The main impetus for this report (and for the reports prepared for the other six growth poles) is a request received from the Ministry of Regional Development and Public Administration. The request came within the context of on-going preparations for the 2014-2020 programming period, with energy efficiency being one the major themes of the Europe 2020 strategy, and a critical priority for all EU member countries. Within Romania, local authorities that will want to access energy efficiency funds under the 2014-2020 Regional Operational Program will need to first prepare energy efficiency strategies. The TRACE tool is specifically targeted at local authorities, and is a good instrument for drafting such strategies after the 1989 Revolution; Romania began its transition from a centralized system to a market-run economy. Today the country is a member of the European Union (EU) and NATO. After more than a decade of economic restructuring and political change, the country has taken significant steps to catch up with the economic performance of more developed EU countries. Although radical reforms brought about significant changes, the standard of living of Romanians is still behind the EU average. Cluj-Napoca (Cluj) is one of cities where such disparities are less pronounced, as the region is more developed and prosperous than most regions in the country. Cluj has developed quite well in the past few years, and it has become one of the most flourishing cities in the country, having a good growing potential. At present, the city is an important economic center, home to several local brands that have become famous nationwide as well as in Europe. Moreover, Cluj is known today as the 'capital' of the IT sector in the country, due to an aggressive expansion of this field in recent years.
This study on Bangladesh was undertaken to analyze the gender dimensions of climate change and the role of institutions in reducing gender gaps. The study was carried out in 20 sites covering 600 households, from March 2010 to May 2011, using both qualitative and quantitative instruments. This note is organized into five sections. The next section gives an overview of climate change and the gender and institutional context in Bangladesh. The third section presents the key study findings and is divided into three subsections: site- and household-specific vulnerabilities; analysis of gender dimensions of climate change using the household data and four propositions; and description of institutional challenges and gaps in supporting the resilience of women and men. Section four provides examples of adaptation programs in Bangladesh, and section five provides recommendations for enhancing gender-responsive adaptive capacity in Bangladesh.
Lærere er svært viktige for barns oppdragelse og sosialisering inn i samfunnet. De underviser og bedømmer våre fremtidige samfunnsborgere, og lærernes kompetanse, evner og ferdigheter har en klar effekt på barns skoleprestasjoner. Det har også vist seg at andre aspekter ved læreres undervisning, slik som læreres adferd, oppførsel og tro på egne ferdigheter har stor betydning for elevenes resultater. Nyutdannede lærere er ikke nødvendigvis sosialisert eller innordnet i skolens og profesjonens tradisjoner og vaner, men må likevel opprettholde profesjonelle standarder for lærerarbeid. Å rette oppmerksomheten mot nyutdannede lærere gir derfor en mulighet til å peke på hva som er spesielt for lærerprofesjonen. Gjennom mange år har lærere og lærerutdanning blitt viet mye oppmerksomhet, og lærerutdanning har blitt reformert og endret i mange land i den hensikt å bedre lærernes prestasjoner. At norske elever har prestert under gjennomsnittet og dårligere enn forventet på internasjonale sammenligninger, har gjort at oppmerksomheten mot lærernes kvalitet og kompetanse har blitt enda større. For lærerne sin del blir overgangen fra studier til arbeidsliv ofte gjenstand for kritikk. Forskning har vist at nyutdannede lærere er lite tilpasningsdyktige og regelstyrte i sin undervisning. Overgangen beskrives som vanskelig, til og med som et sjokk. Forskningsspørsmålet i denne avhandlingen er: Hva kjennetegner nyutdannede læreres tanker, handlinger, mestring og deres kunnskapsforståelse? Avhandlingen består av et innledende essay og fire artikler. Det teoretiske rammeverket i prosjektet er hentet fra profesjonssosiologiske teorier og det man med en samlebetegnelse kan kalle læringsteori. De profesjonssosiologiske tilnærmingene gir mulighet for sammenligninger på tvers av profesjoner. Felles for de profesjonssosiologiske tilnærmingene er at de ser profesjoner som kunnskapsbaserte yrker som utøver spesifikke oppgaver i det moderne samfunn. På bakgrunn av sine kunnskaper og vilje til å arbeide til fellesskapets beste er profesjonene gitt en stor grad av autonomi i sitt arbeid. Dette gjelder både den individuelle profesjonsutøver og profesjonen som helhet. Spørsmålet om hvordan profesjonsutøverne blir tilstrekkelig kvalifiserte for sitt arbeid er lite diskutert i profesjonssosiologien. Dette er derimot et kjernespørsmål i teorier om læring. Mange har diskutert forholdet mellom teori og praksis, overføring og rekontekstualisering av kunnskap, og forholdet mellom lærerutdanning og klasseromarbeidet. Mange av de læringsteoretiske tilnærmingene og den tidligere forskningen på lærere har mangler: metodologisk har de sjelden et design som gjør det mulig å kunne diskutere spørsmål omkring validitet og generaliserbarhet; de er sjelden longitudinelle og kan derfor ikke si noe om konkrete sammenhenger mellom lærerutdanning og arbeid i skolen; og de kan ofte karakteriseres som forskning på lærerutdanning fra innsiden av lærerutdanningen. I fire artikler går jeg derfor i dybden på fire mer konkrete forskningsspørsmål: 1. Hvordan opplever nyutdannede lærere sin autonomi, service‐orientering og profesjonskunnskap, og hva kan dette fortelle om lærerprofesjonen? 2. Hva kjennetegner nyutdannede læreres strategier for læring i arbeidslivet? 3. Hvordan vurderer nyutdannede lærere sin mestring, og hvordan er mestring relatert til samarbeid og støtte i arbeidslivet? 4. Hva vurderer nyutdannede lærere som viktig kunnskap for å lykkes som lærer, og hvordan vurderer de normative sider av lærerarbeidet? I alle de fire artiklene brukes begrepene fra profesjonssosiologien (kunnskap, autonomi og vilje til å jobbe til samfunnets beste) som analytiske begreper, og operasjonaliseres på forskjellige måter. Læringsteori og tidligere forskning på lærere brukes til å utvikle det analytiske rammeverket videre og diskutere funnene. Den metodiske fremgangsmåten er hovedsakelig bruk av forskjellige spørreskjemaundersøkelser. I artikkel 1 og 2 brukes StudData, som følger studenter fra ulike profesjonsutdanninger fra starten av utdanningen, gjennom utdanningen og ut i arbeidslivet. Dette gjør det mulig å koble utdanning og arbeidsliv empirisk. Nyutdannede lærere sammenlignes med nyutdannede sykepleiere (artikkel 1) og leger (artikkel 2). Sammenligningen gjør det mulig å diskutere de spesifikke trekkene ved lærerprofesjonen. I artikkel 3 og 4 brukes LU‐data, en spørreskjemaundersøkelse av lærerutdannere og lærere ved praksisskoler i lærerutdanningen. Lærerutdannere, nyutdannede lærere og erfarne lærere har blitt stilt de samme spørsmålene, og dette gjør det mulig å sammenligne gruppene. I tillegg er det benyttet data fra intervjuer og observasjoner i skolen i artikkel 3. Artikkel 1 heter Aspects of professionalism. Collective nursing–personalized teaching? I denne artikkelen diskuteres service‐orientering og profesjonskunnskap som grunnlaget for profesjonsutøvernes autonomi. Den empiriske undersøkelsen sammenligner sykepleier‐ og lærerprofesjonens autonomi, service‐orientering og profesjonskunnskap. Både lærere og sykepleiere kan beskrives som svært orienterte mot å hjelpe andre under studiene, og de får også i stor grad utløp for dette i sitt arbeid som nyutdannede. Nyutdannede lærere oppgir å ha mer kontroll over eget arbeid enn sykepleiere. Det argumenteres for at dette til en viss grad kan sees som uttrykk for forskjellen mellom skoler og sykehus som arbeidsplasser, men at svaret også kan finnes i utviklingen av sykepleie og læreryrket som profesjoner. Opplevelsen av en høy grad av autonomi hos den individuelle lærer kan også sees som et uttrykk for individualiseringen av lærerarbeidet, som er et trekk ved organiseringen av skolen som har blitt påpekt jevnlig i undersøkelser av læreres arbeid. Lærere holdes individuelt ansvarlig for sin egen faglige utvikling, og bruker i liten grad kollegaer som faglig støtte. Dette har man forsøkt å endre gjennom reformer og andre tiltak, men norske og internasjonale undersøkelser viser fortsatt at lærersamarbeid ofte foregår på en faglig lite forpliktende måte. I artikkelen kommer dette også til uttrykk i diskusjonen omkring kunnskap hos nyutdannede lærere og sykepleiere. I starten av utdanningen ser lærere fagkunnskap som lite viktig for profesjonsutøvelsen, og enda færre anser det som viktig mot slutten av utdanningen. Flere av sykepleiestudentene anser fagkunnskap som viktig i starten, og enda flere anser det som viktig mot slutten av studiene. Det diskuteres i artikkelen hvorvidt dette kan sies å gjenspeile en generell holdning til fagkunnskap i de to yrkene, og hvorvidt dette også kommer til uttrykk i artikkelens siste funn: mangelen på oppfølging av nyutdannede lærere i arbeidslivet. Mer enn 50 % av lærerne sier at de ikke har mottatt noen form for oppfølging som nyutdannede i skolen, mens kun 25 % av sykepleierne oppgir det samme. Lærere, i motsetning til sykepleiere, har heller ikke et lovpålagt krav om faglig utvikling og oppdatering. Forskning har også vist at lærernes profesjonsorganisasjoner har hatt en strategi der praksisbasert og personlig kunnskap har blitt vektlagt, i tillegg til å sikre en høy grad av autonomi over eget arbeid. Strategien har vært tilbakeskuende, i det at oppmerksomheten har vært rettet mot å gjenreise læreryrkets tidligere status og innflytelse. Artikkel 2 heter Teachers' learning activities in the workplace: How does education matter? Spørsmålet som undersøkes er hvilken rolle nyutdannede selv kan spille i sin egen profesjonelle utvikling, og hvor mye arbeidsplassfaktorer betyr. Tidligere forskning på læreres arbeidslivslæring har ikke kommet frem til klare resultater på hvilke faktorer som har betydning, og det undersøkes hvorvidt dette kan skyldes at individuell læringsorientering og utbytte fra lærerutdanningen har vært utelatt. Individuell læringsorientering kan også sees som noe lærerutdanningen kan være med på å påvirke og utvikle. Nyutdannede læreres læringsaktiviteter (hva de gjør når de trenger mer kunnskap for å løse krevende situasjoner) sammenlignes med nyutdannede legers. Betydningen av opplevde krav, kontroll og støtte fra kollegaer og ledelse på jobben sammenlignes med betydningen av studiestrategier under utdanningen og opplevd utbytte av utdanningen. Nyutdannede lærere er jevnt over mindre aktive enn nyutdannede leger, noe som kan tenkes å være uttrykk for både trekk ved arbeidet og arbeidets organisering, samt også en svakere kunnskapsorientering i lærerprofesjonen, slik det diskuteres i artikkel 1. Ved å ta inn studiestrategier i analysene blir modellene sterkt forbedret, noe som peker på at lærerutdanning kan spille en viktig rolle i å danne fremtidige lærere som er aktive kunnskapssøkere i sitt eget arbeid. Artikkel 3 heter Novice teachers and how they cope. Nyutdannede læreres møte med arbeidet som lærer i skolen beskrives ofte som en vanskelig opplevelse, og til og med som et sjokk. I artikkelen sammenlignes nyutdannede og erfarne læreres mestring av yrket ved hjelp av kvantitative og kvalitative data. En teoretisk modell for mestring av læreryrket utvikles og testes i artikkelen, og resultatene viser, i motsetning til hva man kunne forvente fra tidligere forskning, at nyutdannede og erfarne læreres mestring ikke skiller seg mye fra hverandre, og beskrivelsen av et sjokk støttes ikke. De detaljerte analysene viser at støtte fra kollegaer er viktig for både nyutdannede og erfarne, men viktigst for nyutdannede. Samarbeid med kollegaer, derimot, påvirket nyutdannede læreres mestring negativt, men erfarne læreres mestring positivt. I de kvalitative datakildene fremkom det at dette kunne være et resultat av nyutdannede læreres manglende evne til å uttrykke sine egne profesjonelle behov, og at dette gjør det stressende og vanskelig å involvere seg med kollegaer på en faglig forpliktende måte. Skoleledelsen var også viktigere for erfarne læreres mestring enn nyutdannedes. Samarbeid som ikke var faglig krevende eller forpliktende var mest vanlig. I artikkelens siste del drøftes det at når forholdet mellom utdanning og arbeidsliv ikke diskuteres skapes det forventninger om at nyutdannede skal være i stand til å gjøre det samme som sine erfarne kollegaer fra første stund. Dette kan også se ut til å være en forventning nyutdannede lærere i skolen møter. Artikkel 4 heter The valuation of knowledge and normative reflection in teacher qualification. A comparison of teacher educators, novice and experienced teachers. Lærerutdanningen beskrives ofte som i utakt med kravene som stilles i skolen. Nyutdannede og erfarne læreres vurdering av hva som er viktig kompetanse for lærere sammenlignes i artikkelen med lærerutdanneres vurdering. Læreres beslutninger er også formet av deres normative vurderinger. Gruppenes syn på et av de viktigste normative dilemmaene i skolen, inklusjon av elever med særskilte behov i ordinær undervisning, sammenlignes derfor også. Resultatene viser at lærerutdannerne hadde et noe mer positivt syn på inklusjon, men alle tre gruppene fremholdt at både fagkunnskap og praktiske ferdigheter var svært viktige for å være en god lærer. Det var altså få indikasjoner på utakt mellom lærere i skolen og lærerutdannere på disse spørsmålene, selv om noen forskjeller ble funnet. Nyutdannede lærere var noe likere sine erfarne kollegaer enn lærerutdannerne, noe som kan tyde på at de nyutdannede raskt er sosialisert inn i skolekulturen, eller at de aldri har vært like sine lærerutdannere. Lærerne i skolen var noe mer praktisk orientert og opptatt av å holde kontroll enn lærerutdannerne, som på sin side i større grad vektla å kunne begrunne sine valg og vurderinger, og læreplananalyse. Til tross for disse forskjellene er hovedinntrykket at beskrivelsen av lærerutdannerne som i utakt med den virkelige verden i skolen må nyanseres. Et viktigere spørsmål er hvorvidt lærerutdanningen bør være i takt med kravene i skolen på alle områder? I artikkelen diskuteres det om lærerutdanningen kan ha en viktig rolle ved å vektlegge områder og tema som lett blir skjøvet til side i en hektisk skolehverdag, og om endringer og reformer i skolen og lærerutdanning skjer på bakgrunn av forskningsutviklingen eller andre initiativ. Jeg argumenterer for at det viktige spørsmålet ikke er hvor store forskjellene mellom utdanning og arbeidsliv er, men hvilke forskjeller som er passende og hvilke som ikke er det. I alle fire artiklene diskuteres det om idealene som møter nyutdannede lærere er realistiske. Ideen om at en nyutdannet skal kunne gjøre alt det en erfaren lærer kan gjøre kan knyttes til et tradisjonelt bilde av læreren: Kunnskap sees som det eneste formålet med utdanningen, og moral og normative vurderinger knyttes til tradisjonelle forestillinger om dyd og kall. Hvis dette er forventningene nyutdannede møtes med, er det lett å finne bekreftelse på at lærerutdanningen er utilstrekkelig eller ute av takt. Dersom andre læreridealer gjøres gjeldende, vil også nye perspektiver på forholdet mellom utdanning og arbeidsliv, og på kvalifisering av lærere, bli mulige. De profesjonssosiologiske kjernebegrepene gir et rammeverk som gjør det mulig med komparative studier av profesjoner og dermed få frem de spesifikke trekkene ved læreryrket. I avhandlingen trekkes det frem at læreryrket kan se ut til å ha en svak kunnskapsorientering, og dette er igjen med på å undergrave de nyutdannede lærernes mulighet til å utføre sitt profesjonelle arbeid på et tilfredsstillende vis. De profesjonssosiologiske begrepene blir nyttige analytiske verktøy i studiet av lærerkvalifisering og lærerprofesjonen. Samtidig har profesjonssosiologien også sine klare begrensninger, fremfor alt i at forholdet mellom utdanning og arbeidsliv i liten grad er gjenstand for diskusjon. Læringsteorier utfordrer og kritiserer dette, og diskuterer hvordan ferdigheter for profesjonell yrkesutøvelse utvikler seg i forskjellige kontekster til forskjellige tider. I avhandlingen kan artikkel 2 trekkes frem som et spesielt tydelig, empirisk, eksempel på dette. Det longitudinelle designet gjør det mulig å undersøke den spesifikke påvirkningen fra lærerutdanningen, samtidig som arbeidsplassens betingelser for læring tas hensyn til. ; Teachers are among the main agents of socialisation and upbringing. They are the ones who teach, judge and evaluate the future citizens of our society, and their competence, abilities and skills affect the outcome and experience of an individual's education. Their behaviour and belief in their own abilities influences student performance. To learn more about how the teaching profession and teachers organize and develops their work, the spotlight is thrown at novice teachers. Novices are more clearly exposed to the specific characteristics of the organization and profession, as they are new and not necessarily socialized or aligned with the habits of the profession and organization, at the same time as they have to uphold professional standards. Research has indicated that novice teachers tend to adopt inflexible, rule‐based ways of teaching so as to cope with the uncertainty of their work. The meeting with work in schools is often characterised as troublesome or even as a shock. The main empirical research question in this thesis is: How do novice teachers think, act, cope and perceive knowledge? The thesis consists of an introductory essay and four papers. How novice teachers think, act, cope and perceive knowledge is seen as expressions of professionalism, and how professionalism is accommodated in teaching. Sociological approaches to professions and professionalism provide a comparative framework, and have in common the understanding that professions are knowledge‐based occupations that perform specific tasks in modern societies. Professionalism is seen as a normative‐value system, where professionals are granted autonomy to perform their work (individually and collectively) as they are competent performers with a will to use their competence for the common good. Professionalism is at the same time also an ideological tool, providing professions with opportunity to develop and strengthen their position (professionalism from within), but also using the arguments of professional standards and accountability to steer professions in certain directions in line with broader political trends and reforms (professionalism from above). Qualification (the development and acquisition of professional knowledge, skills and values, and the relationship between education and work in terms of preparing for specific tasks) is rarely discussed in sociological traditions. This is a key omission, given that education and professional knowledge is seen as the important vehicle for upholding a status as professions. In theories of professional learning, in which most research on teachers finds its theoretical framework, the nature of knowledge and learning is more frequently questioned, and different theoretical positions and metaphors have been used to frame the problems that novice teachers face. Some have referred to this issue as an encounter with the difference between theory and practice. Others have referred to the problems of transferring knowledge, or recontextualising knowledge, from teacher education to the classroom. Research has also suggested that teaching as a profession lacks a knowledge base that can support teachers in their work and provide teachers with the necessary tools. Although much research has been undertaken on novice teachers, and the research‐based knowledge has accumulated steadily, it has it has been pointed out that there is a need to address challenges in terms of validity and generalisability, and to approach teaching as a research subject with new theories and methodologies not inherent to teacher education. The main empirical research question of this thesis is analysed through four papers, addressing four more specific research questions: 1. How do novice teachers report on their self‐assessed levels of autonomy, service orientation and professional knowledge, and what can this tell us about characteristics of the teaching profession? 2. What characterises novice teachers' professional development strategies? 3. How do novice teachers' assess their own coping, and how is coping related to collaboration and support? 4. What do novice teachers perceive as important knowledge and how do they value the normative aspects of teachers' work? In paper 1 and 2, StudData is used, a survey following teacher students from the end of their education and into their first few years of work. This makes it possible to examine novices' situation and experiences, while also empirically linking together the education and the subsequent working career of the respondents. Teaching is compared to nursing (paper 1) and medicine (paper 2) in order to point out the specific characteristics of teaching as a profession. In paper 3 and 4 TeData is used, a survey of teacher educators and teachers in school. Teacher educators, novice teachers and experienced teachers are compared, making it possible to point out any differences or similarities between the groups. Interviews and observational data are also included in paper 3. Paper 1 is called Aspects of professionalism. Collective nursing—personalised teaching? The results showed that both teachers and nurses can be described as service‐oriented or other‐oriented during their studies, and both groups find opportunities to realise these other‐oriented values in their work. The results also showed that teachers have more control over their own work (i.e., technical autonomy) than do nurses. The paper argued that this result could be explained in part by the differences in work organisations (mostly hospitals versus schools) and in the development of teaching and nursing as independent professions. High technical autonomy could also be interpreted as being in line with the individualism that is typical in teaching, i.e. the teacher is held individually responsible for his or her own professional development, and seldom seeks advice from colleagues. This is partly due to the legacy of teacher work, which traditionally has been undertaken by one teacher in one classroom, reinforced by the architecture of schools. Although efforts have been made to change the way teacher work is organised, it is again and again pointed out that collaborative teacher work, however fruitful, is rare and often not undertaken in a binding way. Finally, the concept of professional knowledge, or expertise, in teaching and nursing was also discussed. Previous research has shown that teachers beginning their education place a low value on formal knowledge, and the percentage of students who value formal knowledge actually decreases during education. By contrast, nursing students placed a high value on theoretical knowledge at the start of their studies, and even more nurses deemed it important at the end of their studies. The paper suggested that this disparity reflects a general difference in the understanding of professional competence in teaching and nursing. This difference was also manifest in a systemic lack of follow‐up and professional training programmes for novice teachers. More than 50% of the teachers reported having received no systematic training during their first three years, whereas only 25% of the nurses reported the same. Unlike nursing, teaching has no statutory provision for CPD. The professional association of teachers has chosen a professional development strategy that emphasises practicebased and personal knowledge, as well as individual autonomy and individual decision making, and a restorative strategy that focuses on reinstating lost power and influence. Paper 2 is called Teachers' learning activities in the workplace: How does education matter? and focused on questions of professional knowledge and development. Novice teachers' role in their own professional development was examined and compared with workplace characteristics. How are variables describing autonomy and collegiality (support) related to what is referred to as knowledge strategies, i.e. what novices do when in need of additional knowledge to handle situations at work? Ambiguities and a lack of conclusive results in a specific line of research on teachers' learning are addressed. The models used by others were developed further, mainly by the inclusion of educational outcomes and study strategies during education. Novice teachers were shown to be overall less active than novice physicians in seeking out new knowledge, suggesting a difference in the professional knowledge culture. The inclusion of study strategies in the analyses of workplace learning substantially improved the explanation of workplace learning behaviour, also in the knowledge‐weak teaching profession. This points out a role for teacher education in terms of preparing teachers as knowledge seekers, and it also emphasises the effect of individual knowledge orientation that goes beyond professional boundaries. Paper 3 is called Novice teachers and how they cope. A novice teacher's first encounters with working as a teacher are often referred to as a shock or as a particularly troublesome experience. In this paper, novice teachers' ability to cope with their work was compared with that of more experienced teachers, using both quantitative and qualitative methods. A model for coping with teaching (measured as perceived self‐efficacy and teacher certainty) was developed. The most striking finding, contrary to common reports of a shock among novices, is that novice teachers do not differ much from their experienced colleagues in self‐efficacy, and have only slightly lower certainty. These small differences do not support an interpretation that novice teachers have extra low levels of coping, which is assumed to be implicit in the description of a shock. It may very well be that novice teachers experience the transition from education to work as stressful in the initial phases, but the effect seems to diminish rather fast. Collegial support, an important coping tool for experienced teachers, was found to be even more so for novice teachers. Collaboration with colleagues was found to decrease coping in novices but had a more positive effect among experienced teachers. The observations and interviews suggested that this might be because of the novices' lack of ability to express themselves professionally, which makes interaction with colleagues stressful. Superiors at the school seemed to become more important for coping as teachers gained experience. Lower commitment forms of teacher collaboration were also more common than forms demanding more involvement (such as deliberation on the consequences of teaching instead of just organising and sharing the workload). Newer contributions in learning theory have theoretically discussed and analysed the potential troubles when individuals cross the boundaries between the different contexts of education and work. The metaphor of a shock seems to rest on expectations that novice professionals should be able to perform their work as well as their more experienced colleagues, and neglect the fact that these troubles are an inherent part of the transition from education to work. They also implicitly suggest that problems are due to a teacher education that did not prepare them sufficiently. The responsibility of schools for introducing novices in an appropriate way should not be neglected, and the findings indicate that colleagues are an important factor in these processes. Again, as supported by the findings in paper 1, novice teachers seem to receive less attention than novices in other professions. Paper 4 is called The valuation of knowledge and normative reflection in teacher qualification, and is a comparison of teacher educators, novice and experienced teachers. As teachers' professional practice also is dependent upon normative judgement, the views of teacher educators and teachers on one of the important normative dilemmas in teaching — the inclusion or exclusion in classes of students with learning challenges — was compared, along with their understanding of what kind of knowledge and skills are important for working as a teacher. Surprisingly, and again contrary to common reports and beliefs, also within research on teaching, the differences between the groups on their understanding of what constitutes important knowledge in teaching were very small. The description of teacher education as being "out of step" with the real world of teaching should be nuanced. Furthermore, the often‐discussed tension between an academic discipline orientation and a practical occupational orientation was examined at an individual level, and the findings indicated that both teacher educators and teachers in schools saw both parts of the professional knowledge base as important. The clearest difference found was that teacher educators generally had a more positive view on inclusion than did novice teachers and experienced teachers. School teachers were somewhat more practically oriented and more concerned with keeping control in the classroom than were teacher educators, whereas teacher educators emphasised being able to give reasons for choices, actions and curriculum analyses. The discussion was framed by pointing out the tension between ideals and goals for teacher education set from the outside (such as the introduction of the Qualifications Frameworks) and the integrative purpose of teacher education in terms of developing academic knowledge, practical skills and ethical/normative judgment in the students. It was argued that the goals for teacher education should be set with such integration as a goal, not on transferability, compatibility, measurability and transparency primarily. Thus, the paper highlights an area where a battle between professionalism from within and professionalism from above might take place in the future, by pointing out the importance of setting the right goal for teacher education. ; Doctoral thesis without published articles
Abstract: Organizational and Work Psychology (POT) today faces great research and intervention challenges, given the current conditions in which work activities and the management of people are being developed in organizations, and since the world of work has been strongly affected in the last three decades as a result of the transformations that have been taking place in the management of organizations. The socio-economic and cultural political dynamics that we live in today demand a continuous change based on these changes. In this sense, organizational change has been associated with unexpected adaptation processes that arise to respond to the demands of the context. At present, the survival of organizations depends on the ability to project in the long term and not only on their ability to adapt, this implies on the part of organizations a management change that allows anticipating changes in the environment in such a way that long-term value is generated over the competition (Sandoval, 2014). In response to a series of phenomena such as the globalization of the economy, increasing competition and the emergence of new information technology, transport, and communications, among other factors, the use of strategies such as mergers between organizations has increased. Alliances, creation of networks, reduction of organizational macrostructures and outsourcing or subcontracting of the workforce, as mechanisms to achieve greater competitiveness in the market, aspects that have generated a dynamic of permanent change in the functioning of organizations in the world whole ( Lynch, & Mors , 2018). These changes are reflected in the impact they have on the climate of the organizations. The way workers understand the organization's climate depends on several aspects. G onzales , Pedraza and Sanchez (2015), identified that the work environment is important in understanding the relationship between employees and superiors, and that this relationship will be mediated by values, rules established by the organization at the individual level and group, and performance, these aspects that can generate satisfaction in the organization and in the collaborators. The organizational climate is important in understanding the organizational characteristics that impact on the behavior of individuals at work, as well as the attitudes of people towards organizations (Yoo, Huang & Lee, 2012). The organizational climate encompasses the structure, processes of the organization, as well as the management of compensation, employee behavior, performance expectations and growth opportunities. However, the organizational climate is the result of the interaction between the components of the company, such as structure, systems, culture, the behavior of the leader and the psychological needs of the employees ( Benjamin et al., 2013) . Organizational change and climate are framed in the psychosocial factors of organizations, which has a wide spectrum, they become an important issue for occupational health. The current situation that organizations and the labor market are going through generate important problems for organizations, therefore it is important to understand and deal with them properly. The new work arrangements involve short-term contracts. Additionally, the global market is becoming more competitive as a result, generates increasing pressure on the part of employees to be able to increase productivity and respond to the needs of the environment, forging as a result a report by employees of high levels of stress increasing risk of physical and psychological illness. The imminence of change in different spheres of the organization displaces workers, generating various reactions that affect the work-family balance, their performance and their perception of the organizational climate ( Connelly & Gallagher, 2004) Gil - Monte (2012) argues that technical changes, such as socioeconomic, demographic, political, economic, among others, have increased psychosocial risks . Some of the causes of these risks are: a) organizational changes are caused by internal factors (new processes, technology, workplace) or external (social, political, economic), b) new forms of hiring, c) little job stability , d) aging of the population, e) increase in workload, e) emotional demands at work, f) work-family imbalance . The author concludes that psychosocial risks have always been present, but what has been modified is the social perception of them , this is reflected in the increase of this type of risks in organizations, therefore it becomes a problem the which must be addressed in a timely manner by the managers of the organizations. Currently, with the public health threat generated by (COVID-19), several economic sectors are affected such as tourism, health, education, among others, which must develop new strategies and rethink new ways to be able to reach the population and reactivate its economy ( Wen , et al, 2020). These strategies create challenges that involve promoting new forms of work and assuming an increase in the demands of public and private sector employees that can have negative consequences for them ( Mañas, Estreder , Martinez -Tur, Díaz-Fúnez, & Pecino -Medina 2020). Similarly, in the face of these significant events such as the global pandemic, organizations must have the ability to develop tactics that allow them to adapt to change ( Beech , et al, 2020). In this order of ideas, in the face of adverse situations that arise due to the pandemic that affect the world economically, socially and politically, people who are part of organizations must be able to adapt to changes, which makes them more resilient ( Jiang , Jiang , Sun ,, & Li 2020). The resilience helps people overcome stress, which allows them to maintain an acceptable state of life or work ( Cope, Jones, & Hendricks, 2016). This implies that individuals must establish a balance between their work and family roles, which would not be possible to generate situations of emotional exhaustion as a psychological response to work stressors and in turn affect the performance of workers (Karatepe, 2013). As a result of the various changes that organizations have had to undertake such as the replacement of the workforce by younger generations, multicultural work, labor shortages, demographic challenges, the workplace has become a very demanding space. Additionally, people are expected to perform much more efficiently at work and at home ( Ilies , Schwind , Johnson, DeRue , & Ilgen , 2007). These changes have led to symptoms of stress in people in organizations that can affect them in their personal, family and work daily life (Biron, Cooper & Bond, 2009). These situations have generated research related to the different conditions of the human being in which sometimes they survive and thrive in the face of adversity. The study of positive human behavior gave rise to positive psychology (Seligman 199 8 ) and positive organizational behavior ( Luthans & Youssef , 2007). This paradigm shift from the study of negative to positive organizational behavior leads to new theories that propose that resilience is a flexible resource that anyone can learn and foster (Norman, Luthans & Luthans , 2005). Work is important for people, as it has many benefits for them (Henry, 2004). It helps them establish their identity, provides a possibility of social interaction beyond the purely work, encourages commitment, provides meaning, provides the possibility of having status and income. It is an activity that provides people with resources to live, in the same way, the family is an important part of people's daily lives that influences their sense of well-being ( Edwards & Rothbard, 2000). Ryan & Deci (2001), consider that the concept of work can be expanded and include aspects related to personal growth and well-being of people. For Voydanoff (2005), work and family are two important domains in people's lives and therefore can cause conflicts with each other (Allen, et al, 2000). However, these two elements can become synergistic and complement each other, the positive side of this interaction (work - family) can improve the well-being of the family unit (Greenhaus & Powell, 2006). According to Rahim (2011), he considers that effectively balancing work and family is important in organizations. The demands of the environment lead organizations to increase productivity, therefore, there is a greater demand for workers 'time and a reduction in workers' time with their families. Haar & Bardoel (2008) highlights that many changes have been generated that affect this work-family relationship, the composition of the workforce has changed, the number of women in the workplace has increased, families with two incomes, increased in the number of single parents. Greenhaus & Buetell (1985) argue that the work-family conflict occurs when the roles in which the pressures of work and family domains are not compatible. Wang, et to the, (2004), believe that regardless of the term that is used to describe the work - family conflict, this is mainly caused by excessive labor demands, which affect family negative results. For the current labor market, productivity is critical, managers aim to achieve maximum work performance by involving employees in this particular dynamic, it seeks that workers are willing to contribute in the organization beyond what is required by formal requirements. of work. In this logic the collaborators are caught between the demands of the family and those of the employer. The result of these multiple roles is the work-family conflict due to the incongruity between both areas, because the demands of one make it difficult to meet the demands of the other ( Rabenu , Tziner , & Gil, 2017). Liu, et al, (2019) highlight that the work-family balance is a perception that occurs simultaneously in two senses: low work-family conflict and high work-family enrichment, which implies that experiences are included among the roles both positive and negative. These positive or negative aspects are related to job performance. Pandey (2019) highlights the multidimensional nature of performance, classifying it in two aspects: a) resources: individual, work, organizational, social, b) stressors: individual, work, where the author points out that affective stressors such as burnout is an important variable that exhausts resources and decreases work performance, family, according to the author the variables at the family level are an inhibitor of work performance when they act as stressors. In this vein, the work-family conflict is an important variable that generates interference between the demands of these two domains with each other. Gragnano, Simbula, & Miglioretti (2020), highlight the fact that workers are aware of the importance of health to achieve a work-life balance, they showed that this balance is as important as the family domain, therefore, the researchers they must consider the health domain in the family domain when inquiring about work-life balance. Karatepe & Tenkiskus (2006) state that work-family conflict and emotional exhaustion are critical variables that have adverse effects on results. Yavas, Babacus & Karatepe (2008), consider the difficulties that front-line employees must balance the demands of their multiple roles can affect performance and as a consequence, employees can make the decision and leave the organizations. Wright & Cropanzano (1998), point out that an indicator of low work performance is emotional exhaustion, considered as a chronic state both physical and emotional, which is the product of overwork and continuous stress. Emotional exhaustion manifests itself in employees in a general loss of feeling of concern, trust, and interest (Maslach, 1982). Schaufeli & Greenglass (2001) consider that emotional exhaustion occurs when employees experience an emotional demand in a work situation over a long period of time. Studies carried out in the public sector contribute to understanding the manifestation of feelings of emotional exhaustion. The health professionals are under high pressure due to the long working days producing sleep disorders, professional responsibility which should provide a high-quality service with no margin for error. In the same way, their work implies a high emotional load given the nature of the work, this makes health professionals more vulnerable to emotional exhaustion (Babyar, 2017). According to Gerard (2018), it is necessary to take into account factors such as financial results, return on capital, which justifies success in health care organizations, which goes beyond the quality of care or the nature of activity. The structure of public health organizations is usually not very flexible, which makes the operation of these entities more difficult and therefore the work of the professionals who work in it, generating loss of energy and feelings of emotional exhaustion. Cropanzano, Rupp & Byrne (2003) argue that emotional exhaustion has a detrimental effect on the employee's job performance, which subsequently affects the productivity of the organization. The study carried out by Wang, et al (2019) shows the relationship between work-family conflict (WFC), family-work conflict (FWC), emotional exhaustion and performance. The results show that WFC is positively related to emotional exhaustion. Organizational care was also found to reduce WFC's influences on emotional exhaustion. In conclusion, it is important to highlight that all the variables that have been considered to carry out this study are related to each other. On the one hand, in a broad framework is organizational change, which influences the behavior and perception of people in the organization affecting the organizational climate. On the other hand, but in the same direction are the psychosocial factors that are also affected by changes in organizations and that would involve factors such as work-family balance, performance, emotional exhaustion. However, it should be highlighted that the way people in organizations face these aspects, will generate greater resilience and adaptation for the people in the organization. Resumen: La Psicología Organizacional y del Trabajo (POT) enfrenta hoy grandes desafíos de investigación e intervención, dadas las condiciones actuales en que se desarrollan las actividades de trabajo y de gestión de las personas en las organizaciones, ya que el mundo del trabajo se ha visto fuertemente afectado en las últimas tres décadas como resultado de las transformaciones que han estado ocurriendo en la gestión de las organizaciones. La dinámica política socioeconómica y cultural que se vive en la actualidad demanda un continuo cambio en función de estas. En este sentido el cambio organizacional ha estado asociado a procesos de adaptación inesperados que surgen para responder a las demandas del contexto. En la actualidad la supervivencia de las organizaciones depende de la capacidad de proyectarse a largo plazo y no solo de su capacidad de adaptación, esto implica por parte de las organizaciones una gestión del cambio que permita anticiparse a los cambios del ambiente de tal forma que se genere un valor a largo plazo sobre la competencia (Sandoval, 2014). Como respuesta a una serie de fenómenos como la globalización de la economía, la competencia cada vez más creciente y la emergencia de nuevas tecnologías de informática, transporte y comunicaciones, entre otros factores, se han incrementado el uso de estrategias como las fusiones entre organizaciones, alianzas, creación de redes, reducción de las macroestructuras organizativas y externalización o subcontratación de la fuerza de trabajo, como mecanismos para alcanzar una mayor competitividad en el mercado, aspectos que han generado una dinámica de cambio permanente en el funcionamiento de las organizaciones en el mundo entero (Lynch, & Mors, 2018). Estos cambios se ven reflejados en el impacto que tienen en el clima de las organizaciones. La forma como entienden los trabajadores el clima de la organización depende de varios aspectos. Gonzales, Pedraza y Sánchez (2015), identificaron que el ambiente laboral es importante en la comprensión de la relación entre empleados y superiores, ya que dicha relación va a estar mediada por los valores, las reglas establecidas por la organización a nivel individual y grupal, y el desempeño, estos aspectos que pueden generar satisfacción en la organización y en los colaboradores. El clima organizacional es importante en la comprensión de las características organizacionales impactan sobre la conducta de los individuos en el trabajo, así como las actitudes de las personas respecto a organizaciones (Yoo, Huang & Lee, 2012). El clima organizacional abarca la estructura, procesos de la organización, así como la gestión de la remuneración, el comportamiento del empleado, expectativa de rendimiento y oportunidades de crecimiento. No obstante, el clima organizacional es el resultado de la interacción entre los componentes de la empresa, tales como estructura, sistemas, la cultura, la conducta del líder y las necesidades psicológicas de los empleados (Benjamin et al., 2013). El cambio organizacional y el clima se enmarcan en los factores psicosociales de las organizaciones, los cuales tiene un amplio espectro, se convierten en un tema importante para la salud laboral. La situación actual por la que atraviesan las organizaciones y el mercado de trabajo generan problemas importantes para las organizaciones por lo tanto es importante entenderlos y afrontarlos de manera adecuada. Las nuevas modalidades de trabajo implican contratos a corto plazo. Adicionalmente el mercado global cada vez es más competitivo genera como resultado por parte de los empleados una creciente presión para poder aumentar la productividad y responder a las necesidades del entorno, forjando como resultado reporte por parte de los empleados de altos niveles de estrés incrementando el riesgo de enfermedad física y psicológica. La inminencia del cambio en diferentes esferas de la organización se desplaza a los trabajadores generando diversas reacciones que afectan el balance trabajo-familia, su desempeño y su percepción del clima organizacional (Connelly & Gallagher, 2004) Gil - Monte (2012) argumenta que los cambios técnicos, como los socioeconómicos, demográficos, políticos, económicos entre otros, han incrementado los riesgos psicosociales. Algunas de las causas de estos riesgos son: a) cambios organizacionales provocados por factores internos (nuevos procesos, tecnología, lugar de trabajo) o externos (sociales, políticos, económicos), b) nuevas formas de contratación, c) poca estabilidad laboral, d) envejecimiento de la población, e) incremento en la carga laboral, e) exigencias emocionales en el trabajo, f) desequilibrio trabajo – familia. El autor concluye que los riesgos psicosociales siempre han estado presentes, pero lo que se ha modificado es la percepción social que hay sobre ellos, esto se ve reflejado en el incremento de este tipo de riesgos en las organizaciones por tanto se convierte en un problema el cual se debe atender de manera oportuna por parte de los directivos de las organizaciones. En la actualidad con la amenaza de salud pública generada por el (COVID-19) se ven afectados varios sectores económicos como el turismo, la salud, la educación, entre otros, los cuales deben desarrollar nuevas estrategias y replantear nuevas formas para poder llegar a la población y reactivar su economía (Wen, et al, 2020). Estas estrategias crean retos que implican promover nuevas formas de trabajo y asumir un incremento en las demandas de los empleados del sector público y privado que pueden tener consecuencias negativas para éstos (Mañas, Estreder, Martinez-Tur, Díaz-Fúnez, & Pecino-Medina 2020). De igual forma, ante estos eventos significativos como la pandemia mundial las organizaciones deben tener la capacidad para desarrollar tácticas que le permitan adaptarse al cambio (Beech, et al, 2020). En este orden de ideas, ante las situaciones adversas que se presentan debido a la pandemia que afectan al mundo en lo económico, social y político, las personas que hacen parte de las organizaciones deben ser capaces de adaptase a los cambios lo cual los hace más resilientes (Jiang, Jiang, Sun,, & Li 2020). La capacidad de recuperación ayuda a las personas a superar las tensiones, lo cual permite mantener un estado de vida o un trabajo aceptable (Cope, Jones, & Hendricks, 2016). Esto implica que los individuos deben establecer un equilibrio entre sus roles laborales y los familiares, que no ser posible generarían situaciones de agotamiento emocional como una respuesta psicológica a los estresores laborales y a su vez afecta el desempeño de los trabajadores (Karatepe, 2013). Resultado de los diversos cambios que han debido asumir las organizaciones como el reemplazo de la fuerza laboral por generaciones más jóvenes, multiculturalidad de trabajo, escasez en la mano de obra, desafíos demográficos, el lugar de trabajo se ha convertido en un espacio muy exigente. Adicionalmente se espera que las personas de desempeñen de forma mucho más eficiente en el trabajo y en el hogar (Ilies, Schwind, Johnson, DeRue, & Ilgen, 2007). Estos cambios han propiciado en las personas que se encuentran en las organizaciones síntomas de estrés que pueden las pueden afectar en su cotidianida personal, familiar y laboral (Biron, Cooper & Bond, 2009). Estas situaciones han generado investigaciones relacionadas con las diferentes condiciones del ser humano en las que en algunas oportunidades sobreviven y prosperan ante la adversidad. El estudio del comportamiento humano positivo dio origen a la psicología positiva (Seligman 1998) y el comportamiento organizacional positivo (Luthans & Youssef, 2007). Este cambio de paradigma del estudio del comportamiento organizacional negativo al positivo deriva nuevas teorías que proponen que la resiliencia es un recurso flexible que cualquier persona puede aprender y fomentar (Norman, Luthans & Luthans, 2005). El trabajo es importante para las personas, ya que tiene muchos beneficios para éstas (Henry, 2004). Las ayuda a establecer su identidad, brinda una posibilidad de interacción social más allá de los netamente laboral, fomenta compromiso, brinda un significado, proporciona la posibilidad de tener estatus e ingresos. Es una actividad facilita a las personas recursos para vivir, de igual forma, la familia es una parte importante de la cotidianidad de las personas que influye en la sensación de bienestar de estas (Edwards & Rothbard, 2000). Ryan & Deci (2001), consideran que el concepto de trabajo se puede ampliar e incluyen aspectos relacionados con el crecimiento personal y el bienestar de las personas. Para Voydanoff (2005), el trabajo como la familia son dos dominios importantes en la vida de las personas y por tanto pueden llegar a causar conflictos entre sí (Allen, et al, 2000). Sin embargo, estos dos elementos pueden llegar a ser sinérgicos y complementarse, el lado positivo de esta interacción (trabajo – familia) puede mejorar el bienestar de la unidad familiar (Greenhaus & Powell, 2006). Según Rahim (2011) considera que equilibrar efectivamente el trabajo y la familia es importante en las organizaciones. Las demandas del ambiente conllevan a que las organizaciones aumenten la productividad, por lo tanto, hay una mayor demanda de tiempo de los trabajadores y una reducción el tiempo de los trabajadores con sus familias. Haar & Bardoel (2008) resalta que se han generado muchos cambios que afectan esta relación trabajo – familia, la composición de la fuerza laborar ha cambiado, se ha incrementado el número de mujeres en el lugar de trabajo, las familias con dos ingresos, aumento en el número de padres/madres solteras. Greenhaus & Buetell (1985), argumentan que el conflicto trabajo – familia se presenta cuando los roles en el que las presiones del trabajo y los dominios familiares no son compatibles. Wang, et al, (2004), consideran que independientemente del término que se utilice para describir el conflicto trabajo – familia, éste es causado principalmente por las excesivas demandas laborales, las cuales repercuten en resultados familiares negativos. Para el actual mercado laboral la productividad es crítica, los gerentes tienen como meta alcanzar el máximo rendimiento laboral involucrando a los empleados en esta particular dinámica, se busca que los trabajadores estén dispuestos a contribuir en la organización más allá de lo que exigen los requisitos formales de trabajo. En esta lógica los colaboradores se encuentran atrapados entre las demandas de la familia y las del empleador. El resultado de estos roles múltiples es el conflicto trabajo – familia debido a la incongruencia entre ambas áreas, debido a que las demandas de uno dificultan el cumplimiento de las demandas del otro (Rabenu, Tziner, & Gil, 2017). Liu, et al, (2019) resaltan que el equilibrio trabajo – familia es una percepción que se presenta de manera simultánea en dos sentidos: bajo conflicto trabajo - familia y alto enriquecimiento trabajo – familia, lo cual implica que se incluyen experiencias entre los roles tanto positivos como negativos. Es tos aspectos positivos o negativos tiene una relación con el desempeño laboral. Pandey (2019) destaca naturaleza multidimensional del desempeño clasificándola en dos aspectos: a) recursos: individuales, laborales, organizacionales, sociales, b) estresores: individuales, laborales en donde el autor señala que estresores afectivos como el agotamiento es una variable importante que agota los recursos y decrementa el rendimiento laboral, familiares, según el autor las variables a nivel familiar son un inhibidor del desempeño laboral cuando actúan como estresores. En este orden de ideas el conflicto trabajo familia es una variable importante que genera interferencia entre las demandas de estos dos dominios entre sí. Gragnano, Simbula, & Miglioretti (2020), resaltan el hecho de que los trabajadores son conscientes de la importancia de la salud para lograr un equilibrio trabajo-vida, demostraron que este equilibro es tan importante como el dominio familiar, por tanto, los investigadores deben considerar el dominio de la salud en el dominio familiar cuando se indaga el equilibrio trabajo – vida. Karatepe & Tenkiskus (2006), afirman que el conflicto trabajo – familia y el agotamiento emocional son variables críticas que tienen efectos adversos en los resultados. Yavas, Babacus & Karatepe (2008), consideran las dificultades que tienen los empleados de primera línea para equilibrar las demandas de sus múltiples roles pueden afectar el desempeño y como consecuencia los empleados pueden tomar la decisión e irse de las organizaciones. Wright & Cropanzano (1998), señalan que un indicador dé bajo desempeño laboral es el agotamiento emocional, considerado como un estado crónico tanto físico como emocional, el cual es producto del exceso de trabajo y el estrés continuo. El agotamiento emocional se manifiesta en los empleados en una perdida general de sentimiento de preocupación, confianza e interés (Maslach, 1982). Schaufeli & Greenglass (2001) consideran que el agotamiento emocional ocurre cuando los empleados experimentan una exigencia emocional ante una situación laboral en un período de tiempo prolongado. Estudios realizados en el sector público, contribuyen a entender la manifestación de sentimientos de agotamiento emocional. Los profesionales de la salud se encuentran bajo altos niveles de presión debido a las largas jornadas laborales que producen trastornos del sueño, la responsabilidad profesional en donde deben proporcionar un servicio de alta calidad sin margen de error. De igual forma, su trabajo implica alta carga emocional dada la naturaleza del trabajo, esto hace que los profesionales en la salud sean más vulnerables al agotamiento emocional (Babyar, 2017). De acuerdo con Gerard (2018), es necesario tener en cuenta factores como los resultados financieros, el rendimiento del capital, lo cual justifica el éxito en las organizaciones de atención médica, lo cual va vas allá de la calidad en la atención o la naturaleza de actividad. La estructura de las organizaciones de salud pública suele ser poco flexible lo cual hace más difícil el funcionamiento de estas entidades y por tanto el trabajo de los profesionales que laboran en ella generando perdida de energía y sentimientos de agotamiento emocional. Cropanzano, Rupp & Byrne (2003) argumentan que el agotamiento emocional tiene un efecto perjudicial en el desempeño laboral del empleado, lo cual repercute posteriormente en la productividad de la organización. El estudio realizado por Wang, et al (2019) muestran la relación entre el conflicto trabajo – familia (WFC), el conflicto familia – trabajo (FWC), el agotamiento emocional y el desempeño. Los resultados muestran que WFC se relaciona positivamente con el agotamiento emocional. También se encontró que el cuidado de la organización reduce las influencias de WFC en el agotamiento emocional. En conclusión, es importante resaltar que todas las variables que se han considerado para realizar este estudio se relacionan entre sí. Por un lado, en un marco amplio se encuentra el cambio organizacional, el cual influye en el comportamiento y la percepción de las personas en la organización afectando el clima organizacional. Por otro lado, pero en la misma dirección se encuentran los factores psicosociales que también se ven afectados por los cambios en las organizaciones y que involucrarían factores como el balance trabajo – familia, el desempeño, el agotamiento emocional. Sin embargo, se debe rescatar que la forma como las personas en las organizaciones afronten estos aspectos, va a generar una mayor capacidad de resiliencia y adaptación de las personas en la organización.
Transcript of an oral history interview with Mark M. Kisiel, conducted by Joseph Cates on 23 January 2017, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Mark Kisiel graduated from Norwich University in 1959; the bulk of his interview focuses on his experiences as a student at Norwich University, his continuing relationship with the university after graduation, and his business career. ; 1 Mark Kisiel, Class of 1959, Oral History Interview January 23rd, 2017 Home of Mark Kisiel, Falmouth, Massachusetts Interviewed by Joseph Cates JOSEPH CATES: Press record and we'll get started MARK KISIEL: Sure. Mm hmm. JC: This is Joseph Cates. Today is January 23rd, 2017. I'm interviewing Mark Kisiel. This interview is taking place at his home in Falmouth, Massachusetts. This interview is sponsored by the Sullivan Museum and History Center and is part of the Norwich Voices Oral History Project. First, tell me your full name. MK: Mark McDonald Kisiel. JC: Okay. When and where were you born? MK: I was born in Springfield, Massachusetts, January 8th, 1938. JC: What Norwich class are you? MK: I'm the class of '59, sometimes referred to as the magnificent class of 1959. JC: Tell me why it's called the magnificent class. MK: Well, it's quite unusual. We have come together through our reunion years and bonded to a point where, at our 50th reunion, we had ninety-eight percent participation in class giving. Our gift was the largest gift ever made for a reunion class in Norwich University. It exceeded twelve million dollars. JC: Oh, wow! Tell me about where you grew up and what you did as a child. MK: I grew up in Springfield, Massachusetts and my parents moved to Longmeadow, Massachusetts when I was in high school, Longmeadow being a suburb of Springfield. My father was a doctor, an orthopedic surgeon in Springfield. My mother was an elementary school teacher as well. I went to public schools through tenth grade. And then, in my junior and senior year in high school, I attended a Jesuit prep school in Lenox, Massachusetts named Cranwell School. Unfortunately, Cranwell School no longer is in existence. However, the property's been turned in to a resort and it's regarded as a first-class resort in the Berkshires. JC: Okay. What made you decide to choose Norwich? MK: I would say I chose Norwich probably by default. I'll tell you why I say that. Going to a Jesuit prep school back in the fifties, the Jesuits wanted you, every student to continue on 2 with a Jesuit-exposed education. I succinctly remember being interviewed by the headmaster of the school, Father Burke, and he said to me, and I remember these words distinctly. He said to me, "Mark, you could go to Holy Cross, Georgetown, or Boston College." Then, he said to me, "You're not smart enough to Notre Dame." I said to him, politely, "Father, I wanted to go to Dartmouth." And, he said to me, "You're not going to Dartmouth." In those days, if you didn't have a recommendation from the headmaster or principal of your high school, there was no way you could get in to any supposedly highly regarded institution. By coincidence, our next-door neighbor in Springfield has gone to Norwich and his parents highly recommended that I take a look at Norwich, which I did, obviously. Applied and was accepted and entered in the fall of 1955 as a young, at that time, seventeen-year old high school graduate. JC: What was it like, that first day at Norwich? MK: I will tell you. It was scary. I had no idea of what I was getting into. It was exceedingly strict. In fact, I felt like I was probably, one could argue, in jail. We didn't make a move, left or right, walk down the hallway in the dorm, walk outside, so forth, without being under scrutiny of upperclassmen who had cadet rank at the time. I remember walking, I believe the tradition still lasts to this day, which is good. You had to walk, basically in a gutter, on the side of the road, or in the streets of campus. JC: Yeah. It's still tradition. What was your major? MK: I majored in English. JC: Okay. Why'd you choose English? MK: I can't really answer that as I think it was probably a default major. A couple classmates of mine selected English as a major, so I kind of went along with them. One of our professors, we used to refer to him as Judge Newbrow, was an English teacher. He was quite a character. I'm glad I selected English as a major. Although, it didn't really contribute to my business career but maybe indirectly it did. JC: Who were your roommates and where did you live on campus? MK: I live, principally I believe, I lived, two of my four years were in Hawkins Hall. I think I might have lived one semester maybe in Alumni Hall but the majority of my time I was in Hawkins Hall. JC: Okay. And who were your roommates? MK: A gentleman named Gary Bergeron was a classmate and was my principal roommate for the majority of my time at Norwich. JC: Okay. Were you a member of a fraternity? 3 MK: Yes. I was. I was a member of Sigma Alpha Epsilon fraternity and I was happy to have been elected. I was the vice president of that fraternity for about a year and a half. Ed O'Brien, who you just interviewed, you told me, was also a fraternity brother of mine. He was president when I was vice president of Sigma Alpha Epsilon. JC: Okay. Can you tell me about the fraternity? MK: At that time, fraternities were, I believe we had five or six national chapters represented at Norwich. Fraternities were a large part of our social and almost every day of life at Norwich. It was a wonderful outlet for not having to be in uniform because you could be in civilian clothes when you went to the fraternity. It proved to be a large part of my life. I love the, I believe we had probably about sixty or seventy members in our fraternity. I recall, freshman year, we didn't have any freshmen. They were all, we were all sophomore, junior, and seniors members of the fraternity. It was a great outlet for the struggles and rigors of everyday life on the hill, being in uniform. JC: Well, how did you feel when they did away with the fraternities? MK: Quite honestly, I was very disappointed. I felt that they had provided a great social outlet. Every Saturday night, one of the fraternities always had a party and it brought our class together and I felt integrated the whole student body. As I mentioned, you weren't eligible to become a member until your sophomore year. So, we had in our fraternity at Sigma Alpha Epsilon, obviously sophomore, juniors, and seniors. It was a great bonding opportunity. Someone leaves a message on Kisiel's answering machine. JC: They always want to keep in touch with you, don't they? MK: Right. JC: Did you play any sports when you were at Norwich? MK: I did not play any varsity sports. Played intramural sports, intramural hockey principally, but I did not play any, I was not good enough an athlete to play on a varsity team. JC: What activity did you participate in? MK: Well, in addition to being a member of SAE fraternity, I was, let me think. I belonged to the Newman Club. You know, I really can't remember what other clubs I belonged to at the time. JC: What did you do to relax? MK: I would say the greatest outlet was being able to go to the fraternity house which I said, I went to every day after class. It was a great way to commingle with classmates, fraternity 4 brothers and so forth. At the time, I had a girlfriend at Skidmore College and I used to go down to Saratoga Springs, New York quite a bit. That was a great social outlet for me. Obviously, I participated in the parties we had at the fraternity house. Attended the regimental balls and those winter carnival activities, which were a lot of fun. Despite the rigors of military life on campus, I would say that, for the most part, all of our classmates and Corps members enjoyed a very good social life as well. JC: Do you remember any particular songs from your days at Norwich? MK: Well, in addition to our alma mater "Norwich Forever" song, right, every fraternity had their own song and ours was "Come Sing to Sigma Alpha Epsilon." I'm not a good singer so I won't continue those words. JC: Okay. Who were the instructors that were most influential to you? MK: I would say, I had another English professor. His name was Peter Dow Webster. He was also quite a character and I think played a strong influence on my gaining maturity. Also, Loring Hart was in our history department, I believe. He became a subsequent president of Norwich. I would say he had a strong influence on my maturing years there. JC: Okay. What were your favorite and least favorite classes? MK: I'd say some of my, and as I mentioned, I became an English major I think by default, but Peter Dow Webster was kind of a different guy. I don't whether he loved when you wrote stories that involved commingling of sexual activities or whatever. He would thrive on that and wanted you to go further in your thoughts and whatever. He was a fun professor. I would say on the least favorite, I remember taking a, I think I took a chemistry course. That was a challenge. Although my father was a doctor, I didn't inherit those talents and abilities to understand the tables and so forth of chemistry. JC: What do you remember about being a rook? MK: I would say we had, which I don't believe occurs any longer, there was a lot of hazing. I remember doing squats up against the wall with an M-1 rifle across my extended hands. My arms would be parallel to the floor, on which an M-1 rifle was rested across my wrists. You had to be in a full squat with your back against the wall in the corridor of our Hawkins Hall. Being there just and a drill instructor would be yelling at you not to give up, not to give up. Stay there. Hold it. Tight, tight, right, and so forth. That was a challenge. Also, for the least infraction of any rules, you got charged with what they call tours. I don't if they call them still. They probably do. They call them tours today. I marched a lot of tours around the parade ground. In those days, the parade ground was exceedingly barren. All the trees that you see there today were not there when I was a freshman. It was just one barren, open landscape, from one end of the campus to the other. JC: I was going to ask did you ever get into any trouble and what for? 5 MK: Oh, I got in trouble. Yeah. I got in trouble. Probably the most serious thing I got in trouble for was after, between junior and senior, we went to summer camp and I was going to get a commission in armor. So, we went to Fort Knox, Kentucky and one night we were out, several of my fraternity brothers and I were out. We were out too late. Upon our return back to our barracks, we told a story of what happened and it really was not a correct story. As a result, found out that we told the story of what happened. I was scheduled to be a company commander my senior year. After that, I was busted and I was back to a private. Upon return to campus, there were three of us that were involved in this situation. In fact, we were out with one of our military science Norwich professors. One could say we covered his butt because he told us what to do, which was not the right thing to do. Anyway, he since, I understand, long passed away so anyway. That was probably the most difficult thing of being involved with having a problem. JC: Speaking of summer camp, Ed told me to ask you what happened on the way down to summer camp. MK: So, we left, Gary Bergeron, my roommate, Ed O'Brien, and I left right here in Cape Cod. My parents had a house in South Yarmouth. So, we started our trip to Fort Knox, Kentucky first having a party at my parents' house here in South Yarmouth. Had some women over for the duration of a night and so forth. Then, we set off the next day and we drove not straight to Fort Knox. We drove down to, I think it was Fayetteville, North Carolina where we visited the home of a gal that I had been dating, seeing a little bit. I think she went to Endicott Junior College at the time. We arrived at this unbelievable plantation and Bergeron and O'Brien were, they looked awful. I looked awful. We'd been driving for two days and were met by the butler for the family who opened my doors. I pulled in underneath the portico of this unbelievable Southern plantation. Then, we were greeted by her parents and we stayed for two days. We never saw them again after that brief greeting. The three of us stayed in a converted slave shack that had been turned into a guest house. I'm sure that on our departure her father was very happy to see us go and probably hoped to never see us again. I had a 1950 Oldsmobile convertible. Everybody was, at that time, probably still do today, used to call their cars different things. My car was called "The Green Seducer." Laughs. Anyway, I don't know if you want to publish that. Fun times! JC: Ed also said to ask you, "Whatever happened to the hearses?" MK: Well, one of our fraternity brothers had a beautiful hearse. It was a 1938 Packard hearse. It was in perfect condition. Ed O'Brien, Gary Bergeron, and I owned a '36 LaSalle hearse. We bought for, I don't know. I don't think we paid a hundred dollars for it. Occasionally, we used to drive it down to Saratoga Springs, New York. It was a standard shift vehicle and had a clutch that used to slip all the time. And so, going up and down the hills of Vermont sometimes it would barely make the hill even though you might have had a sixty mile an hour head start to try to get up the hill. At graduation, we ended up selling the hearse, and I don't think we got more than a hundred bucks back for it, to a 6 couple of our junior fraternity brothers. Whatever happened to it after we sold it, I don't know. JC: Ed said he couldn't remember what happened to it either. MK: I don't know what happened to it. Yeah. JC: What do you think was the hardest part of attending Norwich? MK: I would say the rules and regulations which kept you somewhat, I'd say, confined to campus, certainly in freshman year, very difficult. I remember going home at Thanksgiving time. My head had pretty much been still shaved off and seeing some of my other friends who went to more civilian colleges. I'm thinking to myself, "What am I doing at a place like Norwich?" In the end, it all worked out very, very well for me. I was very pleased to stick it out. To this day, I'm very proud of the institution and what it's did for me in my life. The qualities and so forth, the development of good character and responsibility, all those things that Norwich teaches you, I think I embodied to this day. JC: What did the motto "I Will Try" mean to you as a student? MK: Well, I would say "Never Give Up" and that's what it means. If you believe in something, persevere to its end. I think "I Will Try," it's a great motto. One that means to you "Never Give Up." JC: Has that changed since you've gotten older, what you thought of "I Will Try"? MK: No. In fact, my wife says I'm too persistent a lot on a lot of things and if I believe in something that is right and can be accomplished, to this day. I'm known in my family as the last to give up. So, "I Will Try" has been embedded in my whole life, my business life, my personal life, and so forth. JC: Okay. What does Partridge's idea of citizen soldier mean to you? MK: Well, I think that it embodies the spirit of really what being an American is, that you behave in a way that you show that you're proud of your country and that you're willing to defend its freedoms. I think being both a citizen in private life and being a soldier, the combination of developing talents in those two respected areas and merging them together provides for being a better person. JC: Do you remember any funny stories about life or people at Norwich that you can tell? MK: One of our fraternity brothers, and sadly, he passed away just about a year and a half ago, Pierson Mapes, was an unbelievable class clown and a great friend of mine right up to the day that he passed away. He was a guy that had developed a tremendous amount of respect among the administration at Norwich. He was the kind of person who, because of his personality and size, he was about six-foot five, he could get away with absolute 7 murder. Even to this day, he was famous for blowing his bugle at all kinds of different events. He blew his bugle at our fiftieth reunion. I don't want to pursue any more on the stories and whatever. JC: I understand. What did you do after graduation? MK: The year I graduated, 1959, the U.S. government was offering six-month only active duty opportunities and then, seven-and-a-half-year commitment in the Reserves. I knew that I didn't want to pursue, as a career, being in the Army. So, I elected to take the, after graduation and being commissioned second lieutenant, I elected to do the six-month tour. I think the reason being they offered me the six-month tour, there were tremendous number of second lieutenants graduating from ROTC programs around the country. We had too many second lieutenants. So, they offered this reduced commitment prior to the, I think it was classes of '58, '59, and '60 probably offered that. This is pre-Vietnam era. I took advantage of that. Went to Fort Knox for six months and then, returned back to Springfield, Massachusetts. Actually, at that time, it was Longmeadow. Started to look, figure out what I was going to do for work and had a couple interviews with some small companies in Springfield. Then, by coincidence, the brother-in-law of the gentleman who had gone to Norwich that recommended my parents said I should look at Norwich, he was with a real estate firm in Boston. He was leaving that firm called Cabot, Cabot, Forbes and moving to a firm called Perini Construction. So, I interviewed with him and he said to me, he said, "Mark, if you wanted to go up to Toronto, Canada, you can go up there and go to work for this guy. We just bought a big piece of land outside of Toronto." In fact, almost bought the whole town, all the vacant land in the town, and were going to develop a big industrial park, planned a shopping center, residential development and so forth. I thought, "Wow, great opportunity. Why not?" He said, "I'll pay you five thousand dollars a year. So, you go up there and meet up with just two other people in the office and give it a shot." I didn't have any attachments. I was fortunate. My parents had given me a brand-new Pontiac convertible, 1959 Pontiac convertible. So, I had a nice car. I got in the car. Drove from Springfield to Toronto, Canada, where I spent a couple years up there. And then, returned to the Boston area. Stayed with Perini for another six months or so and then moved on with other real estate opportunities, commercial real estate opportunities in Boston. JC: Okay. How did your training at Norwich prepare you for life? MK: Well, I'd say "I Will Try" is a strong backbone to developing a character. I would say the importance of honesty, importance of hard work, importance of respecting others' opinions and thoughts, and helping others. All those things, I would say that are Norwich values probably contributed to my well-being. JC: Do you think your professional life would have been different had you not been a Norwich graduate? MK: You know, I really don't know whether that might have been different. To be honest with you, I've been very lucky and I think having the opportunity to go to work with the Perini 8 Group in Toronto was lucky. Whether or not that would have been any different, I don't know. JC: Has being a Norwich graduate opened doors for you that might not have otherwise been opened? MK: I don't think so but you never know. I've enjoyed obviously being, still remain connected to the University. I've got friends all over the United States who are, one way or another, connected to Norwich. Been exposed to probably of things that I normally wouldn't have gotten exposed to. Who knows? JC: Do you think Norwich graduates have a special bond that other military and civilian institutions lack? MK: I would say yes. Definitely would say yes because of a lot of friends that I have, none of them, aside from my wife, my wife also went to Skidmore as well. She has remained very involved in Skidmore activities. But my other male friends, they don't have the commitment to their alumni organizations or actually with their classmates. I've got a number of friends that went to Harvard. They are basically uninvolved with Harvard even at their reunions. Don't even attend their reunions. I think I attend every five years certainly and more often than that occasionally, reunions since I graduated. The class is unique and as I mentioned earlier, on our fiftieth, we had ninety-eight percent participation. Our class has really bonded close together which is great to this day. Back when we were students, you know, we all belonged to different, the majority of us belonged to different fraternities but yet, since graduation, we've really bonded as a class. JC: Have you been involved with Norwich since you graduated? MK: I have. I was fortunate to be asked to become a member of board of trustees. It's now about, I believe, fifteen years ago when that occurred. I was on the board of trustees for twelve years, a wonderful experience. Probably one of the best experiences in life that I had. Loved being a member of the board and being intricate in its involvement. I was chair of the development committee for, I think, five years when I was a board member. I got tapped to be the co-chair of the capital campaign that's currently underway and realigned my responsibilities, at the moment, where I'm a vice-chair of the capital campaign with Joel Kobert taking over as being chair of the capital campaign, rightfully so. JC: Okay. Do you stay in touch with your classmates a lot? MK: I do. I do. We, I would say, there isn't a month that goes by that where some communication from one of our classmates and so forth. As I mentioned, we're a very close class. After a five-year reunion, a year doesn't go by when we're not starting to organize for our next five-year reunion. That's already underway right now for our sixtieth, which is coming up in 2019, the two hundredth anniversary of the school. Coughs. Excuse me. 9 JC: What advice would you give a rook today about surviving and thriving at Norwich? MK: Let me get a glass of water. Would you like a coffee or anything? JC: I'm fine. MK: Oh, you're fine. Want some water? JC: I'm fine. MK: Okay. JC: Thank you, though. MK: My wife and I have had this cough going for a couple weeks. JC: Oh, goodness! MK: We thought we were on the tail end of it and I think it's coming back. So, Joe, what was your last question? JC: What advice would you give a rook about how to survive and thrive at Norwich? MK: Stick to it! Absolutely, stick to it. The rewards will be significant and you will never regret being, just stick it out. I know it's difficult but it's short-lived. When you're undergoing the experience, I'm sure you think, "Wow! When is this ever going to get over?" But perseverance, just stick to it and you'll never regret having done that. It will make you a better person in the long run. JC: Did you have any relatives that attended Norwich? MK: I did not. JC: What would you say your proudest moment at Norwich would be? MK: I would say that our collective effort to raise the perception, the worldwide perception of Norwich and how it stands in the global economy, building it up, the expansion of the campus, the expansion of the student body. I'm very proud of where the school stands in academia today. I think that's occurred as a direct result of President Schneider's leadership. We've come a long, long way in the last twenty-three or twenty-four years so I'm very proud of where we are today. JC: Can you tell me a little bit more about being a trustee? MK: Well, I also served on the investment committee. Being a trustee, it's a great responsibility because a trustee is charged with contributing and directing the future of 10 the institution. We're responsible for its well-being. Taking that responsibility is a very, very serious matter. I was very pleased to serve with, I believe, at the time, we had approximately twenty-seven, twenty-eight trustees and all with varying degrees of talent and all with a commitment to further the well-being of Norwich. It was a great experience working with them. I'm proud of the talents that are on the board, certainly when I was on. I know, to this day, the commitment that they all have. Everybody is pulling in the same direction. I was very proud to be asked and to serve on the board of trustees. JC: Is there anything else you'd like to add or something we haven't talked about that we should? MK: No. Joe, I'd say that again to emphasize the school has made tremendous strides under President Schneider's leadership and holds great promise for continuing. I know he's planning on retiring in 2020. I'm sure we will have a great cadre of potential individuals who will succeed him and continue on the legacy that he's established. Can't believe the school's been around for two hundred years and I think it's got great promise going forward for the next two hundred years. JC: All right. If there's nothing else? MK: That's it. JC: I'll press stop. Thank you very much. MK: Okay. All right, Joe. End of recording.
Interview with Elsie Puputti of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Elsie Puputti was born in Finland, June 26, 1932. He father died when she was very young and her mother struggled to raise her and her siblings on their small farm. Memories of how poor the conditions were in Finland and what it was like during the war. Mrs Puputti's mother had been born in Fitchburg, Massachusetts and eventually was able to return with three of her daughters January 6, 1949. Arriving in New York harbor and her first memories of the U.S., how things compared to Finland. The help her aunt was to her family when they first arrived. She worked as a maid until she was married in 1951. She went to night school to learn more English. Going to church, social activities, and how she met her husband. Customs she missed from Finland and traditions she kept. How Mrs. Puputti started her store. Her children and their interests. How her life in the U.S. compares to what it would have been like in ; 1 INTERVIEWER: Mrs. Puputti, where were you born? MRS. PUPUTTI: I was born in Finland. INTERVIEWER: In what? MRS. PUPUTTI: [Unintelligible - 00:00:06]. INTERVIEWER: And when was that? MRS. PUPUTTI: 1932. INTERVIEWER: What month? MRS. PUPUTTI: June 26. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Could you briefly describe what your earlier years were like there, like what was your family like? MRS. PUPUTTI: Uh, well, we had a very small home. We were -- my father died when I was very young. I was only three years old. My mother took care of us, six of us. And everything was quite poor, I think. Very much, we didn't have very much of anything, you know? My mother was born here in Fitchburg. And after my father had died, she tried to struggle on. We had a little piece of land. And, and she wanted to -- she figured when we get a little bit older she wants to come back to Fitchburg, try to see if she can make a little better life for us here. INTERVIEWER: Did she, did you live on a farm, like? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Yeah? So she had to the farm work and all of you helped? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Small farm? MRS. PUPUTTI: Very small, yeah. INTERVIEWER: Uh, what kind of uh education did you or your brothers and sisters have? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, we all went to like a grammar school or like [unintelligible - 00:01:22] that type of a school. INTERVIEWER: Mm-hmm. MRS. PUPUTTI: Then two years after that, that's how extensive my education.2 INTERVIEWER: Because after that you usually have to pay for your education, and a lot of people couldn't go then. So you can remember times were sort of poor or anything like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. We had sometimes very rough times. Most of the time we always had food, except right after my father died. That was the hardest time. But then after that we always managed to have food. And then we had relatives here. My aunts, they used to send us packages. In the wartime we could get clothes and things like that. To me, a lot of times we were almost better off than some of the other families [unintelligible - 00:02:12] they had bigger houses and more land. INTERVIEWER: You were happy as a child, I think? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. I can't remember being really miserable. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember any important events that happened? Like you said you were there during the war. Can you remember anything about the occupation and the revolutions? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, where we lived, we weren't really touched that much, except that I remember when we did receive lot of… what do you call [unintelligible - 00:02:43] other people that move to our…? INTERVIEWER: Refugees? MRS. PUPUTTI: Refugees. Yeah. We took care of some of them and tried to get them housing and helping like that. I was… I can't remember. I must have been about -- I don't even know how old I was, maybe 12 years old. Could be that I'm wrong with my… INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Do you remember any bombings or anything like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, we didn't have bombings in where we lived. Not even close. We saw the planes go over, but that's all. INTERVIEWER: Why did you decide to come to this country? Or your mother made the decision, right? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. I was young. I was 16, 15, 16 years old. She just wanted to come here. We were young. Three girls, my oldest sister and my 3 younger sister. And she just decided to take us with her because we weren't married or anything. She wanted to, you know, keep us together. INTERVIEWER: So she left some of the children in Finland? MRS. PUPUTTI: She left two of the older girls. My brother died in the war. That was the one of the hardest part for me. He was my only brother. He died. But there was five girls, and two of them were married, so they stayed. INTERVIEWER: So this was something that your mother had planned for quite a while, right? She had always hoped that when she figured you were older to come over here? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: How did the others feel about the choice to come over here? Did your relatives say they thought it was a good idea, or did they tell you not to? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Those days it was very hard to get here. That was 1949. Very few people got in. And I remember my mother got in the US because she was born here and she got her citizen papers back. And that was the only reason we were able to make it here. And like I said, we had waited for I think it was about two years for our papers to come through. So it is something that she -- remember, see, she was 13 years old when she left, so she remembers what it was like here. Because we were very, very excited. I was. My older sister wasn't. She had boyfriends, so I guess she wanted to stay. But I was very excited, and my younger sister was very excited. INTERVIEWER: When did you leave? Do you know what date it was? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. We came here January 6, 1949. So it took us about 11 days to… INTERVIEWER: Eleven days to -- and did you come over by boat? MRS. PUPUTTI: By boat, yeah. 4 INTERVIEWER: What was that like? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, I was very sick. INTERVIEWER: Were most of the family sick? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: Very sick. But it was very exciting because I had never been in a huge ship. INTERVIEWER: Was it a nice boat? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. INTERVIEWER: Were you all crowded, or…? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, we had a nice room. We had… the name of the boat was Stockholm. That's a Swedish line. It's one of those big ocean liners. There isn't too many left like that. INTERVIEWER: So aside from being sick, it was a comfortable, pleasant ride. MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yes. It was very nice. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember if it cost very much? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, I think my ticket was $120, because I remember my aunt had paid for it and, you know, here. And after I started working, that was the first thing I did was to pay my ticket. INTERVIEWER: So your relatives here in Fitchburg helped pay for all of you to come over [unintelligible - 00:06:26] because that would be difficult for your mother to raise that much money for all of you. Once you were on the way, did you have any second thoughts about coming, or were you just -- like you said, you were excited, really? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, we were very apprehensive. Very, very -- you know, looking forward and thinking about what it's gonna be like. INTERVIEWER: What place did you enter this country? Do you remember? MRS. PUPUTTI: New York. INTERVIEWER: Was it Ellis Island, or… MRS. PUPUTTI: No, not anymore.5 INTERVIEWER: Just New York harbor? MRS. PUPUTTI: Just like any other tourist. INTERVIEWER: Do you remember what the first thing was that you saw in this country? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. To me, the most striking thing was when I saw the Black people the first time. Then I see some nuns, and I had never seen that. That to me was -- you know, I keep my eye on them quite a while. Then I had picture of the city much different. I had thought it was so beautiful, but there's nothing that can describe. But then it was quite dirty, and I was disappointed, actually. But then… INTERVIEWER: The buildings were tall though. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. That was something exciting, but… INTERVIEWER: And the Statue of Liberty, things like that. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. But still, it was so different that it always stays in my mind. INTERVIEWER: So you felt a little disappointed but still happy? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, still very excited. INTERVIEWER: Was there any type of welcome for you? MRS. PUPUTTI: Nothing big. My aunt came to pick us up. We came from New York to Fitchburg in a bus. INTERVIEWER: Was that the first time you've ever been in a bus? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: No. MRS. PUPUTTI: We had buses in Finland. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Was there any kind of confusion, like did you have a communication problem finding your aunt? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: No, she was right there. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Did you speak any English at all? MRS. PUPUTTI: No.6 INTERVIEWER: Or any of your family? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. My mother did, few words. She had… INTERVIEWER: She had spoken… MRS. PUPUTTI: But she had forgotten. INTERVIEWER: Forgotten? Yeah. Did you have to go through any formalities here, or were they in Finland that you had to…? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Only that they'd check your papers. INTERVIEWER: No physicals? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: At least in Finland you probably had to. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, we had to go through all the -- we had to get the shots and everything. It was very, very strict. You had to get all kinds of papers. But here they just checked them and… INTERVIEWER: Did you notice any differences when you were traveling from New York to Fitchburg? Did you notice any differences compared to Finland? Like was the land flatter? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Actually, the roads first, that was something that I had never seen, huge roads. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: Highways. And then the scenery, everything was so much cleaner. The woods are so thick with the underbrush. Things like that. We had clean woods. I mean, you can see. INTERVIEWER: Oh yeah, clear. MRS. PUPUTTI: And then the hills, we had no flat. INTERVIEWER: How about the climate? Did you notice any difference in the temperature? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, it's… INTERVIEWER: Well, you came in January, so it was pretty… MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, it was about the same. It was cold here as well. INTERVIEWER: Did you find any differences between like the winters in Finland and how it is around here? Some people say they're more 7 unpredictable. Like in Finland, you get constant snow, whereas here you can get a blizzard. MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, in Finland you never get two feet at one time. No. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: So that is different, and the air is dryer. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Did you meet any American people along the way, or mostly you were just traveling with your aunt? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. I can't remember. No. INTERVIEWER: Were you pretty much excited still, or were you disappointed at the changes in scenery? Was it still exciting? MRS. PUPUTTI: When we got here, it was very nice. Houses were so big, but not to me, because we're used to it now. But going along the Mechanic Street, and all that Elm Street, High Street apartments, there were these [unintelligible - 00:10:37] and things that look so, so different. I had never pictured nothing like that. INTERVIEWER: Were you disappointed, or you liked it? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, I think it was very unusual. Something about it, I can't put it into words, but it was exciting, somehow so different. INTERVIEWER: Did you and your mother and the other girls, did they stay with your aunt then? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, she had gotten us apartment already. We were our own family right away. INTERVIEWER: And did she get a job somewhere? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. We got jobs, all of us. My youngest sister, Lisa, went to school, but the others, we had to go to work. INTERVIEWER: What did your mother get for a job? MRS. PUPUTTI: We mostly did the housework [unintelligible - 00:11:18] but you have to do [unintelligible - 00:11:21] so did I. INTERVIEWER: Did you do housework for other people? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. INTERVIEWER: And your other sister too?8 MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. I was like a maid for [unintelligible - 00:11:30] different things until I got married and I quit. INTERVIEWER: When did you get married? MRS. PUPUTTI: Two years later, '51. I met my husband here. He had come from Finland too. INTERVIEWER: Did you ever get a chance to go back to school or to learn English in school? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, I did go to night school. That's how we [unintelligible - 00:11:50] learn to speak clearly. INTERVIEWER: Otherwise you picked it up? MRS. PUPUTTI: But then you just picked it up on the way. INTERVIEWER: I'm surprised how well the people do that I interviewed when they say they just had like a short time in night school and they just picked it up. It's hard to believe you can do so well. Did you look for a neighborhood that had mostly people of your own nationality, like Finnish people? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. That's not so much that we looked for it, just that… INTERVIEWER: They were all there. MRS. PUPUTTI: … they were right there. INTERVIEWER: Were they friendly? Were the neighbors friendly? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yes. We never had any problems with them. INTERVIEWER: Did it take much time for you to become involved in the church or social activities in this area? MRS. PUPUTTI: Not in the church. We were not immediately, because my mother is very religious and we all are. So we naturally started with the church that -- it was right in the neighborhood, too, the Messiah Lutheran Church. It's just been with us ever since. INTERVIEWER: So you got into church activities and events like that? How about social activities, like dances or picnics?9 MRS. PUPUTTI: A little bit. They used to have like a [unintelligible - 00:12:58] society. They used to have dances those days, but they don't have that much anymore, like [unintelligible - 00:13:02]. INTERVIEWER: Right. Did you use to go? MRS. PUPUTTI: It used to be a little bit [unintelligible - 00:13:08] like they had shows, we used to act and things like that. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. You took part in it? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, a little bit, but nothing too much. That was one thing that I was -- we were very, very lonesome Christian girls. Very lonesome. We missed our old friends and… INTERVIEWER: Boyfriends and things? Is that how you met your husband, through one of these? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. It was quite interesting. I had met one older gentleman here in evening classes in high school, and he used to tell me about this very interesting boy he used to know and he used to live with in Sweden. And he says if he ever gets here, I would very much like you two to meet. So when my husband came here, first time this gentleman introduced us. And actually, he brought him to my home. That's where I met him very first time, in my own home. So somehow I just end up right away. He was so different, so refreshing coming from [unintelligible - 00:14:12]. INTERVIEWER: Must have been nice he could tell you about [unintelligible - 00:14:15]. What were some of the things that you missed most about Finland, like food or any customs? Did your mother still cook Finnish food? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yeah. Yes. It's not so much that I -- I don't know if I missed anything like that so much, any of the foods or customs or anything like that, just that there's a certain kind of atmosphere, a certain kind of feeling for everybody where they have been or something long years, but not any particular thing.10 INTERVIEWER: Just miss the whole thing. Yeah. Did you keep up any customs? Did your mother practice customs? MRS. PUPUTTI: I suppose so, if you really start to think about it. Like Christmastime, we always had the kinkkus. INTERVIEWER: What's that? MRS. PUPUTTI: That's pork. Fresh pork we cook, [unintelligible - 00:15:14] fish and things like that. INTERVIEWER: You still kept that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah, we still keep that up. Easter time we used to have special foods we're used to making. Not so much anymore. INTERVIEWER: How about holidays? Did you still have any? [Unintelligible - 00:15:26] maybe all the Finnish people practiced holidays? Could you ever get hold of anything like Finnish books, things like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes, we did. Let's see. Oh, I suppose [unintelligible - 00:15:43] well, I have to think of it. I can't remember. INTERVIEWER: You could still read Finnish books? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. But I can't remember how we got them, but I know there was some. INTERVIEWER: Okay. What were some of things you enjoyed most about your new life? Anything special? Any more conveniences or better pay? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, yeah. The food was so nice. That was one thing that was very good. And then the cars, you know, started coming out that we had never had a chance to drive like we did here. Well, everything was faster and a bigger scale than what I was used to. INTERVIEWER: Did you like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. Yes, it's something that we'd pursue. Let me think. What would be some other things that would be nice? INTERVIEWER: Would you have had a chance to have your own shop? How did you get involved in this?11 MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, I know I wouldn't have had the chance to have this own shop like this that I have here. Well, see, one thing though Finland's been always very up to date on fashion, and the quality is superb. My brother-in-law in Finland has a big clothing store, and we used to get these for Christmas and we used to visit them. Like in 1969, the whole family, we went over, and just to see that store. It just inspired me to think that, "Why couldn't we have something like that in Fitchburg with all the Finnish people here?" So it would really be something special for them. So I had dreamed about it, but I didn't really think that I'll ever do it. But then one time a couple years ago, after I was talking with my sister, she got so excited that, "Go ahead, do it," that I go to my brother-in-law and see what he thinks if he could give me the factories and people to send me some things, you know. It's hard for you to get started and then you still have some factories send you some things and they don't know anything about you. But he was good help with me that way that he got them to send me some things, and then that's how it started. It's two years now and they keep sending us. And it's so nice because it's so different. Everything is so well-made. People seem to like -- like I said, steady customers. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: Continual. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. I meant to ask you, did you ever have any children after you got married? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yeah. I have a daughter and a son. Daughter is 20 and my son is 18. INTERVIEWER: What do they do? MRS. PUPUTTI: She sells right here. She is going to Graham Junior College for this retailing and merchandising, and the boy is going to Worcester Tech. My husband has a small machine shop, so we have two small businesses in Fitchburg.12 INTERVIEWER: Cool. MRS. PUPUTTI: Our son is interested in that life. He wants to be engineer. INTERVIEWER: Keep in the family. MRS. PUPUTTI: It's not that we push him, but it's what he enjoys. INTERVIEWER: No, it's his choice. Were you able to understand the local newspapers and magazines and radio and things like that? MRS. PUPUTTI: First, right away when we came, there was a Finnish program on the air that time. And actually, we were interviewed. INTERVIEWER: Oh, yeah? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. Because it was so unusual for new people to come, immigrants to come from Finland at that time. And there was [unintelligible - 00:19:48] the Finnish newspaper we used to read… INTERVIEWER: So you could keep up with the news? MRS. PUPUTTI: [Unintelligible - 00:19:52] anymore after you get used to the English one. And things like that. And we used to -- like in the church we could hear Finnish language all these years. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: We still have Finnish services. INTERVIEWER: So do you speak at home? MRS. PUPUTTI: Not anymore. INTERVIEWER: Do you speak it with your husband, possibly? MRS. PUPUTTI: No. INTERVIEWER: No. MRS. PUPUTTI: Very seldom anymore. It's not that we don't want to. It's just INTERVIEWER: It's that you're so used to… MRS. PUPUTTI: … that we're so used to. And I remember first we wanted to learn English, so we purposely said that we're not going to speak in Finnish so we could learn it, and then it became a habit. INTERVIEWER: So the children never picked up Finnish? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, they did.13 INTERVIEWER: Oh, they did? MRS. PUPUTTI: They did. And they still understand almost all of it. And they can even speak quite a bit. INTERVIEWER: That's good. I think it's good to keep it in the family if you can. How about political preference? Do you have any, and how'd you choose? MRS. PUPUTTI: I'm strictly independent. I used to vote when I feel the man deserves it. INTERVIEWER: Yeah. Okay. Did you ever take any active parts? Did you ever campaign for anybody? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, not really. INTERVIEWER: After you had lived here for a while, do you ever write back to people in Finland and tell them to come over, encourage them? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes. As a matter of fact, I did. Nine years ago I got my sister's family here. I was responsible for it. It was eight people. That was one of the biggest families that had come from all time. And they were interviewed on the boat, and they was taking pictures and everything because it was unusual. Large families like that doesn't usually get up all and just leave. INTERVIEWER: Did they stay in Fitchburg? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes, they're still here. INTERVIEWER: They enjoyed it? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yeah. The oldest boy went through air course, and he's living in Alaska now. INTERVIEWER: Oh. So they're happy that you gave them that advice? Would you ever consider going back to Finland to live? MRS. PUPUTTI: No, I don't think so. I love to go there, you know, and stay for a while. Unless when I'm really old, I don't know. INTERVIEWER: After you retire or something?14 MRS. PUPUTTI: See, we feel it's home here in Fitchburg. We have a home in Rindge Road, and we've been there for 15 years. The children were born there. It would be too hard now to… INTERVIEWER: This is where your roots are now. Yeah. MRS. PUPUTTI: … cut everything and… INTERVIEWER: You have gone back to Finland though? MRS. PUPUTTI: We have, yes. INTERVIEWER: How many times? MRS. PUPUTTI: Quite a few times. First time we went 1969, then I've gone twice after that. INTERVIEWER: Did you notice the changes that are happening over there? MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh, yes. And we do have to say that Finland goes much faster than we do here in Fitchburg, much faster. INTERVIEWER: They caught up to United States standards and all. MRS. PUPUTTI: Oh yes. And the housing and everything is -- they are building much more than we are here, much more. INTERVIEWER: Do you feel that generally life has worked out better for you here than it would have in Finland? MRS. PUPUTTI: Yes, I really think so. I feel maybe -- like I said, my husband and I, we took the chances on business here. I feel a lot American people, they probably wouldn't have dared to try to do what we do. But because we came here, we didn't have anything… INTERVIEWER: You couldn't lose anything. MRS. PUPUTTI: So we feel that even if we have something little bit now, we came with nothing. That's what my husband says, he came with $20, and if he leaves with $20 that's fine. INTERVIEWER: Wow. Do you feel your children have a better chance in this country than they would've in Finland? Or do you think now it's different, maybe?15 MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, they probably do. But right now over there if you're ambitious you can go almost as far over there as you can here. I feel that in our case it was better here. INTERVIEWER: Of any plans that you made when you came here, is there any you haven't achieved yet that you regret? Or have you really accomplished more than you probably ever expected? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, see, I never thought of going into business while I was at home and taking care of the children when they were smaller. So to me, this is something that I didn't even think of doing until the last minute. I think I've done better than I've really expected. INTERVIEWER: That's good. What is the most important advantage you feel that you have as a citizen of this country? MRS. PUPUTTI: Well, even things are much rougher now here than they were when I first came. I remember how we used to keep the doors open, now we have to lock everything up. All that was much nicer then, but I still think that Americans have more freedom than any other country in the whole world. Even if Finland is free, but there's still some certain logical things about -- well, I suppose from Russia because they're so close. I feel that people don't appreciate that feeling; they abuse it. That makes me awful upset sometimes, you know. They should go someplace to live where, really, you can't speak that clear. Yeah, you cannot blast the president in any place. You can't really do that. INTERVIEWER: Yeah, that's true. Many times you hear people say they long for the good old days. When you think back at what the good old days was supposed to be for you, which would you rather have, the good old days or now? MRS. PUPUTTI: I think I'd rather have now. I think it's a saying, "the good old days." I can't say that I have anything in -- my life was anything so terrible that I want to take back. But I still like the present. I still feel that we're going ahead. It doesn't mean that I value the 16 money or want to be something rich or something like that so much. It's just that unless you can pay your bills and be comfortable and happy in your everyday life, that's the [unintelligible - 00:26:02]. INTERVIEWER: So you feel you've lived a good life? MRS. PUPUTTI: I think so. INTERVIEWER: Okay. Thank you./AT/jf/ah/es
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I am not sure that the past month's headaches and insomnia are due to the challenges of thinking about the Israel-Palestine conflict, but I am going to use that as my intro to this effort to think through this stuff.Usual caveats apply: I am not a political theorist or moral philosopher, I am not an expert on the conflict itself. Oh, and I was raised Jewish and the education I got at Hebrew school did not adequately present the realities of the past. I did take one Mideast politics course in college, and I did spend one week on an amazing and amazingly depressing tour of Israel and Palestine with a bunch of other academics four years ago.One of the conversations that disturbed me most this past week was when a rabbi I met on that trip responded to my criticisms of Israel's attack upon the hospital. He asked what is the right way to attack a group using a hospital as a shield (and as a trap), and my answer was simplistic: don't. I get that he and some of my relatives feel as if there are unfair standards being applied to Israel. And I absolutely get that anti-semitism is on the rise in the US, Canada, and Europe, although I wonder how much of this pro-Palestinian and how much of this opportunist far right folks using this moment (something to discuss another day). But Israel is fucking up in a major way here, and I want to think through why I think that, and why it is legitimate to criticize Israel at this moment of crisis. Oh, and one more caveat: Hamas is more evil. It is bad to target the civilians of the adversary, but it is even worse to deliberately endanger one's own civilians. Netanyahu has indirectly engaged Israelis by empowering Hamas and by diverting troops to protect expansionist (irredentist!) settlers, leaving communities close to Gaza essentially unguarded. So, even as I criticize Israel, I am not apologizing for or supporting Hamas. I want Hamas to be defeated, but in the right way. More on that below.So, I am starting with first principles:Everyone is deserving of self-determination: Jews, Palestinians, Ukrainians, Taiwanese (oops), Quebecois, etc. Violence is bad, so it should only be used proportionately.Just because someone did something in the past, such as mass bombing of cities, does not legitimate folks using the same strategy today. The bible speaks of laws of war that we generally find abhorrent--there has been progress in our moral stances and also in our strategic understanding. The best way to provide people with self-determination is democracy. It is better, in my humble opinion, that infinite secession where every group has its own state, because the act of secession or partition will probably increase the grievances of some groups that are left behind. Quebec's separatism had a very small burst of violence largely because Quebecois could and did exert power via voting to get damn near everything they wanted. Not everything, but all the stuff that might have been worth fighting for.One state from sea to river with all Palestinians and all Jews sharing one state with heaps of religious and other rights .... would be cool, but, well, Jews want a Jewish state since bad things have happened in democracies where other groups have more votes. Alternatively, a single state where Jews have rights and Palestinians don't is inherently problematic and wrong--the apartheid label feels icky but when you run a massive open-air prison with no end in sight, it is hard to think of it in any other way. I have believed for quite some time that Israeli Jews faced a choice--Israel could remain a theocratic state or it remain a democracy, but not both. Some of my relatives have said that the Arab countries should welcome the Palestinians. The thing is: the Palestinians think they are a people, the Arab countries think the Palestinians are a people, and since nationalism is intersubjective, Jews can't wish away Palestinian identity. However, Netanyahu can use the Israeli military to destroy many symbols that resonate with Palestinian identity, and that gets us to the g word.Threatening a second nabka, which would expel the Palestinians from the occupied territories would be ethnic cleansing. If the Palestinians were to win and push the Jews out, that too would be ethnic cleansing. And it would not be legitimate even if one considers all Jews to be settlers-colonizers. We can't unwind history with heaps of bloodshed and call it justice. Anyhow, I try to avoid using the word genocide because it is very fraught. In the past, did Canadians practice genocide against its Indigenous peoples. Yeah. Now? I'd say no, as state policies are not aimed at reducing or eliminating these peoples, even if bad policies continue and are harmful. But I can see why some folks may argue this and I probably need more info to take a clearer stance.Is Israel engaged in genocide right now? It is using lots of violence to reduce the population of Palestinians in Gaza. It is not proportionate, and it is not well aimed at achieving military objectives, two of the requirements for the just use of force. Israel is making Gaza uninhabitable. While Israel has not been all that strategic/deliberate--this is mostly about revenge since 10/7--the way force has been used is suggestive--to solve the Gaza problem by getting rid of the residents. That has some echoes, doesn't it?So, the hospital: Hamas had some stuff based at the hospital? Does that make it either a legitimate (morally speaking) or sound (strategically speaking) target? No. Most of the folks at the hospital had limited agency--they neither voted for Hamas nor had power to remove Hamas, nor much ability to leave. So, one should not target many vulnerable civilians if the aim is to kill a few Palestinian leaders. With that specific campaign over, we are learning that the Israelis never had the best intelligence about the threat posed by those in the hospital, which is now a trend--Israeli intelligence failure. Would it be legitimate and smart to hit the hospital if it had a ticking weapon of mass destruction? Sure. Anything short of that? Not so much. The Hamas use of human shields is ... a TRAP! And the Israelis walked right into it. War is, as they say, politics by other means, and so the Israelis lost big time on the world stage by attacking a hospital Their strategic communications about all of this has been awful. International support matters for both sides, and Israel surrendered whatever moral authority and international support it gained on October 7th, much like the US gave up all of the goodwill from 9/11 by attacking Iraq. Jews are upset because Hamas is not getting as much criticism, and that is for a few reasons. One is that countries are siding with the Arab world due to strategy or convenience or cheap oil or whatever. Another is that Hamas being evil is baked in. It has been held to a lower standard because it is a terrorist group. Palestinians in Europe and North America support Hamas and cheer on Israeli defeats, including, alas, the attacks on kids. Jews in Israel and elsewhere are cheering on violence against Palestinians. Both are wrong--both because the people of both sides deserve human dignity and because the attacks are not going to achieve anything. We hold Israel to a higher standard because it is a democracy and it is the more powerful side, which means, yes, it has more responsibility.One of the ingredients of just war is whether an attack is actually going to accomplish something. If you repeatedly use violence with little expectation of changing the situation, that is morally problematic--revenge, for instance, is not a legitimate justification for the use of violence. If some violence can avert more violence and end a conflict, then it is more just (and more sound from a tactical or strategic standpoint). Ukraine has a morally superior position for continuing the war because Russia has abused those who have been on their side of the lines. Violence, targeted at Russian troops and Russian military assets, is legitimate and also strategically sound. Russian attacks on Ukrainian hospitals and other civilian locations is not. And no, I am not saying Russia and Israel are morally equivalent... but I am saying that Israel's actions are positioning Israel closer to Russia. And who would want that? During the insurgencies of the 2000's, scholars and American military folks came to the same conclusion, more or less: that the best way to win (or at least not lose) a counter-insurgency effort is to minimize civilian casualties. These casualties would undermine the war effort--not just by creating more insurgents--the family and friends of those killed-but also by undermining the legitimacy of the Irag and Afghan governments. So, a policy of "courageous restraint" was enunciated, although I am not sure how well it was observed. The basic idea is that if you want to attack a certain military leader or target, and there are a bunch of kids or other non-combatants present, you wait for a better time. Indeed, our rules of engagement for air attacks often lead to hitting targets at night when buildings are not as occupied.The point here is that there are ways to deal with a hospital that may have some "bad guys" in it. Leveling it is not one of them. Which leads to the question of a cease-fire. I don't always support cease-fires (I am clearly not a pacifist), as it make give one side a big advantage. In the case of Russia-Ukraine, a ceasefire with Russia on Ukrainian land would be bad because it would allow Russian to continue to abuse the Ukrainians and it would potentially create a semi-frozen conflict that limits Ukraine's ability to free its territory and enable Russia to fuck with Ukraine in a variety of ways. In this case? I think with so many civilians in harm's way, and with a cease-fire perhaps giving time for Israelis to think about what they are doing (like following Netanyahu), it might lead to a better, more humane outcome. Would Hamas benefit from a cease-fire? Probably, but so would Israel. This all has avoided the big questions: what should Israel's objectives be? Because you can't have a strategy unless you know what the goal is. If the objective is a one-state Israel with the occupied territories full of folks having no rights and no access to power, then buckle up for unending conflict. Eradicating Hamas should not be an end to itself because removing one organization from the territories will not change the fundamental challenge of two peoples living in this area between river and sea. Removing the Palestinians from Gaza might be the objective now, and, if so, that is horrifying.Until October 7th, Israel focused on tactics to perpetuate the status quo: deterrence by punishment. Or to put in pop culture terms, the strategy that Sean Connery told Kevin Costner in the Untouchables: they came with a knife, you come with a gun. They send your guy to the hospital, you send their guy to the morgue. I will always remember a conversation I had with a retired Israeli special ops general while our group was at the Golan Heights. He was being critical of Obama for not hitting harder than the US got hit by various attacks. That Israel's tactic was always to escalate a bit, to hit harder than have been hit. And I basically asked: how has that worked to end the threat to Israel and stop the violence. Maybe it was kind of working for Israel, but that ended on October 7th, when Hamas decided it was not just willing to take Israel's punishment for an attack that was far more aggressive and damaging to Israelis than previous ones, but actually eager for that punishment. Deterrence only works if the costs of punishment are both credible and greater than the costs of the status quo. To Hamas, they apparently felt the Abraham Accords and other moves were more threatening than getting shellacked by Israel. Maybe their own domestic political game needed as much distraction as Netanyahu did/has. Anyhow, it was a limited strategy since it was mostly kicking the can down the road and had episodes of violence priced in. It may still be working with Hezbollah, but mostly because Hezbollah is in no shape to get into a war with Israel with Lebanon being such a mess (I am guessing here). But the days of deterring Hamas are gone, so what now?Eradicating Hamas? Not so easy. Israel should be doing cost/benefit calculations of the various ways to attack Hamas, which would, yes, mean not attacking hospitals. I think Israel's old strategy was and is the best option: after the Munich Olympics, Israel went out and targeted each person responsible for that attack and, as far as I recall, killed most of them. Israel can do the same here with Hamas's leadership--they might miss a few, but better to miss a few awful Hamas leaders than to kill a lot of civilians. This, of course, requires patience, which Netanyahu does not and cannot have, given the precarity of his political position.And this gets to the one of the key problems: Israelis have voted for various far right parties that have trapped Israel into more and more dangerous paths. Making Israel more theocratic may be good for the Orthodox, but it is bad for the economy and for the political system. Destroying the possibility of a two-state solution not only angers Palestinians but reduces bargaining options and exit strategies. Putting corrupt, awful Netanyahu back into power again and again undermines Israel's democracy, its legitimacy, its military, and its security. And ultimately its future.I am so angry and frustrated not because this is a hard situation, but because it didn't have to be this bad, it didn't have to be this way. Netanyahu and the parties backing him have made things worse. My anger towards Hamas is baked in--never democratic, always autocratic, always determined to wipe Israel from the map. I never had any hope for that organization. I had some hope for the Palestinian Authority until I visited Israel and got a better understanding of its limits. But I had some hope that Israel would see the trap so visibly set in front of it and not hop into it so enthusiastically. It is hard to kill one's way through a counter-insurgency, it is both wrong and counter-productive to kill so many civilians along the way. As a scholar who used to study ethnic conflict, I understand that it is hard to end these kinds of disputes. But I also understand that conflicts end, that violence is not inevitable--that it is a choice. And as a scholar of civil-military relations, I am so glad I never studied Israel.I am not sure if any of this is coherent, but I am just trying to think through this situation. Do I feel any better now that I have spewed my thoughts here? Not really.
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Plekhanov/Labriola As a bit of an experiment, coupling my interest in André Tosel and my work on translation, I have decided to try my hand at a few translations of the former when I get the time. These are totally unauthorized, and rough drafts posted for edification and entertainment purposes only. I started on this piece because it is short, and because it works on an area that I need to learn more about, the history of Marxist-Spinozism before Matheron or Althusser. However, the more I worked on this piece, the more I thought that this split between Plekhanov and Labriola, still exists, in the divide between neo-enlightenment Spinozists and what some might call post-modern, but I prefer to call Marxist Spinozists. The Marxist Uses of Spinoza: Lessons of Method The history of the role of Spinoza's thought in the formation and the development of the work of Marx remains to be written, as is that of the history of the diverse Marxist usage (from different Marxisms) of Spinozist philosophical elements. This double history would reveal the work of Marx, and its contradictions, as much it would open up the work of Spinoza himself. Marxisms have reflected their aporias and their hopes onto Spinoza without necessarily truly thinking them through. In other words this is a domain of misunderstandings and equivocations. In order to undertake this history it would be useful to draw some lessons from the encounter of Marx and Marxist thought with Spinoza. First remark. The encounters of Spinoza by Marxists are discontinuous and contradictory. This discontinuity is initially characterized by the lack of a definitive encounter between Marx himself and Spinoza. Marx is formed through the reading of Spinoza, of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, and the correspondence. Not to learn the lessons of materialism, but an ethico-political lesson. Spinoza is considered as philosopher of freedom and autonomy, modern incarnation of Prometheus and continuation of Epicurus, all at once. Marx, in is progression from Kantian-Fichtean idealism to the speculative communism of the 1844 Manuscripts, develops three theses which are the practical theses of philosophical materialism, without the epistemological and ontological theses of this materialist tradition. Thesis One: Philosophy has a fundamental interest in the liberty of humanity, understood as autonomy and as the end of all heteronomies. Thesis Two: Philosophy is critical of all transcendental authorities of all principle of domination which justify and represent their domination through this principle. Thesis Three: Philosophy is eminently a science, knowledge, but knowledge of life, of the simple life of spirit of bodies rendered by their power. All particular sciences and knowledge must be thought from the point of view of science of life and its forms, as forms of life. When Marx elaborates the materialist conception of history he revolutionizes materialism but he does this without ever connecting it to the spinozist theory of nature, of the relations of extension and thought, of bodies and mind. He integrates and modifies the strong ontological and epistemological thesis of materialism, but these theses are taken more from Hobbes and other materialists of the eighteenth century than from Spinoza. Let us state these theses which are capable of a Spinozist formulation, without however assuming such a formulation. Thesis Four: Nature is the original reality and it is organized as matter at different objective levels. Thought cannot be separated from matter. Thesis Five: Nature in its diverse senses is intelligible. It emerges only from itself, excluding all creation. The human order is not a kingdom within a kingdom and susceptible of being understood. Thesis Six: All knowledge presupposes the reality of its object outside of thought. The appropriation by the knowledge of its own object of knowledge presupposes the reference to a real object. It is necessary to pay attention to the debates in Marxism of the Second International in order to see how the question of "Spinoza precursor of Marxist materialism appears." Emerging in the years of the crisis of revisionism the debate engages above all the German and Russian theorists of social democracy: Bernstein, Kautsky, and Plekhanov. It is in part based on the Anti-Dühring of Friedrich Engels and puts into play the complex questions of the relationship between the materialist theory of history with the sciences of nature with the political problem of the alliance of the intellectual groups in the perspective of socialist transition. This debate between 1896-1900 is inscribed in a theoretical problematic, such of Marxist orthodoxy that will find a new actualization with the problems proper to Soviet philosophy between 1917 and 1931, when it is a matter of specifying what would be called "Marxism-Leninism." If the question of materialism assumes the continuity between the Spinoza of the Second International and that of the Third, nothing would be more erroneous than to let oneself be taken in by the apparent continuity of an imaginary history of philosophy. These occurrences are in effect specific, they constitute theoretical and political conjunctures which must be grasped in a way that takes into account the strategic dimensions of the class struggle whether or not it is led by Marxist parties, the problem of alliances, that of the intellectual division of labor. Marxist philosophy, as it is officially constituted, is part of the practice of parties, and the reference to Spinoza is overdetermined by the political and theoretical stakes that have to be elucidated in each specific situation. Here we touch on the second lesson of method: it is necessary to historically specify the conjunctures where Spinoza intervenes and where and how there is a specific usage of this prestigious and troubling reference. This method makes it possible to determine what falls under ideological legitimation, and what is inserted at the level of the practical politics of the party, of the state, of the level of specialized intellectuals. Spinoza does not only appear only in the emergence of Marxist orthodoxy. He intervenes, in a subterranean manner, in the elaboration of theorists where the considerable theoretical importance has never been associated with an actual political importance. This can be found in the crisis over revisionism in the last century, such that Antonio Labriola in his Essays on the Materialist Conception of History (1895-1898) attests to the presence of a different Spinoza than that of his contemporary Plekhanov and a fortiori than that which was celebrated in Soviet Philosophy in 1927 and 1932. Spinoza intervenes as a critic of the same orthodoxy which returns as elements of an older materialism in another theoretical configuration that has solicited different aspects of his philosophy: no longer the parallelism between extension and thought, not a determinist ontology but the mode considered to be at once conceptual and experimental, the same geometrico-genetic method, in that it now excludes the guarantees of teleological philosophies of history. A contradictory intervention which is not without analogies to another occurrence, the most recent, that of Spinoza in the work of Louis Althusser which can be considered as a systematic deconstruction of the Marxist orthodoxy of the Second and Third International. Between Labriola (1898) and Althusser (1965), if we except the Soviet Spinoza, there is little except Ernst Bloch's remarks that no one has yet taken into account for a history of materialism oriented in the direction of a utopian ontology. This appearance of a Spinoza critical of stated and intended Marxist orthodoxies gives a third lesson of method: the diverse contradictory Marxist uses of Spinoza are situated between two poles, the first is that of an orthodoxy elaborated by the intellectuals of the social democratic and communist parties at the end of an a party/state conception of a finalist world and at the other is from thinkers situated in a problematic relation to the party, who look in Spinoza for other ways to make sense of the world and other practices then the becoming state of the worker parties. This opposition can appear to be schematic. It can be developed into provisional and schematic path of investigation. Such an investigation takes one central question: What is it in the philosophy of Spinoza that authorizes these discontinuous usages, determined by their conjunctures, and perhaps violently opposed? Confronting therefore these different usages of Spinoza that can be considered historically significant in the course of history, that is to say in terms of their specific conjunctures. This can be seen with the orthodox use of Spinoza by Plekhanov and the critical usage of Spinoza by Labriola at the heart of the second international. Plekhanov gave himself the task of elaborating the originality of Marx's philosophy and defending it in the face of revisionists who, with Bernstein, contest the self-sufficiency of Marx's philosophy, dividing into an evolutionary sociology and a Kantian inspired ethics. For Plekhanov there is very much a Marxist philosophy. It is inscribed in the materialist current which it revitalizes by giving it a historical dialectical dimension. Spinoza is the direct ancestor of Marx in that it is through the monism of the former that one can unify the science of nature and the science of history of the latter. Marx has revitalized substance as historical-social matter, metabolism of humanity with nature, and has inherited his realist theory of knowledge, thought is nothing other than a moment or function of matter. There is a Spinozism of Marx that is the realization of historical Spinozism as a the affirmation of the materialist conception of the world, one predicated on the knowability of matter in terms of its organization at diverse levels. Only this conception of the world can give the workers' movement its organization and which would permit it to avoid the disorganization that revisionism introduces, neo-Kantian idealism cannot organize the class struggle without harmful compromises. Spinoza is one part of orthodox Marxism returned to during this period. This Spinoza can authorize the theses of Friedrich Engels, in some sense simplifying the complexity of the Anti-Dühring. Concerned to think together the development of the sciences of nature, the materialist conception of history, and developing a philosophy capable of correct reflection and the movement of the specialization of sciences and the political struggle of classes (alliance with the intellectual stratum), Engles had proposed the idea of a materialist dialectic that oscillates between an ontological conception and a methodological conception of this dialectic. These two conceptions are apparently unified in the idea of "the science of the general laws of motion, both of the external world and of human thought — two sets of laws which are identical in substance, but differ in their expression in so far as the human mind can apply them consciously, while in nature and human history (at least up to now), these laws assert themselves unconsciously, in the form of external necessity, in the midst of an endless series of seeming accidents." This parallelism between (laws of) movement of the external world and (the laws of) thought has a Spinozist connotation which reinforces the idea of liberty as the comprehension of necessary laws. However, it remains above all intended to make possible a representation of the dialectic under materialism, without examining its own difficulties. Plekhanov is not interested in these difficulties in elaborating a general materialist conception that Marx completes and fulfills through the mediation of Hegel. Antonio Labriola, who wrote "Origin and Nature of the Passions According to Spinoza's Ethics" at a young age (1866), refuses this ontologization or methodolization of the dialectic in order to develop the idea of a philosophy of praxis as a philosophy immanent to a new conception of history, reflecting the constitution of history as a complex unifying ground and surface. In this sense, the Plekhanov project, apparently Spinozist, of thinking the continuity of nature and society at the heart of a substantial and homogenous causality loses its sense. The process of social life must be desubstantialized at with it the philosophy that is presented as a hyperphilosophy or super science organized as "theosophic or metaphysic of the totality of the world, as if by an act of a transcendent knowledge we can arrive at a vision of substance and all of the phenomena and processes under it." Antonino Labriola as much as he refuses to make man an 'kingdom in a kingdom' refuses the naturalization of history and the transformation of Marxism into a naturalist ontology where social practice becomes a species of being in general. Labriola denounces a matter found on things as a form of metaphysical superstition. Spinoza is evoked as a hero in the struggle against the imagination and ignorance that resurfaces in Marxist orthodoxy under the form of universal materialism. It is necessary above all to think of the diverse levels of the "animation" of matter, and therefore the specificity of the "artificial terrain" which constitutes practice. What Spinoza knew how to do for the theory of passions must be done for praxis: each one, the relations of affects and and those that constitute praxis, are not ruled by a subject and for this reason must be studied through a genetic method. Labriola speaks of a genetic method that also defines the method of Marx in Capital. The genetic method takes its distance from the dialectic and its teleological philosophy of history and established guarantees. For Labriola the turn to Spinoza is less about the strengthening of a materialist monism than it is about the possibility of reinterpreting Marx's Capital as a geometry of capitalist social being. The geometrical method is an instrument of internal purification destined to eliminate the finalism of productive causes and biological predetermination from Marxist orthodoxy. The philosophy of praxis manifests the basic critical and formal tendency of monism: everything is conceivable as a the causal genesis of a complex totality. The materialist dialectic is neither a universal method nor a logic of being, but constitutes the critical movement internal to knowledge which acts on the practice of philosophy and makes it a "conceptual form of explication" parallel to contemporary science. The reference to Spinoza intervenes in the critique of a Marxist orthodoxy which is supposed to include in a dogmatic manner Spinoza's own materialism. Marx and Spinoza are considered as two practitioners of philosophy who refuse the closure of knowledge in favor of the immanent self-reflection of knowledge. The lesson of Spinoza is not to find the unity of knowledge under a principle but to demystify the fetishes which substitute imaginary principles for the movement of practice. One could develop a similar analysis of the confrontation of the Soviet Spinoza of the Third International to the Spinoza of Louis Althusser. The Soviet Spinoza is an impoverished and petrified version of the Spinoza of Plekhanov. With respect to Althusser, Spinoza's critique is referenced constantly and augmented, infinitely better elaborated than in Labriola, since it acts this time not as a critique of metaphysical fetishism, even materialist, but of the metaphysics of the juridical subject characteristic of occidental rationalism. The contributions of R. Zapata and J.-P. Cottent have clarified these points, but it seems opportune to underly the paradox of this history: it is possible to tie together the diverse uses of Spinoza, one against the other. If Spinoza is enrolled in the constitution of a "conception of the world" which intends to complete a current of philosophy and which cannot at any time criticize its presuppositions, it is also possible, as with Althusser, to think the structure of ideological interpellation that constitutes the ideological subject and invalidates philosophy considered as a theory of knowledge. If Spinoza makes possible a conception of the world in which the State Party is supposed to be the subject of history accomplishing its ultimate ends, it also makes it possible for Althusser to try to reconstruct Marxist theory on the ruins of the triple myth of origin, subject, and the end. The Labriolian critique of imaginatio and ignorantia is radically interiorized in the destruction of Marxisms of the Second and Third International. The recourse to structural causality supposed to have been developed in the theory of modes and substance serves as an incomplete program to develop the theoretical revolution of Marx. However, it goes further still: there are two Spinoza's in Althusser himself. The Spinoza critical of any theory of knowledge ultimately occludes the Spinoza of structural causality: the denunciation of the triple myth of origin, subject, and end is lead to the liquidation of the rational modernism present in Marx. However the pars destruens always prevails over the pars construens. The idea of structural causality (such that of substance as the absent cause over the modes and affects) is accompanied with the affirmation of an unknown radicality of Marxist science, but the critique of the metaphysics of subjectivity in the teleology of Marxism that accompanies it announces the crises of Marxist liberation in the last interventions of Althusser. Everything comes to pass as if Althusser deconstructs a dogmatic Spinoza in the name of another Spinoza, more secret and more enigmatic. Spinoza is always divided from Spinozism which claims to define himOriginally published in Bloch, Olivier, Editor, Spinoza au XXe siècle, Paris, PUF, 1993.
Arviointi, mikäli sen kaikkia mahdollisuuksia hyödynnettäisiin, olisi tärkeä työkalu avustamaan julkista sekä yksityissektoria ja kansalaisyhteiskuntaa inhimillisen hyvinvoinnin lisäämiseksi. Valitettavasti, vaikka tehtyjen arviointien määrä on maailmanlaajuisesti lisääntymässä, näiden arviointien alhainen hyödyntämisaste on samoin kasvamassa. Tästä esimerkkinä on kehitystyö, jossa lukemattomat tuotetut ja oppimislähteenä käytettäväksi oletetut arviointiraportit kuitenkin todellisuudessa makaavat koskemattomina. Tämä toteutumaton "käyttö" on todellista ajan ja rajallisten julkisten varojen tuhlausta. Arviointien hyödyllisyyden määrittäminen tiukasti näiden julkaistujen arviointiraporttien käyttöön perustuvaksi, mikä useimmiten on tilanne, laiminlyö ja vähentää muiden käytettävissä olevien arviointielementtien, kuten arviointitoimeksiannon tai arviointiprosessin hyödyntämistä ja käyttöä, mikä yhä enemmän supistaa arvioinnin kokonaisvaikuttavuutta. Tämän tansanialaisessa ammattikoulussa, Mwanza Home Craft Centressä (MHCC), toteutetun arviointikokeilun tarkoitus oli hyödyntää arviointia, etenkin sen arviointiprosessia, arviointivaikutusten osoittamiseksi. Kokeiluni, joka toteutettiin suomalaisin kehitystyövaroin käynnistetyssä kansalaisjärjestöhankkeessa, tehtiin kehityshankkeesta rinnan hankkeen edetessä, oli vastakohta kehnosti hyödynnetyille ulkopuolisten arvioitsijoiden vallitsevaa tilivelvollisuus- ja kontrollitarkoitusta varten tekemille, menneeseen fokusoituneille ja kovia tutkimusmenetelmiä käyttäville kehitysarvioinneille, jotka sulkevat paikalliset ulkopuolelle ja ovat heille vieraita, ja siksi saavat vähäistä paikallista arviointivaikuttavuutta aikaan. Noissa arvioinneissa on suosittu hallitsevaa länsimaista ja Eurooppa-keskeistä positivistista tulokulmaa, rahoittajakeskeistä arviointiparadigmaa ja hegemonista kieltä, joka saa alkunsa uudesta julkishallinnon johtamisliikkeestä. Sen sijaan, kokeiluni oli mikrokuvaus ja reflektio hankkeen rahoittajan sponsoroimasta, paikallis- ja asianomaiskeskeisestä, oppimis- ja tulevaisuussuuntautuneesta, paikallisesti hyödynnetystä ja vaikuttaneesta kehitysarvioinnista. Arviointikokeilu koostui kahdesta komponentista. Arviointiosuudessa tutkittiin ammatillisen koulutuksen sosio-ekonomisia vaikutuksia. Arviointitutkimusosiossa fokusoitiin arvioinnin prosessikäyttöön ja arvioinnin vaikuttavuuteen. Ammattikouluhankkeessa kaikkien asianomaisten arviointioppimista pyrittiin tukemaan arvioinnin aikana arviointiprosessia hyödyntäen. Yksilöllisiä, interpersoonallisia ja kollektiivisia arviointivaikutuksia tavoiteltiin henkilökohtaisen ja organisaation osallistumisen, saadun arviointikokemuksen ja valmennuksen sekä dialogin kautta. Mandaattini oli integroida, "arviointimassoja", tarkoittaen avun vastaanottajia, paikallisten arviointivaikutusten aikaansaamiseksi, ja tarkastella arvioinnissa suhdetta valtaan heidän näkökulmastaan. Yleisesti ottaen heillä on vähemmän valtaa ja ääntä nykyisessä kehitysarvioinnissa kuin vahvemmilla, "eliitillä", avun rahoittajilla. Asetin hypoteesikseni, että jokainen tutkimus ja arviointitutkimus on tulokulmasidonnaista, mikä vaikuttaa arvioinnin käytettävyyteen, ja siten myös arvioinnin vaikutuksiin, vaikutustyyppeihin, -tasoon, -ryhmiin, ja vaikuttavuuden kestoon. Tässä tutkimuksessa painotettiin sellaisia arvioinninkäytössä ja arvioinnin vaikuttavuudessa keskeisessä roolissa olevia elementtejä, kuten arviointiparadigmaa, arviointimallia ja metodologiaa, arvioijan asemaa ja näkökulmaa, arvioinnin käyttäjien asemaa, arviointitarkoitusta, arvioinnin aikakehikkoa, ja arviointietiikkaa. Tässä tutkimuksessa käytettiin toimintatutkimuksellisesti suuntautunutta strategiaa. Tutkimusaineisto koottiin kahden Tansanian kenttämatkan aikana useita aineistonkeruumenetelmiä hyödyntäen. Arvioinnin vaikutuksia ja arvioinnin prosessikäyttöä tutkittiin aineistosta, joka saatiin ammattikoulutustapauksen kahdesta MHCC:n henkilöstölle ja komiteanjäsenille organisoidusta seminaarista ja työpajasta, samoin kuin henkilöstön jäsenten teemahaastatteluista ja komitean, henkilöstön antamasta kirjallisesta arviointipalautteesta ja yhdestä 11 hengen ryhmähaastattelusta. Lisäksi, ammatillisen koulutuksen sosio-ekonomisia vaikutuksia kerättiin 115 opiskelijan kirjallisen kertomuksen ja taustalomakkeen sekä 11 opiskelijan ja 20 muun arvioijan teemahaastattelun avulla. Kirjallinen aineisto koodattiin käyttäen teoriavetoista (tai -suuntautunutta) laadullista sisällönanalyysiä, johon pohjautuen johtopäätökset tehtiin. MHCC:n arviointikokeilu osoitti, että valittu arvioinnin tulokulma ja paradigma erilaisten arviointifaktorissa olevien elementtien hyödyntämisen kautta vaikutti arvioinnin käyttöön ja arvioinnin vaikutuksiin. Kokeilu sai aikaan vaikuttavuutta; arviointia automaattisesti hyödynnettiin jo arvioitaessa sen prosessikäytön vuoksi. Arviointiprosessiin osallistuneiden henkilöiden ja heidän instituutioidensa omakohtaisia arviointikokemuksia ei voinut vain "jättää hyllylle". Heidän yksilöllinen, henkilöiden välinen ja kollektiivinen arviointioppiminen arvioidessa kiistatta myötävaikutti, ei vain välittömiin vaan myös pidempiaikaisiin kognitiivisiin, affektiivisiin, sosiaalisiin, toiminnallisiin, jopa taloudellisiin ja kulttuurillisiin muutoksiin kehitysintervention eri tasoilla, jopa ammattioppilaitoksen ulkopuolella. Tämän tutkimusten löydösten perusteella, päättelin, että prosessuaalinen arvioinnin käyttö oli vahva työkalu ja MHCC:n muutosprosessien kiihdyttäjä, etenkin niille arvioinnin asianomaisille, jotka omaksuivat arvioivaa mieltä. Tämä ajattelutavan muutos, valistuminen ("mwanga"), mahdollisti siirtymisen jälki- ja menneisyysorientoituneesta historiaa tarkastelleesta ajattelusta tulevaisuussuuntautuneeseen omaehtoiseen kehittämistoimintaan. Tämä tutkimusaineisto antanee ymmärtää, että arviointiprosessilla ja -tuloksilla samanaikaisesti hyödynnettynä arvioivan oppimisen lähteinä oli pitkäaikaisia vaikutuksia – ehkä pidempiaikaisia kuin vain arviointituloksia yksin hyödynnettäessä voitaisiin aikaansaada. Nämä vaikutukset saattoivat muodostua MHCC:n reflektion, nopeamman ympäristöön reagoinnin ja jatkuvan sopeuttamisen elinehdoiksi. Tämä selitti, kuinka ammattikoulutusinstituutio MHCC on ollut kykenevä jatkuvasti uudistumaan ja muuttamaan toimintojaan tarvittaessa, huomioiden taloutensa ja ympäröivän yhteiskunnan vaatimukset sekä olemaan taloudellisesti itsensä kannattava yli 20 vuotta (mikä on ainutlaatuista koulutussektorilla maailmalaajuisestikin, puhumattakaan kehitysmaista, kuten Tansaniasta). Lisäksi, kokeilun ansiosta saatiin uutta tietoa arviointikohteesta, MHCC:stä opiskelijoineen, sen arviointikäytänteistä ja oppilaitosta ympäröivästä todellisuudesta. Ammattikoulun nimi muutettiin, uusia osastoja, kuten ajoneuvo, sähkö, sekä hotellinjohto ja turismi, lanseerattiin, ja uusia iltakursseja käynnistettiin, metallityön lisäkoulutusta, sekä tietokone- ja englannin kielen kursseja aloitettiin. Tämän tutkimuksen yleisenä yhteenvetona totean, että kansalaisjärjestöjen rooli on edelleen tärkeä ammatillisen koulutuksen järjestäjänä Tansanian kehityshankkeissa neljästä syystä. Ensiksi, koska maan koulutuksen yleistaso on dramaattisesti huonontunut. Toiseksi, koska riittävät ammattikoulutusmahdollisuudet puuttuvat. Kolmanneksi, koska ammattikoulutus on yleisesti ottaen hyödyllistä: se näytti vaikuttaneen ei vain yksilön köyhyyden vähentämiseen vaan laajemminkin yhteiskuntaan. Kuitenkin, tutkimustulokset esittivät yllättävän todisteen, mikä on vastakkaista länsimaalaiselle suoraviivaiselle ajattelulle ja oletukselle ammattitaidon ja ammatillisen koulutuksen valtavasta taloudellisesta voimasta ja hyödystä saajalleen; ei edes kokoaikatyö köyhyyden vähentämis- ja automaattisesti elintasoa nostavana keinona toiminut. Kaikesta huolimatta, minkä ammattiin opiskelleiden elämää koskeva aineisto todistaa, niiden, jotka kokivat positiivisia, merkittäviä, kestäviä taloudellisia, sosiaalisia ja henkilökohtaisia koulutusvaikutuksia MHCC:n koulutushankkeen vuoksi, nämä ammatillisen koulutuksen sosio-ekonomiset materiaaliset ja immateriaaliset positiiviset, tuotteliaat vaikutusketjut näyttivät ulottuneen myös laajennettuun perheeseen, ikätovereihin, yhteisöjen jäseniin ja tansanialaiseen yhteiskuntaan merkittävin seurannaisvaikutuksin. Esimerkkinä mainittakoon valmistuneiden opiskelijoiden sukulaisilleen, ikätovereilleen ja yhteisöjensä jäsenilleen tarjoama "epävirallinen, yksityinen oppisopimuskoulutusjärjestelmä"; jonka kautta yksi MHCC:stä valmistunut on epävirallisesti kouluttanut yli 50 henkilöä. Tosin, näitä sosio-ekonomisia koulutusvaikutuksia olisi voitu tehostaa resursoimalla ja tekemällä säännöllisesti arviointeja sekä syöttämällä niiden tuloksia edelleen ammattioppilaitoksen palvelujen parantamiseksi (esim. työvälineet tai yrittäjyyskurssit ammattiin valmistuneille). Neljänneksi, tutkimus osoitti, että kehitysmaissa työpaikat olivat tarjolla pääasiassa informaalilla sektorilla ja itsenäisenä ammatinharjoittajana työskenteleminen oli useimmille valmistuneille ainoa työllistymisvaihtoehto. Näin ollen, kansalaisjärjestöjen toteuttama ammattikoulutus oppilaitoksen kannattavuudelle välttämättömine tulonhankkimisprojekteineen (jotka yleensä puuttuvat valtion omistamista ammattioppilaitoksista) voi toimia erinomaisena yrittäjyyshenkeä vahvistavana oppimisympäristönä. Tutkimuslöytöjä voitaneen soveltaa seuraavasti. Ensiksi, huolestuttava arviointien käyttämättömyys ja/tai tehoton käyttö tulee tiedostaa. Toiseksi, arvioinnin teettäjien, käynnistäjien, rahoittajien ja avunantajien tulee saada lisätietoa merkittävistä arvioinnin positiiviseen käyttöön ja vaikuttavuuteen tai sitä estävistä kontekstuaalisista, arviointi- ja inhimillisistä faktoreista elementteineen. Esimerkiksi, sellaisia kontekstuaalisia tekijöitä, jotka liittyvät taloudellisiin ja poliittisiin rajoitteisiin ja arviointisysteemeihin ja jotka negatiivisesti vaikuttavat arviointien hyödyntämiseen ja vaikutuksiin, tulee paljastaa. Kolmanneksi, arviointien puutteellista hyödyntämistä vastaan tulee hyökätä muun muassa arviointiprosessia käyttämällä. Neljänneksi, jokaisessa arviointipolitiikassa ja -suunnitelmassa jo arvioinnin toimeksiantovaiheessa tulee edellyttää konkreettisia toimia arviointien hyödyntämiseksi. Jokaiselta julkisin varoin tuotetulta arvioinnilta tulee vaatia arvioinninkäyttösuunnitelma tavoiteltavine arviointivaikutuksineen ennen arvioinnin toimeenpano vaihetta. Viidenneksi, arviointikäyttö tulee uudelleen käsitteellistää arviointipolitiikkojen ja -suunnitelmien sanastossa. Kaikki tarjolla olevat arvioinnin käytön keskeiset elementit — arvioinnin toimeksianto, arviointiprosessi (eikä ainoastaan arviointilöydökset) — tulee maksimaalisesti valjastaa kaikilla arvioinnin tasoilla, myös kansalaisjärjestöissä, rajallisten evaluointiresurssien vuoksi, tuodakseen maksimaalisen arvon arviointikohteelle, sen asianomaisille ja arvioinnin käyttäjille. Kuudenneksi, arviointien hyödyntämistä tulee ohjeistaa, kannustaa ja rahoittaa. Arvioinnin käynnistäjien ja rahoittajien tulisi palkita arvioinnin asianomaisia ja heidän organisaatiotaan, mikäli arviointia hyödynnetään ja se saa aikaan vaikuttavuutta. Seitsemänneksi, arvioinnin vaikuttavuus/vaikutus -termit tarvitsevat selkeyttämistä, ei ainoastaan viitaten vain arvioinnin positiivisiin seurauksiin, vaan myös sen negatiivisiin, tahattomiin vaikutuksiin, joihin täytyy myös puuttua. ; Evaluation, if utilised to its full potential, would be an important tool for helping governments, the private sector and civil society to increase human well-being. Unfortunately, though the number of evaluations conducted is increasing worldwide, a low rate of utilisation of these evaluations is increasing as well. An example of this is the development field, where countless evaluation reports are produced and assumed to be used as sources of learning, when in reality they lie untouched. This non-actualised "use" is a real waste of time and of limited public funds. The usefulness of evaluations, when strictly determined based on the use of the published evaluation reports (as is the case most of the time), neglects the usefulness and reduces the utilisation of other evaluation elements available, such as evaluation commissioning or evaluation process, which further reduce the overall impact of the evaluation. This evaluation experiment, conducted in the Tanzanian vocational education and training (VET) centre, Mwanza Home Craft Centre (MHCC), was designed to utilise the evaluation, especially its process, to show evaluation impacts. My experiment, conducted upon the development intervention of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) established by Finnish funds, was performed concurrently alongside and from within the development intervention, in contrast to the poorly utilised development evaluations conducted for dominating accountability and control purposes by external evaluators using a past-focussed orientation combined with hard evaluation methods, all of which were exclusive and unfamiliar to the locals and thus, had minor local evaluation impact. In those evaluations the donorcentred standpoint, overarching evaluation paradigm and hegemonic language, having their origin in the New Public Management movement were favoured. Instead, I devised a micro explanation of, and provided reflections about, the donorsponsored, local- and stakeholder-centred, learning- and future-oriented, and locally utilised development evaluation with impacts. The evaluation experiment consisted of two components. In the evaluation section, the socio-economic impacts of VET were studied. In the research on evaluation section the focus was put on the process use of evaluation and evaluation impacts. In the VET project, all the stakeholders' evaluative learning was targeted to be supported with the assistance of the process use of evaluation while evaluating. It was aimed at individual, interpersonal and collective evaluation impacts through personal and organisational involvement, evaluative experience and training received, as well as dialogue. My mandate was to integrate into the evaluation process, evaluation "masses," that is, the aid recipients, to generate stronger local evaluation impacts, and to look at the relation to power in evaluation from their standpoint. Generally speaking, they have less power and voice in the current development evaluations than do "the elite," the financial donors. I hypothesised that every research and evaluation research is standpoint-bound, which has influence on evaluation usability, and then, on evaluation impacts, their types, levels, user groups, and duration. In this research, emphasis was placed on those elements playing key roles in evaluation use and evaluation impact, such as the evaluation paradigm, evaluation design and methodology; the evaluator's location and standpoint; the position of the evaluation users; the evaluation purpose; the evaluation time-frame; and evaluation ethics. In this research, the action research-oriented strategy was used. The research data was generated during two Tanzanian field trips by utilising various data generation methods. Evaluation impacts and process use of evaluation were studied through the data received from the VET case, its two seminars and workshops organised for the MHCC staff and committee members, as well as from thematic interviews of some staff persons and written evaluative feedback given by the committee, staff members and an 11-participant group interview. Again, socio-economic VET impacts were collected through the data of 115 former students' written stories and background questionnaires, as well as of 11 former students' and 20 other evaluees' thematic interviews. The written data of the evaluation experiment was coded by using the theory-driven (or theory-directed) qualitative content analysis, on which the conclusions were based and drawn. The evaluation experiment at MHCC indicated that the chosen evaluation standpoint and paradigm, through the utilisation of various elements existing in the evaluation factor, affected evaluation use and evaluation impacts. The experiment contributed to impact; the evaluation was automatically brought into utilisation while evaluating due to its process use. The first-hand evaluative experience of the participants and of their institutions involved in the evaluation process could not "just be left on the shelf." Their individual, interpersonal and collective evaluative learning, while evaluating, inevitably contributed not only to immediate but also to long-term cognitive, affective, social, behavioural, even economic, and cultural changes at various levels of the development intervention, even outside the VET centre. Based on findings of this research, I suggested that the processual use of evaluation was a powerful tool and an accelerator of MHCC's change processes, even for those stakeholders whose evaluative minds were made up. This change in the pattern of thought, enlightenment ("mwanga"), enabled a shift in focus from the post- and past-oriented, history observing thinking, to the future-directed independent line of development action. This research data might imply that evaluation process, with its findings utilised simultaneously as evaluative learning sources, had long-term effects — maybe longer than the findings use alone can generate. These impacts could become the lifeblood at MHCC for reflection, quicker reactivity to the environment and on-going adaptation. This presented an explanation for how the VET institution MHCC could have been capable of being renewed continuously and transforming its activities, as needed, regarding its economy and the demands of surrounding society, as well as being self-supporting for over 20 years (which is unique in the educational sector worldwide, let alone in the developing countries, like Tanzania). In addition, with the experiment, the new knowledge was received about the evaluand, MHCC and its students, its evaluation practices, and MHCC's surrounding reality. Again, the VET centre's name was changed, new departments such as motor vehicle, electricity, as well as hotel management and tourism were launched, and new evening courses, further education and training in welding and fabrication, as well as computer and English language courses, were started. As the general conclusion of this research I state that NGOs still have an important role as VET providers of Tanzanian development interventions, for four reasons. First, because the country's general education level has dramatically deteriorated. Second, because of a lack of sufficient VET opportunities. Third, because in general VET was beneficial: it seemed to have had impacts not only on an individual's poverty reduction, but even more widely on the society. However, this data also provided surprising evidence that, in direct contradiction to Western linear thinking and assumptions about the enormous economic power and benefit of vocational skills for its acquirer gained in VET, even full-time employment did not function as a tool for alleviating poverty and automatically raising the person's living standards. Nevertheless, as was evidenced by the lives of these VET trainees, who experienced positive, significant, sustainable economic, social, and personal education impacts due to the development project MHCC, these material and immaterial socio-economic impact chains were positive and productive and seemed to have had very far-reaching and significant ramifications for the lives of extended families, peers, community members, and the Tanzanian society. A case in point was the informal "private apprenticeship training system" offered by the former students to their relatives, peers and community members; through which one MHCC graduate has unofficially "trained" over 50 persons. Indeed, these socio-economic impacts of education could have been intensified by resourcing and carrying out evaluations frequently as well as by feeding their results forward for the VET institution's service improvements (e.g., equipment or entrepreneurial courses for VET graduates). Fourth, the research indicated that jobs in the developing countries were offered in the informal sector and self-employment was, for the majority of graduates, the sole option to be employed. Hence, NGO-implemented VET, with their essential income-generating projects for the institution's sustainability (generally lacking from government-owned VET centres), could operate as an excellent learning environment, strengthening the entrepreneurial spirit. The research findings might have the following applications. First, the worrying trend towards evaluation non-use and/or deficient use is worth acknowledging. Second, evaluation commissioners, initiators, funders, and donors need to gain further knowledge about significant positive or prohibitive contextual, evaluation and human factors (with their related elements) that lie behind evaluation utilisation and impact. For instance, those contextual factors which are related to financial and political constraints and evaluation systems and which negatively affect evaluation utilisation and impacts must be revealed. Third, an attack against the inadequate use of evaluations could be launched among others with processual evaluation use. Fourth, in every evaluation policy and plan in an evaluation commissioning phase, concrete actions need to be made necessary for evaluation utilisation. A written plan on evaluation use with evaluation impacts intended should be demanded to be produced from every evaluation conducted with public funds before the evaluation commissioning phase. Fifth, evaluation use in the vocabulary of evaluation policies and plans should be reconceptualised. All the available key elements of the evaluation use — the evaluation commissioning, evaluation process (not solely evaluation findings) — should be maximally harnessed at all the evaluation levels, also in NGOs, due to the scarcity of funding opportunities available for evaluations, to bring maximal value to a target of the evaluation, its stakeholders and evaluation users. Sixth, evaluation utilisation should be instructed, encouraged and funded. Evaluation stakeholders and their organisations should be rewarded by evaluation commissioners and funders, if the evaluation is used and it contributes to impacts. Seventh, terms such as evaluation impact/impacts need to be clarified, to refer not only to positive evaluation consequences but also to negative, unintended impacts, which must also be tackled.
According to the main objectives of the study, the following conclusions could be presented: 1. The drastic decrease in arable land use in the transition to a free market economy continued until EU CAP was implemented in Estonia. The regional differences in land use changes in the 1990s were determined mainly by local bio-physical disadvantages such as soil quality. The higher decrease rate of arable land use in 1992– 2001 occurred in the regions with low soil fertility. A decrease in soil fertility by one quality point brings about a 2.5% increase in the proportion of abandoned land. The loss of subsidies at the beginning of the transition period highlighted the importance of pedo-climatic conditions in the formation of the profitability of agricultural production but the EU agricultural policy has again relieved the impact of bio-physical diversity on the competitiveness of agriculture. 2. Plant nutrient balances of Estonian arable soils were analysed in the long-term (1939–2003) with uniform methodology. This approach enabled the evaluation of some aspects of sustainability of agricultural land use and soil management through transition from the Soviet era to the open market economy. The application of both mineral and organic fertilisers started to increase in the 1960s and peaked in the 1980s. The increase in fertilisation was not followed proportionately by yield increase and this resulted in positive NPK balances of arable soils in the 1970–1980s, which has significantly improved the nutrient supply of arable soils. The quantities of plant nutrients N, K and P applied to the fields exceeded the amounts removed through crop harvesting by a factor of 2–2.3 (N), 1.9–2.2 (K) and 3–3.5 (P). The amounts of lactate soluble P and K increased by 1.1 and 0.7 mg kg-1 soil per year, respectively. 3. In the 1990s the use of fertilisers has decreased by significant factors: N by six; P by twenty; K by thirty and organic fertilisers by four. The total balances of K and P of arable soils have become negative as a consequence of inadequate fertilisation. Active balance, which enables the estimation of the degree to which formation of the yield occurs at the expense of soil resources, shows that at present the 58 59 largest deficiency is regarding P (68%) and K (57%) followed by N (34%). Thus, at present, crop production takes place largely at the expense of the soil nutrient reserves created by farmers in the 1970–1980s. The use of mineral fertilisers is less intensive in the regions with low soil quality. Decrease in soil fertility reduces the amount of mineral fertilisers used by 2.85 kg NPK per one soil quality point. As nutrient deficiency is highest for forage crops, the depletion of soil P and K may become critical, especially in organic systems where grasslands are dominant. Agri-environmental policy should more consider soil degradation due to the negative plant nutrient balances of arable soils in Estonia. 4. At present only 40–50% of the yield potential of cereals is realised in actual farming conditions. The high yield gap indicates the ineffective use of pedo-climatic resources and this causes agricultural self-sufficiency at the national level to deteriorate. Low realisation of yield potential of cereals is partly due to the insufficient use of fertilisers, as the actual yield level is limited by low input of plant nutrients to the soil. It must, therefore, be considered that the yield formation of cere - als is largely determined by the pedo-climatic conditions (50–60%), and that fertilisers are a lesser influence. In the case of oilseed rape the utilisation of the yield potential is 60–65%, which is induced by more intensive fertilisation compared to cereals. To narrow the yield gap in a profitable and environmentally friendly way, the field-specific fertiliser and other input optimisation is required. 5. A positive effect of the collapse of Estonian agriculture has been a reduction of the pressure on the environment whereas a negative effect to the several aspects of sustainable agriculture has emerged (i) in soil degradation which is due to insufficient investments into maintaining soil fertility, (ii) in ineffective use of pedo-climatic resources, (iii) in low profitability and competitiveness of the agri - culture sector, and (iv) in decreased national food supply. To achieve more sustainable agriculture the optimisation of agricultural land use and soil management should be based on the scientific knowl - edge and from this necessary precondition to develop a spatial agro-economic DSS. 6. The agronomic models for spring barley and potato, based on the regression analysis of numerous field experiments, were developed to assess the impact of soil and climate conditions on the effective - ness of fertilisers. The effectiveness of fertilisation depends, to a large extent on, besides soil properties, meteorological conditions. The variance of the average effectiveness, even of quite small rates, of mineral fertilisers (N60, P26 and K50) is very high. Higher efficiency is guaranteed in the case of balanced fertilisation but the optimum combination of nutrients depends on the relative prices of fertilisers and yield. The developed models enable the estimation of the pedo-climatic and economic risks in fertilisation optimisation. Improved agronomic models operating in spatial and temporal scale are forming a basis for knowledge-based DSS. 7. Data handling and presentation in the agricultural decision making process was for the first time in Estonia embedded to fieldspecific GIS and its application possibilities were analysed in the example of Kullamaa rural municipality. A field-specific database was compiled and agro-economic models were applied to provide information for decision makers. Economically effective N norm for barley is, in most of the study area, from 50 to 60 kg N ha-1 but on a quarter of arable land in the study area it is uneconomical to apply N to barley. Field-specific fertiliser optimisation compared to uniform fertiliser application can help farmers to avoid economic losses and simultaneously increase effectiveness of fertilisation and low yields. The simulated barley yield for the study area is, with the use of economically optimised amounts of NPK fertilisers, 2.6 Mg ha-1, which is by 1.1 Mg ha-1 higher compared to the actual cereal yield in the region. Composed thematic maps enable the clear presentation of spatial variability in the profitability of barley production from field to region scale. Farmers can use spatial profitability data with other criteria for crop rotation planning and for strategic decisions but presented DSS does not make decisions, but rather contributes knowledge that can be used in the decision making process. The ben - efit of this DSS is that information from different sources is collected, processed and integrated into a unified system which makes decision making more effective. This also makes existing soil information more easily available and self-explanatory for stakeholders. 8. Despite the fact that this study presents spatial agro-economic DSS on the example of just one rural municipality and a single crop, its importance is more extensive. Up-scaling the modelling results 60 61 from field-level also enables its application in regional planning and in macro-economic analysis. In this study the methodology for the functioning of the DSS was developed which is further applicable nationwide. There is an increasing demand for the planning of abandoned agricultural land in Estonia and a developed DSS can be expanded for the cultivation of bioenergetic crops or for afforestation of abandoned land. 9. Further improvement of DSS should focus on the development of agronomic models for various crops and economic models should be continuously adjusted according the changes in socio-economic conditions. The database of digital soil map should be definitely appended with quantitative parameters, which would provide prerequisites for its more extensive applications such as related production activities to environmental impact. The extensification of Estonian agriculture during the transition period has reduced the negative impact on the environment but at the same time this has caused a decline in the fertility of agricultural land, and this diminishes the competitiveness of Estonian agriculture. Analysed spatial DSS serves as a basis for effective resource management in modern agriculture and can be used as a tool in knowledge-based decision making processes to achieve economic, social and environmental targets of sustainable agriculture. The improvement of the current DSS and usage expansion from pilot areas to nationwide coverage of Estonia are essential for these purposes. This study creates possibilities not only for field-specific agro-economic analysis but also contributes a framework for further expansion of the capabilities of GIS-based DSS in various branches of the rural economy. ; Eesti põllumajandus ja sellega seonduv maakasutus on viimastel aastakümnetel agrotehnoloogia arengust, sotsiaalmajanduslikest ja poliitilistest teguritest tulenevalt läbi teinud mitmeid olulisi muutusi. Pärast Eesti taasiseseisvumist, 1990ndate alguses, toimus põllumajandustootmise drastiline langus – teraviljatoodang vähenes kümne aastaga 1,6, lihatoodang 2,8 ja piima tootmine 1,8 korda. Post-sotsialistlikest Ida- ja Kesk-Euroopa riikidest oli Eestis põllumajandustootmise langus kõige suurem. Aastatel 1990–2005 vähenes põllumajanduse osatähtsus sisemajanduse koguproduktist 12,7%lt 2,4%ni ning põllumajanduslik tööhõive 16,6%lt 3,9%ni. Sellised suuremahulised muutused on tõstatanud vajaduse põllumajandusliku maakasutuse ja tootmissisendite teaduspõhiseks optimeerimiseks. Erinevate maakasutusviiside rakendamisel tuleb arvestada, et see oleks jätkusuutlik nii ökoloogilises, sotsiaalses kui ka majanduslikus mõttes. Kuna ülemikuperioodil sotsialistlikust ajastust Euroopa Liitu Eesti põllumajanduse konkurentsivõime ja jätkusuutlikkus oluliselt kahanes, siis tõstatub küsimus, mil määral oleks võimalik asukohapõhise agromajandusliku nõuandesüsteemi rakendamisega optimeerida maakasutust ja tootmissisendeid, suurendada põllukultuuride saagikust ning põllumajandustootmise tasuvust ilma tootmistegevuse negatiivsete mõjudeta ümbritsevale keskkonnale. Seega käesoleva töö eesmärgiks oli: 1. hinnata agroökoloogilistest aspektidest muutusi Eesti maakasutuses, muldade väetamises ja taimetoiteelementide bilanssides 2. uurida põllukultuuride saagipotentsiaali realiseerumist 3. analüüsida mineraalväetiste efektiivsust sõltuvalt mullastik-klimaatilistest tingimustest 4. uurida looduslike ja majanduslike riskifaktorite mõju taimekasvatuse tootmistulemustele ja leida lahendeid nende riskide leevendamiseks 5. koostada ajas ja ruumis muutuvad agromajanduslikud mudelid ning analüüsida nende rakendatavust väetamise ja maakasutuse optimeerimiseks odra näitel 6. arendada välja asukohapõhise agromajandusliku nõuandesüsteemi ühtne raamistik, mis loob eeldused jätkusuutliku põllumajanduse eesmärkide saavutamiseks. Käesoleva uurimistöö käigus võeti kokku Eesti agraarteaduses senitehtu ning selle põhjal koostatud agromajanduslikud mudelid seostati ühtsesse geoinfosüsteemi. Agromajanduslike mudelite ja asukohapõhise nõuandesüsteemi väljatöötamiseks vajalikud lähteandmete allikaks olid arvukad dissertatsioonid, teaduspublikatsioonid ja -aruanded, riiklike sordivõrdluskatsete, agrometeopunktide, loomade jõudluskontrolli, loodus- ja keskkonnakaitse, Statistikaameti, Maa-ameti, Põllumajanduse Registrite ja Informatsiooni Ameti, põllumajanduslike testettevõtete raamatupidamise (FADN), agrokeemiateenistuse jt asutuste andmebaasid. Töös püstitaud eesmärkidest lähtuvalt saab teha järgmised järeldused: 1. Taasiseseisvumisjärgsel perioodil toimunud suur langus Eesti põllumajanduslikus maakasutuses jätkus kuni EL ühtse põllumajanduspoliitika rakendumiseni. Põllumajandusliku maakasutuse muutused olid 1990ndatel põhjustatud sotsiaal-majanduslikest reformidest, kuid regionaalsed erinevused seonduvad eelkõige piirkonna looduslike tingimustega. Suurem põllumaa kahanemine aastatel 1992–2001 toimus madala mullaviljakusega piirkondades. Valla haritava maa boniteedi kahanedes ühe hindepunkti võrra vähenes selle valla põllumajanduslik maakasutus 2,5% võrra. Seega, mullastik-klimaatilised tingimused osutusid Eesti üleminekuperioodil põllumajandustootmise tasuvuse kujundamisel määravaks, sest põllumajandustoetused olid ebapiisavad. EL põllumajanduspoliitika rakendamisega on aga looduslike erisuste mõjud maakasutusele ja põllumajanduse konkurentsivõimele leevendunud. 2. Ühtsel metoodikal põhinev haritava maa taimetoiteelementide bilansside analüüs (1939–2003) võimaldas hinnata põllumajandusliku maakasutuse jätkusuutlikkuse mõningaid aspekte üleminekul sotsialistikust ajastust vabaturumajandusele. Mineraal- ja orgaaniliste väetiste kasutamine Eestis hakkas oluliselt suurenema 1960ndatel ja saavutas kõrgeima taseme 1980ndatel aastatel. Väetiste suurem kasutamine ei taganud aga proportsionaalset saagikuse tõusu. Eesti taasiseseisvumiseelsel perioodil, mil toimus põllumajanduse arvestatav riiklik subsideerimine, suurenesid mulda viidavate taimetoiteelementide kogused keskmiselt 4,5 kg N, 2,8 kg K ja 0,6 kg P hektari kohta aastas. Samal ajal taimede poolt kasutatud ja saagiga eemaldatud toitainete kogused suurenesid aastas keskmiselt 1,3 kg N, 1 kg K ja 0,2 kg P hektari kohta. Seega mulda viidavad taimetoitainete kogused ületasid taimede poolt kasutatavaid koguseid lämmastiku osas 2–2,3 korda, kaaliumi puhul 1,9–2,2 korda 8 4 85 ning fosforit viidi mulda 3–3,5 korda rohkem. Märkimisväärsest positiivsest taimetoiteelementide bilansist tulenevalt suurenes sel perioodil muldade laktaatlahustuva fosfori- ja kaaliumisisaldus aastas vastavalt 1,1 ja 0,7 mg kg mulla kohta. 3. Eesti taasiseseisvumisjärgsel perioodil, 1990ndatel aastatel, vähenes lämmastikväetiste kasutamine kuni 6 korda, fosforväetiste kasu - tamine 20 korda, kaaliumväetiste kasutamine 30 korda ja orgaan - iliste väetiste kasutamine 4 korda. Tulenevalt ebapiisavast väetiste kasutusest muutus põllumuldade kaaliumi ja fosfori üldbilanss negatiivseks ning lämmastikku viidi väetistega mulda kogustes, mis eemaldati põllult saakidega. Taimetoiteelementide aktiivbilansist lähtuvalt on praegu kõige suurem defitsiit fosfori (68%) ja kaaliumi (57%) osas, kuid puudujääk on ka lämmastiku osas (34%). Tai - medele omastatava muldaviidud toiteelementide ja mullast saagiga eemaldatavate koguste vahe on negatiivne – -24,5 kg N, -6,5 kg P ja -26,2 kg K ha-1. Järelikult toimub praegune taimekasvatus - toodangu formeerumine peamiselt 1970–1980ndate suurtootmises loodud mullavarude arvelt. Mineraalväetiste kasutamine on väiksem madala mullaviljakusega piirkondades. Mullaviljakuse vähenedes ühe hindepunkti võrra kahaneb kasutatav mineraalväetiste NPK kogus 2,85 kg ha-1. Kõige suurem toiteelementide puudujääk esineb söödakultuuride osas. Fosfori ja kaaliumi mullarvarude ammen - dumine võib muutuda saagikust limiteerivaks faktoriks eelkõige suure rohumaade osatähtsusega mahepõllumajanduses. Põllumajan - dus- ja keskkonnapoliitika peaks aga edaspidi suuremat tähelepanu pöörama negatiivsest toiteelementide bilansist tuleneva muldade degradeerumise vältimisele. 4. Tänapäeval moodustab Eesti keskmine teravilja saagikus kõigest 40–50% reaalselt võimalikust saagipotentsiaalist. Suur tootmis - saagikuste ja saagipotentsiaali erinevus viitab ebaefektiivsele mul - lastik-klimaatiliste ressursside kasutusele. Madal saagipotentsiaali realiseerumine on seletatav ebapiisava väetiste kasutumisega, kuid samas tuleb arvestada, et saagikus tootmises sõltub 50-60% ulatuses mullastik-klimaatiliste tingimustest ning väetamise osa saagikuse kujunemisel on oluliselt väiksem. Rapsi mõnevõrra intensiivsem väetamine võrreldes teraviljadega on taganud parema saagipotentsiaali realiseerumise – riigi keskmine rapsi saagikus moodustab 60–65% sordivõrdluskatsete saagitasemest. 5. Põllumajanduse drastiline langus 1990ndatel aastatel vähendas negatiivset mõju ümbritsevale keskkonnale, kuid samaegselt on tõstatunud mitmed jätkusuutlikkust ohustavad probleemid: (a) põl - lumuldade degradeerumine tulenevalt ebapiisavatest sisenditest mul - laviljakuse säilitamiseks, (b) ebaefektiivne mullastik-klimaatiliste ressursside kasutus, (c) põllumajandussektori madal konkurentsivõime ja tasuvus, (d) kahanenud toiduga isevarustatus. Nende probleemide lahendamiseks ja oluliselt jätkusuutlikuma põllumajanduse saavuta - miseks peab põllumajandustootmise ning maakasutuse optimeeri - mine toimima teaduspõhiselt, millest tuleneb vajadus asukohapõhise agromajandusliku nõuandesüsteemi väljaarendamiseks. 6. Arvukate põldkatsete tulemustel põhineva regressioonanalüüsi abil koostatud odra ja kartuli agronoomilised mudelid võimaldavad hinnata mullastiku ja ilma mõju väetiste efektiivsusele ja väetiste kasutamise agromajanduslikke riske. Väetiste efektiivsus sõltub lisaks mulla omadustele ja väetistarbele suuresti ka klimaatilistest tingimustest, isegi mõõdukate väetisannuste kasutamisel on nende efektiivsus väga varieeruv. Kõrgem väetamise efektiivsus ja tulukus saavutatakse tasakaalustatud väetisnormide korral, kuid majan - duslikult põhjendatud taimetoiteelementide vahekord väetises on sõltuv väetise ja saagi hinnasuhtest. Hetke väetise ja odra hindade juures peab näiteks lämmastikväetise efektiivsus olema üle 7,4 kg kg-1 N-1, et katta väetamisele tehtud kulutused. Ajas ja ruumis to - imivad mudelid võimaldavad hinnata looduslikke ja majanduslikke riske väetamise optimeerimises ning panevad aluse teaduspõhise nõuandesüsteemi väljaarendamiseks. 7. Teaduspõhine nõuandesüsteem ühildati antud töö raames esmakordselt põllupõhise geoinfosüsteemiga ja selle rakendamise võimalusi analüüsiti Kullamaa valla näitel. Koostati põllumassiivide andmebaas ja rakendati agromajanduslikke mudeleid pakkumaks täiendavat informatsiooni odrakasvatuse ja väetamise põllupõhiseks optimeerimiseks. Majanduslikult efektiivsed mineraalse lämmastiku normid odrale jäid enamikel uurimisala põldudel vahemikku 50–60 kg N ha-1, kuid samas neljandikul põllumaast ei ole lämmastikväe - tiste kasutamine kui ka odrakasvatus tasuv. Põllupõhine väetiste optimeerime võimaldab põllumajandustootjatel vältida rahalist kahju, suurendada väetamise efektiivsust ja saagikust. Majandus - likult efektiivsete väetisnormide kasutamine vastavalt muldade 86 87 väetustarbele tagaks uurimisalal odra keskmiseks arvutuslikuks saagikuseks 2,6 Mg ha-1, mis on 1,1 Mg ha-1 võrra suurem antud piirkonna tegelikust teravilja saagikusest viimasel kümnendil. Koostatud teemakaardid võimaldavad selgelt visualiseerida odrakasvatuse tasuvuse ruumilist varieeruvust nii üksikute põldude tasandil kui ka regionaalselt. Põllumajandustootjad saavad kasutada põllupõhiseid tasuvusarvutusi koos täiendavate kriteeriumitega näiteks külvikordade planeerimiseks ja strateegiliste valikute tegemiseks, kuid antud nõuandesüsteem ei tee otsuseid iseenesest, vaid pakub pigem teaduspõhist lisainformatsiooni otsustusprotsessi tõhustamiseks. Erinevatest allikatest pärineva andmete integreerimine ühtsesse süsteemi suurendab informatsiooni väärtust, kättesaadavust ja teadustulemuste rakendatavust saavutamaks jätkusuutliku põllumajanduse eesmärke. 8. Hoolimata sellest, et antud uurimistöö esitleb asukohapõhise agromajandusliku nõuandesüsteemi võimalusi ainult ühe valla ja kultuuri näitel, on selle tähtsus oluliselt laiaulatuslikum. Põllu tasandilt modelleerimistulemuste üldistamine võimaldab arendatavat nõuandesüsteemi rakendada nii regionaalplaneerimises kui ka makromajanduslikus analüüsis. Käesolev töö käigus arendati välja põllupõhise agromajandusliku nõuandesüsteemi toimimise metoodika, mis on edaspidi rakendatav üle kogu Eesti. Praegu on tõstatunud vajadus leida rakendus põllumajanduslikust kasutusest välja langenud maadele. Antud nõuandesüsteemi ongi võimalik edasi arendada nii endiste põllumaade metsastamise kui ka neil bioenergeetiliste kultuuride kasvatamise seisukohalt, bioenergeetika arengukavade koostamiseks kui ka bioenergia tootmisprotsessi optimeerimiseks. 9. Esitletud nõuandesüsteemi arendamiseks tuleb teadusuuringutele tuginevalt pidevalt täiustada erinevate põllu- ja rohumaakultuuride agronoomilisi mudeleid ning vastavalt sotsiaalmajanduslikule olukorrale on vaja kohandada ka majanduslikke mudeleid. Digitaalse mullastikukaardi andmebaasi tuleb kindlasti täiendada kvantitatiivsete parameetritega, mis looks eeldused selle laialdasemaks kasutuseks nagu näiteks ilmastikukahjude hindamiseks põllumajanduses, kuid ka tootmisega seonduvate mõjude hindamiseks keskkonnale. Eesti põllumajandustootmise ekstensiivistumine üleminekuperioodil on vähendanud negatiivset mõju keskkonnale, kuid samas on põhjustanud muldade produktsioonivõime langust, mis omakorda vähendab Eesti põllumajanduse konkurentsivõimet. Järjepidev ekstensiivne maaviljelus ja ebaefektiivne ressursside kasutamine kahandab veelgi Eesti riigi põllumajandussaadustega isevarustatust. Arendatav asukohapõhine agromajanduslik nõuandesüsteem loob eeldused looduslike ja majanduslike ressursside efektiivseks ja optimaalseks kasutamiseks põllumajanduses ja on üheks vahendiks teaduspõhises otsustusprotsessis saavutamaks jätkusuutliku põllumajanduse majanduslikke, sotsiaalseid ja keskkonnakaitselisi eesmärke. Selleks on hädavajalik antud nõuandesüsteemi järjepidev arendamine ja laiendamine pilootalalt üle kogu Eesti. Antud uurimistöö ei loo võimalusi mitte ainult põllupõhiseks agromajanduslikuks analüüsiks ja tootmistegevuse planeerimiseks, vaid see võiks olla üheks osaks kogu Eesti loodusressursside kasutamist ja majandamist hõlmavast asukohapõhisest nõuandesüsteemist.