, notamment dans le contexte d'environnements fragiles et conflictuels, si l'on veut que la paix soit durable. Vanessa Brown plaide ensuite en faveur de réformes de la formation militaire qui donnent la priorité à la protection des enfants touchés par les conflits et considère qu'une analyse intersectionnelle et sexuée est essentielle pour des opérations militaires efficaces. Finalement, Dustin Johnson analyse le Principe 11 de Vancouver, intitulé Contribution des femmes, en relation avec les questions complexes qui se dégagent d'une approche transformative de la dimension sexospécifique à l'égard de la protection de l'enfance.Les Principes de Vancouver constituent un mécanisme important pour donner la priorité aux enfants dans le cadre de la paix et de la sécurité. Reconnaître que les conflits et la prévention des conflits sont des questions sociales sexospécifiques qui nécessitent un engagement en faveur d'un dialogue critique, d'une pratique réfléchie et de cadres de protection évolutifs est essentiel à une approche globale de la protection des enfants. Les articles de ce volume attestent particulièrement de l'importance d'appliquer la théorie à la pratique, et illustrent la valeur de l'utilisation d'approches critiques et féministes dans la recherche pour aborder les questions complexes de la dimension sexospécifique, du maintien de la paix et du recrutement d'enfants. Nous espérons donc que ce cinquièmevolume d'Allons-y servira à remettre en question les conceptions et les pratiques afin d'améliorer la protection des enfants, et la prévention du recrutement et de l'utilisation d'enfants comme soldats.[1] Graça Machel, "Impact of Armed Conflict on Children" (New York: United Nations, 1996), 59, https://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/51/306.
