Suchergebnisse

This dissertation examines the political tensions between metropolitan planning and immigrant incorporation in Miami over the past 50 years. I develop a planning history encompassing the transformation of metropolitan planning in Dade County from the early 1960's to the post-Cuban period in contemporary times. By combining the historical analysis of planning documents, data from interviews with different actors shaping planning practice - metropolitan planners, community development practitioners, residents and artists - and participant observations of charrettes and grassroots mobilizations of local residents, I analyze how immigrant empowerment influenced the work of metropolitan planners and currently yields political practices through the deployment of discourses that uphold cultural production as a place-making strategy. By developing the concept of spatial politics, I argue that an analysis of urban space is crucial to understand immigrant incorporation and empowerment in American Cities. I define spatial politics as the practices and tactics carried out by social groups to achieve political empowerment in the City. By tracing the effects of immigration in the history of metropolitan planning in Miami, I consider how spatial politics is exemplified by linkages between planning, community development, and political mobilizations carried out by social groups competing for political control in an urban context transformed by the status of immigrants as the social majority. In Chapter One, I introduce the physical context of metropolitan Miami. I provide a mapping of Miami's urban geography, government structure and socio-demographic composition. I continue by developing the narrative of a participant observation based on a contentious policy measure voted upon in 2010 that aimed to give control of planning decisions to local community groups: Amendment Four. The Amendment Four debate illustrates the underlying tensions of Miami's urban politics as it is defined by claims and counter-claims defined by ethnicity and the experience of immigration. I continue by explaining the need to explore the relationship between immigrant incorporation and urban planning through an analytical lens that considers the empowerment of immigrant groups. In Chapter Two I draw on archival evidence from Dade County's Department of Planning and Zoning and carry out a review of Miami's architectural, urban design and urban history literature to develop a history of metropolitan planning in Dade County. I argue that Miami's urban historiography has mostly emphasized developers, architects and entrepreneurs as the main actors of urban transformation. Due to this tendency, the relationship between social history, immigration and planning has remained mostly unexplored. By considering the work of metropolitan planners from the introduction of the "Home Rule" Charter and the Two-tier System of governance through the development of Miami's first set of comprehensive development master plans, I analyze how demographic change and immigrant influx were important factors in planning practice. From its inception, metropolitan planning was envisioned as a tool for regional management in behalf of the public interest. Its goal was to facilitate the management and distribution of resources through a centralized system of government exemplified by two tiers; an upper tier for regional issues and a lower tier for local issues. The two-tier governance structure, however, led to the political under-representation of residents of unincorporated areas, who did not have the direct representation of municipal representatives. This condition would have consequences in the following decades as demographic growth and immigrant political empowerment transformed the city's political status quo. The demographic growth of Hispanics resulting from immigration led to the political empowerment of Cuban Americans during the 1980's. In Chapter Three, I explore this particular period by combining archival evidences from Dade County's Department of Planning and Zoning, interviews with retired planners and practicing community development specialists, spatial analysis of demographic data, and a review of civil rights legal history. I consider how the work of metropolitan planners was influenced by the electoral empowerment of Cuban Americans at the municipal and county levels. I begin by reviewing of the existing literature on Cuban American incorporation in Miami to argue that it has remained a-spatial. The political, economic and cultural tensions that affect urban space have not been considered in the incorporation of Cuban Americans. I continue by arguing for the consideration of Cuban American spatial politics through three phases - crisis, community development and empowerment - and four types of practices - planning, electoral, discursive, and allied. During the refugee crisis of the Mariel Boatlift, metropolitan planners produced demographic data that facilitated the planning agenda of a burgeoning Cuban American community development system focused on public policy, economic development and housing. This planning apparatus facilitated the concentration of electoral voting blocs in Miami's ethnic enclave of Little Havana, which mobilized to elect Cuban Americans at the municipal and county levels by generating discourses upholding the positive economic contributions of Cuban Americans in Miami. A decade after the Mariel Boatlift the demographic changes brought forth by crisis and continuing immigration led Cuban American and African Americans to ally and join suit against Dade County in the Meek v. Metropolitan Dade County lawsuit. This coalition argued for a change in the composition and number of county commission seats given the socio-demographic make up of Dade County. The lawsuit's decision changed the numbers and re-drew commission district boundaries, establishing a new political order in Miami based on minority power. Metropolitan planners were protagonists in this process by providing demographic data and mapping alternatives for the new commission districts. In Chapter Four I connect archival data from the Dade County Planning Department and the Miami Herald - Miami's most prominent news daily - with interviews of retired planning practitioners to consider how communities of interest countered the empowerment of Cuban Americans. Beginning in 1991 with the municipality of Key Biscayne, a wave of grassroots incorporation efforts led by ultra-local neighborhood groups swept throughout unincorporated Dade County. These mobilizations were based on the perception of donor communities that metropolitan government was inefficient inadequately used taxes for the local service provisions of recipient communities - residents in unincorporated Dade County. Miami's Cuban American community considered the rebellion of municipal incorporations a backlash to their political gains. Fearing the prospect of political and economic fragmentation, metropolitan planners attempted to resolve the problem of political under-representation and economic imbalance embedded in the Two-Tier system by establishimg community councils. Community councils were envisioned as units of local government that would to bring government closer to the people by giving local residents control over zoning issues and budgetary decisions. Nevertheless, community councils became training grounds for ethnic leadership across unincorporated Dade County. As the decade of the 1990's ended the evolving process of spatial politics was defined by a new political geography exemplified by newly minted municipalities. In Chapter Five I turn to Miami's recent history to consider how the practices of cultural producers- developers, artists, art collectors, and community development specialists - offer a new field of spatial politics. I carry out participant observations between two sites - the District of Wynwood in the City of Miami and the Municipality of Opa-Locka in northwest Dade County - to explore how art is used as a tool of urban revitalization through the deployment of collective and individual discourses formed by notions of community, identity and multiculturalism. I develop the first part of this analysis in the art district of Wynwood where I consider the collective mobilizations of urban developers, gallery owners, artists and art collectors against big development as well as the individual practices of artists who negotiate their immigrant identity to access resources and social capital in Wynwood's artistic milieu. I continue by turning to Opa-Locka's, where a robust community development system led by African Americans uses a discourse of pan-african multiculturalism to revitalize impoverished areas of the municipality. I finalize the dissertation by providing a brief call for the need to consider the figure of the empowered immigrant to re-evaluate the role of urban planning in immigration debates. Urban planning practice has traditionally been defined by an assimilationist ideology underlined by the imperative of adaptation and incorporation into the mainstream of society. Because of this undercurrent, the political agency of immigrants in American cities remains under-studied and bound by a framework of identity politics, cultural rights, and national citizenship. The case of spatial politics in metropolitan Miami, however, offers an example of the urban citizenship that organized immigrant groups can develop through the claim, control and transformation of urban space.

Striking, overtime bans and refusing to carry out certain tasks[1] are collective forms of actions that can arise from workplace disputes. These industrial actions are of fundamental importance: the temporary halt in work production leverages a demand to enforce workers' rights. Despite this, the UK does not recognise the legal right to withdraw labour. Instead, the UK's "right to strike" is said to depend on a complex statutory scheme[2]. This article will analyse a variety of sources, "statutes such as TULRCA 1992, the common law, Convention rights, and relevant case law[3]", to determine whether the UK's "right to strike" "is a classic instance of a 'legislated' right[4]" or if it is merely a "slogan/legal metaphor[5]". [1] Hugh Collins, Aileen McColgan and Keith D Ewing,Labour Law(2nd edn, Cambridge University press 2019) pg.706. [2] Alan Bogg and Ruth Dukes, 'Statutory Interpretation and The Limits of a Human Rights Approach: Royal Mail Group Ltd V Communication Workers Union' (2020) 49(3) Industrial Law Journal pg.478. [3] Ibid, pg.478. [4] Ibid, pg.478. [5] Metrobus v UNITE [2009] EWCA Civ 829 (Maurice Kay LJ). - 'In truth, the "right to strike" in the UK depends for its realisation on a complex statutory scheme. Even in jurisdictions where the right to strike is specified textually in a constitutional document, such a complex right must be operationalised through labour statutes. It is a classic instance of a "legislated" right. Since the enactment of the Human Rights Act, and the evolving jurisprudence of the ECtHR, UK law may now be described as protecting a right to strike albeit one that is pieced together from a variety of sources: statutes such as TULRCA, the common law, Convention rights, and relevant case law.'[1] Does this statement accurately encapsulate the UK law on the 'right to strike'? How do the different sources of law interact and what factors determine the correct balance to be reached between competing interests in regulating industrial action? Use case law, statute, legal commentary and social science material in your answer and provide illustrations to support your analysis. In line with socialism and Professor Beverly Silver's assertions, capitalism is established upon 'two contradictory tendencies': 'crises of profitability and crises of social legitimacy'.[2] This 'inherent labour-capital'[3] struggle is reflected within the UK's hostile regulation of industrial action. The courts' and legislature's ideological approaches towards the collective right to withdraw labour unanimously and substantially favours economic growth above social welfare.[4] Striking, overtime bans, and refusing to carry out certain tasks are collective forms of actions that can arise from workplace disputes.[5] These disputes typically occur because employers are unwilling to negotiate with employees and workers about their working terms or conditions. Undeniably, the duration – and the aftermath – of the collective action results in financial losses to the business and affect innocent third parties (i.e. the general public).[6] Therefore, in order to appease and 'bring the labour under control', the capital would 'have to make concessions [i.e. comply with the strikers' new terms], which provoke crises of profitability'.[7] However, the loss suffered by a business[8] during and after industrial action is justified on two persuasive grounds. The first ground identified by Gwyneth Pitt is the human right aspect.[9] To restrict the right to strike would be akin to the horrific period of slavery,[10] where man had no power to withdraw his labour. This justification is recognising the inequalities in bargaining power between employer and employee.[11] This inequality has been further escalated by the growth of the modern-day unstable gig economy; one in nine UK workers are in precarious work.[12] This form of work has limited protection and much lower salaries.[13] Hence, a subsequent ground for the justification of withdrawal of labour is the equilibrium argument. The power of the employer and their actions can only be matched and questioned by a 'concerted stoppage of work'.[14] Essentially, the right to strike is more than the withdrawal of labour: it is also the encompassing 'right to free expression, association, assembly and power'.[15] Yet there is 'no positive legal right to strike in the UK'.[16] Instead, 'the "right to strike" in the UK depends for its realisation on a complex statutory scheme'.[17] In contrast to its neighbouring European countries' (Spain and Italy) jurisdictions 'where the right to strike is specified textually in a constitutional document', the UK law 'protects a right to strike … from a variety of sources: statutes such as TULRCA, the common law, Convention rights, and relevant case law'.[18] The accuracy of Bogg and Dukes' encapsulation of the UK law on the 'right to strike' and how the different sources of law interact will be subsequently discussed. Common Law Judiciary While Spain[19] and Italy[20] protect the right to strike by suspending the contract of employment during industrial action, this contract is broken under English law.[21] This is because the English common law does not confer a right to strike,[22] hence 'the rigour of the common law applies in the form of a breach of contract on part of the strikers and economic torts … [for] the organisers and their union'.[23] It is tortious and indefensible[24] to induce an individual to breach their contract of employment.[25] This principle was established in Lumley v Gye,[26] and this liability extends to trade unions in the context of industrial action.[27] Additionally, there are two further economic torts trade unions can be held liable for: liability for conspiracy to injure (Quinn v Leathem)[28] and causing loss by unlawful means. UntilOBG Ltd v Allan, Douglas, and others v Hello! Ltd,[29] the 'tort of procuring a breach of contract had been ["blurred"[30] and] extended [to be a wider] tort of unlawful interference with contractual relations'.[31] These torts were later distinguished and separated in the House of Lord's (HoL) judgment of OBG v Allan. While it is not often, the courts are encouraged to distinguish and introduce new torts. The HoL in OBG v Allan subsequently outlined the distinguishing elements between unlawful means and the tort of procuring a breach of contract. The tort of procuring a breach of contract is an accessory liability. Whilst the tort of unlawful means is a 'primary liability that is not dependent on the third party having committed a wrong against the claimant'.[32] Yet, despite the tort differences, the HoL confirmed that the same act could give rise to liability under both unlawful interference and procuring a breach of contract.[33] This clarification and the development of unlawful interferences as a separate liability has notably accommodated employers in holding trade unions liable for more than one tort. The OBG v Allan judgment is significant for discussing industrial action for two notable reasons. The first is that it confirms the judiciary's 'uncontrolled power'[34] in developing and 'defining torts boundaries on a case-to-case basis.[35] This power is 'ensur[ing] that trade unions cannot provide a lawful excuse or justification for their actions'[36]; trade unions are ultimately 'stood naked and unprotected at the altar of the common law'.[37] The insufficiency of protection for trade unions under the common law exhibits the judiciary's biased and hostile ideology towards industrial action.[38] This subsequently aligns with the following observation: the courts favour economic profits. This is discerned by the extent to which the contemporary judiciary extends protection for commercial bodies.[39] The primary function of English tort law was to protect physical integrity and property rights; tort law was never concerned with the protection of economic interests.[40] Nor had the common law ever been historically exercised to 'legitimately control aspects of the economy'[41] and yet OBG v Allan demonstrates the extent to which this has now changed. The judiciary has extensively and needlessly stretched the common law and its torts[42] to protect 'already powerful organisations'.[43] Hence, from the perspective of trade unions and their members, the common law's (inadequate) protection for the 'right to strike' has been, undeniably, very disappointing. Statutes Legislature One of the major problems facing trade unions was the 'exposure of their funds to legal action by employers'[44]; in 1901, Taff Vale Railway Co successfully sued the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants union for £42,000.[45] This sum is equivalent to £5,196,328.39 today. This verdict, in effect, eliminated 'the strike as a weapon of organized labour'.[46] Naturally, workers turned to political parties for redress. The concern and advocacy for trade union reform accounted for 59% of the winning Liberal party's election manifesto.[47] The Liberal government, led by Prime Minister Henry Campbell-Bannerman, provided unions with wide immunity against any tortious liability arising from trade disputes under The Trade Disputes Act (TDA) 1906. Although this Act did not introduce a 'legislated right' for industrial action,[48] this statute effectively recognised the vulnerability of unions under the common law by 'secur[ing] a [statutory] freedom' instead. [49] The TDA is one of the 'mostimportantpieces oflabour legislationever passed by a British Parliament'[50]; it effectively 'kept the courts at a minimum'[51] and neutralised the most obvious adverse effects of the Taff Vale judgment. The 'sympathetic politicians' were 'periodically reconstructing' the role of the 'class-conscious', profit-favouring judiciary.[52] The outcome of the 1906 general election 'served the unions' interests well'[53] and it continued to for 65 years. The 'long enjoyed'[54] immunity of trade unions for liability in tort was reduced to partial immunity under the Thatcher government (1979-90). There is a 'scale of government ideology' which ranges from 'fully participative' to 'fully authoritative',[55] and the Thatcher government was the undoubtable latter. The Conservative ideology and economists, such as FA Hayek, viewed trade unions as an obstacle to economic growth.[56] This perception was heightened by the Winter of Discontent (1978-79): a period characterised by widespread of strikes in response to the Labour government's wage cap (to maintain falling inflation).[57] Subsequently, Thatcher's government further justified the re-introduction of liability for trade unions upon the succeeding Green Papers: the 1981 Trade Union Immunities[58] and the 1989 Trade Unions and their Members.[59] Both papers outlined concerns regarding democracy, rights, and freedom of trade union members; 'too often in recent years it has seemed that employees have been called out on strike by their unions without proper consultation and sometimes against their express wishes'.[60] Accordingly, the Thatcher government introduced legislation that prior Conservative governments were afeard of passing: the Employment Act 1980, Trade Union Act 1984, and Trade Union Reform and Employment Rights Act 1993. These re-introduced vulnerability and high costs for unions. Under the Employment Rights Act 1980, 'trade-dispute' was re-defined, statutory liabilities were introduced and unions were exposed to injunctions and claims for damages. However, upon complying with the stringent balloting requirements (from secret ballot to the requirement for all ballots to be postal) in the 1984 and 1993 Acts, the dispute would be deemed lawful.[61] It is expensive for unions to comply and evidence the fulfilled balloting requirements, but if lawful union members are statutorily protected from unfair dismissals and injunctions.[62] While this is a brief summary of the Acts, these restrictive measures offer an insight into the Thatcher government's success in exercising its agenda of restricting the lawfulness of industrial action by limiting its previously protected scope and purposes. Subsequently, the process of placing further controls on trade unions continued into the 21st century.[63] The 2015 Conservative government introduced the 'draconian'[64] Trade Union Act 2016 (TUA) – the most significant union legislation since the Employment Act 1980. The TUA introduced a minimum threshold of eligible members to vote in the ballot (at least 50% turnout and 50% voting in favour).[65] Moreover, in the instance the members are engaged in 'important public services',[66] 40% of all members entitled to vote must have voted in support of the industrial action. These stringent procedural requirements have to be strictly followed for a strike to be lawful.[67] Oddly, there was no pressing need to introduce these restrictive measures.[68] There were no significant problems in industrial relations at the time (ie, Winter of Discontent) nor any significant 'pressure from business for further laws on strikes',[69] but the Conservative government justified these 2016 measures through the findings of Bruce Carr QC and Ed Holmes.[70] The Government submitted the Carr Review to indicate a consistent pattern of union bullying workers, and yet Carr himself 'did not contend his findings to be a sufficient basis' for influencing the TUA.[71] Instead, the true motivations behind the government's 2016 legislative programme are observed by the 'striking resemblance'[72] to Ed Holmes Modernising Industrial Relations (MIR) paper.[73] The policy paper daringly questioned the necessity of protecting industrial action by reflecting on the development of employment tribunals and discussing the economic consequences of strikes. The same 'free-market economic theory' that underpinned the MIR's recommendations 'drove' the pragmatically restrictive and economically influenced 2016 statute developments.[74] The substance of today's statute in protecting trade unions 'is far removed and much weaker than the position established in 1906'.[75] Since the Henry Campbell-Bannerman leadership, trade union membership has declined by more than half due to the 'three successive Conservative governments [who] have enacted labour legislation opposed by unions'.[76] It appears the deep-rooted ideology of the political party in power influences the legislative steps for protecting trade unions.[77] Therefore, the extent of the Conservative government's 'authoritarian, class-biased and oppressive'[78] industrial action policies will be exemplified and 'more evident than they are today when a Labour government is elected again'.[79] Judiciary While the likes of Maurice Kay LJ and Lord Neuberger MR 'characterised the statutory immunities as limited exceptions to the common law' to justify interpreting the statute provisions 'strictly against the trade union', the court's overall response to industrial action 'has been more mixed'.[80] The court in Merkur Island Shipping v Laughton[81] developed a three-part test to examine the legality of industrial action. This test encapsulates the substantive and procedural requirements for a lawful strike whilst observing the intertwined and 'uneasy' relationship between the common law and statute.[82] If the industrial action is unlawful at common law, the judiciary asks whether there is a 'prime facie statutory immunity' for the commission of torts.[83] This substantive question considers whether the action was 'in contemplation or furtherance of a trade dispute'[84] before questioning whether the immunity had been procedurally lost by one of the three specified statutory reasons in TULRCA 1992.[85] The union's partial immunity could be lost for minor 'inconsequential breaches of the statutory rules'[86]; there is a series of High Court instances of injunctions being granted to 'ever more powerful and well-resourced employers'[87] owing to invalid strike ballots.[88] The readily available labour injunctions continued to be the "key piece[89]" of suppressing collective action until the minor development in 2011. In RMTv Serco Ltd;ASLEFv London and Birmingham Railway Limited (RMT and ASLEF),[90] the Court of Appeal approved and applied Millett LJ's 1996 observation in London Underground Limited v National Union of Railwaymen, Maritime and Transport Staff:[91] 'the democratic requirement of a secret ballot is not to make life more difficult for trade unions … but for the protection of the Union's own members'.[92] Owing to this proposed democratic aim, the court in RMT and ASLEF confirmed it was 'to interpret the statutory provisions somewhat less stringently'.[93] This interpretation is a stark contrast to Maurice Kay LJ's understanding of parliament's intentions. The court furthered Millett LJ's aim by recommending a neutral, 'without presumptions one way or the other',[94] interpretation of TULRCA. Upon the fact TULRCA is premised on the existing common law framework, the court's 'judicial creativity' could have easily 'outflank[ed] the intentions of Parliament'.[95] Instead of a 'neutral' approach, the courts have the power to mitigate unions disproportionate vulnerability against injunctions, damages, and unfair dismissals by encouraging and favouring social legitimacy. Although, the RMT and ASLEF court 'only indicated a change in emphasis rather than substance'[96] (since unions are still burdened with the challenges of exercising a 'lawful' strike),[97] this judgment enhanced union's ability to resist injunction applications (as observed by Balfour BeattyEngineering Services Limitedv Unitethe Union).[98] The unbiased interpretation encouraged in RMT and ASLEF continues to be the leading approach to interpreting domestic statutes regarding industrial action. ECHR Judiciary Admittedly, the scope of Maurice Kay LJ's strict interpretation was narrowly limited by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).[99] The ECtHR confirmed, in Enerji Yapi-Yol Sen v Turkey,[100] that Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights included protection of the right to strike. This Article, and Article 6 of the European Social Charter[101] bestow the right to strike for their member states members and due to the UK Human Rights Act 1998, 'British workers are understood to enjoy a right to strike'.[102] This, unlike the mere domestic statutory immunities, is the only instance of a 'legislated' right to strike in the UK.[103] Under section 3(1) of the Human Rights Act 1998, 'statutory provisions must be read and given effect in a way which is compatible with the Conventionrights'[104] – 'the opportunity to test this line of argument'[105] in the English courts arose in Metrobus Ltd v Unite the Union (Metrobus).[106] The Court of Appeal rejected the Enerji arguments; the Court denied the authority's relevance for the interpretation of UK statutory provisions. This judgment continues to be the leading precedent on the UK's provisions of Article 11,[107] despite the RMT and ASLEF judgment. In RMT and ASLEF, the UK courts acknowledged the 'clearly protected'[108] right to strike under ECHR Article 11. However, the court emphasised the importance of a 'fair balance to be struck between the competing interests of the individual and the community as a whole'.[109] The emphasised interests of the 'community' motivated the court's justification for the ban on secondary action owing to its 'potential to … cause broad disruption within the economy and to affect the delivery of services to the public'.[110] Subsequently, the court confirmed that this ban aligns with Article 11(2) 'on the basis of a wide margin of appreciation accorded to the State'.[111] While the court is correct to recognise their bestowed margin of appreciation, the court rationalised the granting of the injunction, 'which itself cost the union a substantial sum',[112] upon economic factors. This factor is not only 'wholly irrelevant to the specific facts of the application' but it disregarded and postponed 'the exercise of what was acknowledged to be a convention protected right'.[113] The court effectively and 'successfully prevented industrial action on the basis of legal' human rights provisions 'which are intended to benefit workers'.[114] In short, there 'is no point creating rights' or passing human rights legislation if the 'court is not prepared to defend them'.[115] There will continue to be an erosion of human rights protection until there is greater coordination between the domestic courts and the ECtHR. It is credible to conclude that the UK judiciary is more concerned with profitability, self-preservation of UK powers, and 'in appeasing political forces'[116] above the interests of the individuals it and the Convention Rights was established to serve. Legislature The RMT and ASLEF court's 'blessing of a wide margin of appreciation' in the 'encompassment' of Article 11 offered a 'green light for further restrictive legislation on industrial action' by the 'only too happy Government'.[117] Here, Boggs and Ewing detect 'the crude politics of power'.[118] Upon observing the Court of Appeal's reluctance to exercise EU conventions, and the UK courts' developments that continue to be 'very much in line with the political approach of the Conservative government',[119] it materialises that the court and government are not 'looking to open a third (ECtHR) front'.[120] The Government has recently launched an 'independent review' of the Human Rights Act.[121] The review aims to evaluate 'the duty to take into account' ECtHR case law and assess 'whether dialogue between our domestic courts and the ECtHR works effectively and if there is room for improvement'.[122] It is worth highlighting that this 'independent' review will be led by former Court of Appeal Judge, Sir Peter Gross – the same judge who remarked that 'the more that controversial areas are "outsourced" … the greater the challenge for … judicial leadership'.[123] The former judge is a notable advocate for greater domestic judicial leadership.[124] This advocacy hints the likelihood of the review condemning the relevance and precedence of the ECtHR (and Human Rights Act 1998) in 'controversial' matters such as industrial action. This review has the powerful ability to eliminate the only instance of a legislated right to strike in the UK.[125] Ultimately 'The notion of lawful industrial action is restrictive', the procedural requirements are 'onerous' and the consequences of unions liability for unlawful strikes are 'serious'.[126] Nearly two decades after the European Social Charter's review,[127] the UK still does not guarantee the right to strike. The precedent in Metrobus still stands. There continues to be a 'poorly reasoned and barely consistent' series of judgments 'by what looks like a weak, timid'[128] and politically influenced[129] judiciary. The enactment of the 'Human Rights Act and the evolving jurisprudence of the ECtHR'[130] will not prescribe a right to strike in the UK until the Supreme Court or ECtHR rule UK's current provisions as incompatible with Article 11. In truth, 'the right to strike [in the UK] has never been much more than a slogan or a legal metaphor'.[131] This 'slogan' is a regime of immunities that are purposely designed upon an overly complex and expensive statutory system.[132] These immunities are not adequately or proportionately protecting workers, unions, and one in nine vulnerable, precarious workers against the 'pitfalls'[133] of damages, injunctions, and unfair dismissals.[134] This system was successfully underlined with the political agenda of deterring trade disputes; the UK's worker strike total has fallen to its 'lowest level since 1893'.[135] The 'unanimous and hostile'[136] approach of the legislature and the judiciary towards industrial action exhibits the UK's covert 'culture of routinely disregarding'[137] social legitimacy in favour of profits. [1] Alan Bogg and Ruth Dukes, 'Statutory Interpretation and The Limits of a Human Rights Approach: Royal Mail Group Ltd v Communication Workers Union' (2020) 49 ILJ 477, 478. [2] Nicholas Pohl,'Political and Economic Factors Influencing Strike Activity During the Recent Economic Crisis: A Study of The Spanish Case Between 2002 And 2013' (2018) 9 Global Labour Journal 19, 21. [3] ibid, 21. [4] Harry Smith, 'How Far Does UK Labour Law Provide for The Effective Exercise of a Right to Strike?' (2014) 6 The Student Journal of Law accessed 15 December 2020. [5] Hugh Collins, Aileen McColgan and Keith D Ewing,Labour Law(2nd edn, CUP 2019) 706. [6] Gwyneth Pitt,Cases and Materials on Employment Law(1st edn, Pearson Education Limited 2008) 570. [7] Pohl (n 2), 21. [8] Beverly J Silver,Forces of Labor Workers' Movements and Globalization Since 1870(CUP 2003) 17. [9] Pitt (n 6), 570. [10] Manfred Davidmann, 'The Right to Strike' (Solhaam, 1996) accessed 15 December 2020. [11] Adam Smith,An Inquiry into The Nature and Causes of The Wealth of Nations(Cofide 1776). [12] Bethan Staton, 'The Upstart Unions Taking on The Gig Economy and Outsourcing' (Financial Times, 20 January 2020) accessed 16 December 2020 [13] Employment Rights Act 1996,s212. [14] Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act (TULRCA)1992, s246. [15] Brian Smart, 'The Right to Strike and The Right to Work' (1985) 2 Journal of Applied Philosophy 31. [16] 'Industrial Action' (UNISON National) accessed 7 December 2020 [17] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 478. [18] ibid, 478. [19] Article 18 of the Spanish Constitution and regulated by Royal Decree-Law 17/1977 of 4 March on Labour Relations ('RDLLR') and Article 4.1.e) of the Spanish Workers' Statute. [20] Article 40 of theItalianRepublic Constitution of 1948. [21] Collins, McColgan, and Ewing (n 5), 714. [22] RMT v Serco; ASLEF v London and Birmingham Railway [2011] EWCA Civ 226, [2011] ICR 848 [2]. [23] Metrobus Ltd v Unite the Union [2009] EWCA Civ 829, [2010] ICR 173 [118]. [24] South Wales Miners' Federation v Glamorgan Coal Co [1905] AC 239. [25] Collins, McColgan, and Ewing (n 5), 714. [26] (1853) 118 ER 749. [27] Taff Vale Railway Co vAmalgamated Society ofRailwayServants [1901] AC 426. [28] [1901] AC 495. [29] [2007] UKHL 21, [2008] 1 AC 1. [30] 'House of Lords Overhaul Economic Torts' (Herbert Smith Freehills, 17 May 2007) accessed 9 December 2020 [31] ibid. [32] OBG v Allan (n 29). [33] ibid, [37]. [34] Hazel Carty, 'The Economic Torts and English Law: An Uncertain Future' (2007) 95 Kentucky LJ 849. [35] Lonrho v Fayed [1990] 2 QB 479, 492-93. [36] Collins, McColgan, and Ewing (n 5), 714. [37] ibid, 714. [38] ibid, 849. [39] ibid, 848. [40] ibid, 847. [41] ibid, 847. [42] Cartey (n 34), 847. [43] ibid, 849. [44] Richard Kidner, 'Lessons in Trade Union Law Reform: The Origins and Passage of The Trade Disputes Act 1906' (2018) 2 Legal Studies 37. [45] Taff Vale (n 27). [46] Merriam-Webster,Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Encyclopedia(Merriam-Webster 2000) 1157. [47] Kidner (n 44), 47. [48] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 478. [49] RMT and ASLEF (n 22) [2]. [50] Keith Ewing, 'The Right to Strike: From the Trade Disputes Act 1906 To A Trade Union Freedom Bill 2006' (Institute of Employment Rights, March 2013) accessed 11 December 2020. [51] The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, 'Trade Disputes Act' (Encyclopedia Britannica, 20 July 1998) accessed 11 December 2020. [52] Ewing (n 50). [53] Encyclopedia Britannica (n 51). [54] FA Hayek, 'Trade Union Immunity Under the Law' The Times (London, 21 July 1977) 15 accessed 11 December 2020 [55] Davidmann (n 10). [56] Hayek (n 54). [57] Alex Kitson, '1978-1979: Winter of Discontent' (Libcom.org, 24 January 2007) accessed 11 December 2020. [58] Cmd, 8128, 1981. [59] Cmd 821, 1989. [60] Trade Union Immunities (n 58), para 247. [61] Trade Union Reform and Employment Rights Act 1993, s238A. [62] TULRCA 1992, ss237-38. [63] Michael Ford and Tonia Novitz, 'Legislating for Control: The Trade Union Act 2016' (2020) 45 ILJ 227. [64] Bart Cammaerts, 'The Efforts to Restrict the Freedom to Strike and To Deny A Right to Strike Should Be Resisted Fiercely' (LSE Blogs, 14 September 2015) accessed 11 December 2020. [65] TUA 2016, s226(2)(a) (ii). [66] ibid, s226(2)(e). [67] ibid, s238A. [68] Ford and Novitz (n 63), 291. [69] ibid, 291. [70] ibid, 291. [71] ibid, 291. [72] ibid, 279. [73] Modernising Industrial Relations n.7. [74] Ford and Novitz (n 63), 279. [75] Ewing (n 50). [76] Brian Towers, 'Running the Gauntlet: British Trade Unions Under Thatcher, 1979-1988' (1989) 42 ILR Rev 163. [77] Gareth Thomas and Ian K Smith,Smith & Thomas' Employment Law(9th edn, OUP 2007), 737. [78] Davidmann (n 10). [79] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 492. [80] Ruth Dukes, 'The Right to Strike Under UK Law: Not Much More Than A Slogan? NURMT v SERCO, ASLEF v London & Birmingham Railway Ltd' (2011) 40 ILJ 302, 309. [81] [1983] ICR 490. [82] Collins, McColgan, and Ewing (n 5), 847. [83] TULRCA 1992, s219. [84] ibid. [85] ibid, ss222, 224, and 226. [86] Dukes (n 80), 309. [87] Kalina Arabadjieva, 'Royal Mail Group Ltd v Communication Workers Union (CWU): Injunctions Preventing Industrial Action and The Right to Strike' (UK Labour Law, 6 March 2020) accessed 12 December 2020. [88] TULRCA 1992, s226. [89] Arabadjieva (n 87). [90] n 22. [91] [1996] ICR 170. [92] ibid, [180]-[182]. [93] Dukes (n 82), 309. [94] RMT and ASLEF (n 22), [2]. [95] Smith (n 4). [96] Ford and Novitz (n 63), 281. [97] Arabadjieva (n 87). [98] [2012] EWHC 267 (QB). [99] Keith Ewing and Alan Bogg, 'The Implications of The RMT Case' (2014) 40 ILJ 221, 222. [100] [2009] ECHR 2251. [101] 'The right to bargain collectively.' [102] Keith Ewing and John Hendy, 'The Dramatic Implications of Demir and Baykara' (2010) 39 ILJ 2. [103] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 478. [104] ibid. [105] Dukes (n 82), 303. [106] n 23. [107] Dukes (n 82), 310. [108] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 221. [109] RMT and ASLEF (n 22), [77]. [110] ibid, [82]. [111] ECHR Art 11 (2). [112] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 251. [113] ibid, 221. [114] Arabadjieva (n 87). [115] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 223. [116] ibid, 251. [117] Ford and Novitz (n 63), 282. [118] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 223. [119] Thomas and Smith (n 77), 737. [120] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 223. [121] Ministry of Justice, 'Government Launches Independent Review of the Human Rights Act' (Gov.uk, 7 December 2020) accessed 15 December 2020. [122] ibid. [123] Jamie Susskind, 'Jamie Susskind Comments on Sir Peter Gross' Lecture on Judicial Leadership' (Littleton Chambers) accessed 15 December 2020. [124] ibid. [125] ECHR Art 11. [126] Ruth Dukes, The Right to Strike Under UK Law: Something More Than A Slogan? Metrobus v Unite The Union [2009] EWCA Civ 829' (2010) 39 ILJ 1, 7. [127] ESC, Report of the Committee of Experts 2002. [128] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 251. [129] Thomas and Smith (n 77), 737. [130] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 478. [131] Metrobus (n 23) (Maurice Kay LJ). [132] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 478. [133] Dukes (n 125), 9. [134] ibid, 7. [135] Richard Partington, 'UK Worker Strike Total Falls to Lowest Level Since 1893' (The Guardian, 30 May 2018) accessed 15 December 2020 [136] Smith (n 4). [137] ibid.

2012/2013 ; There is an increasingly widespread acknowledgement among all active actors in the development co-operation sector that the Public Private Partnership (PPP) can be a new important tool, not only to build important infrastructure (public works) but also to provide services to the citizens at central and local level as well as to have a strategic value in the Cross-Border Co-operation (CBC) in the next future. The European Commission defines PPPs in a rather broad and general way without giving a proper legal definition of this partnership. For the EU PPP is a form of cooperation between public authorities and economic operators concerning design, funding, execution, renovation or exploitation (operation and maintenance) of public infrastructure, or the provision of public utility service. However, there is not a uniform, common definition of this form of partnership. Considering the present global economic and financial crisis affecting almost all the regions of the world and bearing in mind that the public resources destined on development cooperation are decreasing more and more, building partnerships and synergies between these two ranges of actors is not only a great possibility but a compelling necessity in order to continue to sustain the development cooperation sector. This is also a good chance for both public and private sector, not only to mutually reinforce each other but also to learn lessons and best practices from one another. The PPPs, in fact, if applied correctly, enable a reduction in total costs, better distribution of risks, a more rapid execution of public services and activities, as well as a better quality of offered services and implemented activities. Not to mention the fact that the overcoming of the rigid distinction between public and private opens the possibility to find solutions and to respond to questions that the public administration itself is not able to answer independently. In international cooperation and in particular in the cross-border cooperation, more and more public administrations in beneficiary and donor countries are acknowledging the subsidiary role of civil society and private sector in the activities of general interest, and therefore, also in the delivery of public functions and services. Considering the extensive work experience in the international development cooperation sector with the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other International Organizations in different areas in the world, i.e. OSCE, believing on the utility and potentiality of this instrument and directly verified that it could be more utilized in the international cooperation, it was decided to analyse the use of PPPs in this sector with a special focus on IPA CBC Programme. In fact, the scope of the dissertation and of the implementation of its conclusions is steaming from the author interest and working ties. Indeed, the author is living and working in Albania and has a huge experience on it due to the fact that she was the Albania Desk Officer for the Italian Development Cooperation for several years. She is also studying the Albanian language and she is very fascinated from the history of this small country so close, not only geographically speaking, to Italy. The focus on Macedonia as neighbour country is due simply to the fact that to collect information on this IPA CBC Programme was easier than others similar financial instruments. Building on extensive field experience, this dissertation will try to answer the following question: 'Which is the winner strategy to increase the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP?'. The thesis overall objective is to identify a set of strategies that can enhance the effectiveness of cross-border cooperation through the use of the PPP instrument, beyond specific cross-border project interventions that until now have mainly been carried out though institutional channels and implemented through European projects and programs. The strategies that the conclusion of the dissertation draws are based on the SWOT analysis of five projects funded by the EU through the IPA CBC Albania – Macedonia during the 2007-2013 programming period and the consequent elaboration of the results. These strategies would hence open up new possibilities for the development of CBC's activities applicable in the ambit of the EU's regional policy 2014-2020, without necessarily relying upon more EU financial means. This is also in line, with the EU auspices for the CBC not to be just another way to access funding but rather to become a model of cross-border cooperation sustainable on its own devise. The dissertation is based on collection and analysis of data available within the existing legal-institutional framework and will make use of the investigative qualitative method with the aim of verifying the hypothesis mentioned above. The thesis envisages a number of working phases chronologically distinct and mutually supportive and it is based on the utilisation of a number of diverse theoretic constructs and methodologies. The dissertation makes use of different sources such as for instance existing literature, statistics, on line documentation available and its content is conducted on the various official documents and projects documentation obtainable. The results are cross referenced and presented based on a SWOT analysis and process of data/results interpretation. As far as the structure of the work is concerned, the first Chapter, after an analysis of the theoretical tools supporting PPP, presents a background and an overview of the PPP in Europe, and the way it is applied in the context of international cooperation and cross-border cooperation; this is to understand how it was established and what its original objectives were, and to explain its evolution up to now. In particular, the chapter after shows that PPP was born in '30s mostly linked to the energetic and mining sectors, it presents that PPPs are growing and are seen as an important instrument of economic and social development also in the international and cross-border cooperation. It is seen that an instrument which opens the way to potential PPPs is the Inter-Municipal Cooperation Instrument (IMC) which permits to bridge the gaps in the municipalities and make them stronger also in applying to donor funds. Through this instrument established by the Council of Europe (CoE) the municipalities can also sub-contract a private company or creating an IMC entity constitutes a viable market attracting private investors. PPP is also encouraged by United Nations (UN) since 1999 through the 'Global Compact' project and different are the example of PPP around the world established by various UN Agencies. It can be affirmed that PPP is considered useful in the public sector also because can contribute in solving difficulties caused from public balance cuts as well as to overcome the bureaucratic and the scarcity of technical and management competencies of the public administration. The PPP is therefore an actual, innovative and complementary instrument to promote development, reforms as well as investments, policies and good practises in different sectors including the development cooperation also at trans-border level. Therefore, thanks to PPP it can be affirmed that the private sector also has become at all its effects a privileged actor of the international development cooperation. The second Chapter of the dissertation analyses the European Policies interconnecting PPP and their related instruments, as well as more in detail how these policies have applied PPPs in the cross-border cooperation as well as how CBC became more explicit in the EU context and in particular in the context of the stabilisation and association processes. In fact, starting from the 1950 Schuman Declaration, the chapter introduces the founding EEC Treaty, examines the Single European Act and analyses the European Cohesion Policy (or Regional Policy). In addition the chapter views the European Enlargement Policy (Pre-accession Policy) analysing the three membership criteria established during the Copenhagen European Council in 1993, the various stages of the membership process and the reasons for further enlargement taking into consideration the historic enlargement of 2004, the different strategic objectives involved in it and its new approach in view of the so-called Arab Spring. In addition, the chapter analyses the European Neighbourhood Policy (Proximity Policy) as well as its related instruments, with regard to both its partner countries and candidate states. Moreover the chapter identifies the possibilities of PPP within the EU's financial instruments that are currently being concluded. Even where those policies do not provide explicitly the adoption of PPP instrument, it is however not excluded. This means that the policies at issue give valuable support to the adoption and use of PPP. The dissertation is interested in to give evidence of the strong points of PPP application, and shows that, when there is a lack of applied PPP framework, as it is the case of the country cases (Albania and Macedonia) under analysed, the CBC component of IPA programme may be due not to give envisaged results to achieve the objectives. After having looked into the European policies intersecting PPPs and CBC, the third Chapter introduces a brief analysis of the concept of border, not only in the physical administrative sense, due to the fact that this concept is a key element to understand the cross-border co-operation processes existing in the EU and in general all over the world. With this aim in mind, after studying the main theoretical approaches on this domain, the analysis focuses on the cross-border co-operation not only in its theoretical dimension but also in its deriving pragmatic aspects. The analysis of the border concept and of the border and peripheral area, as well as the general theory of the system applied to the general theory of boundaries, is essential to anticipate the concept of the cross-border cooperation and its practical application. After this analysis, the chapter describes the legal institutional framework in order to analyse the effectiveness of the various legal instruments that have been put in place to encourage and facilitate forms of cooperative engagement across borders. Starting with the European Outline Convention of Transfrontier Co-operation between territorial communities or authorities (Madrid Convention 1980), a central instrument for the CBC that was born in the frame of CoE, the chapter introduces the three protocols of the Madrid Convention. The additional Protocol essentially gives the possibility to create an organism for cross-border cooperation; the second Protocol (no 2) provides above all a legal framework for the inter-territorial cooperation between the parties; and the third Protocol (no 3) concerns the possibility of forming the ECG by creating the legal status, the institution and the functioning of such Groups. In addition, in view of how cross-border cooperation has acquired more importance through time, the chapter explains the functioning of European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) institution, its modality of action and its fields of applications. The EGTC has come to be a new legal/financial instrument that integrates the Madrid Convention and the relevant Protocols. The chapter also touches upon the various aspects of cross-border co-operation and in particular some milestones from the EU experiences, and presents the European Macro-Regional Strategy and its related legislative framework as an example. In addition the chapter shows the Baltic, the Danube and the Adriatic – Ionian Macro-Region and describes the main differences between EGTs and Macro- Regions. In addition, the chapter considers appropriate to present the steps that have been taken from the EU with regard to the cross-border cooperation which, more particularly, have consisted of making available important financial instruments such as INTERREG that supports from the top to the bottom the Strategy of Macro-Regions. Following the fourth Chapter describes the 2014-2020 EU's Regional Policy as the context of application of the PPP and its change with respect to the 2007-2013 EU's Regional Policy. In particular after introducing the EU programming period 2007-2013 and the changes intervened in the following programming period also having a political/historical nature like the Arab spring and the interests to further develop economic interactions between the EU and the Middle Eastern partners, the chapter analyses the useful instruments for the realization of the cross-border cooperation; especially the European Regional Development Found (ERDF). In addition, this chapter, will identify the possibilities of PPP within the financial instruments that are about to be activated in the new European Programming Cycle. To this regard it is important to mention that, in general, all the EU policies must contribute to the implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy that in order to fulfil its ambitious objectives identified as key instrument the instrument of partnership, among which that with the private sector. Here it is worth to emphasize that, generally, the overall objectives of the regional policy, both at national and European level, are all of an economic nature, i.e. increasing the national economy by attenuating and eliminating economic disparities between different development levels of the regions. In particular, the European Policies aim to improve the investment climate through public investment in the regions presenting some gaps and to manage the local regional resources in a more efficient way. The dissertation shows how in both cases, PPPs can help in the achievement of these important aims. In addition, the chapter observes that there are changes in various aspects and procedures of the implementation of the new regional policy as well as in the legal frame, and examines the IPA instrument and the ENPI instrument in the two seven-years programming periods because they are closely related to the European Territorial Cooperation (ETC). Between this two latter instruments IPA is a more relevant for this dissertation. For this reason, after on overview of the Albanian context considering some economic, demographic, social and political aspects, including the criteria Albania has to fulfil to receive the candidate status from the EU as well as a brief introduction to the Albanian Law on PPP, the fifth Chapter presents its relations in the region, especially with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and stresses the IPA CBC Albania – FYROM related to 2007-2013 and 2014-2020 programming periods. In addition, the chapter presents the main differences between these two programming periods focussing mainly on the Albanian part. With the aim to focus on the Albanian opportunities in the new programming period, it will be stressed what will change in the next future and which are the positive effects on PPP considering also the concept of Social Corporate Responsibility and the UN Global Compact initiative already mentioned in the first Chapter. All this to introduce the last Chapter which, through the analysis of the methodologies used during the various phases of this work, and especially through the explanation of the SWOT analysis, aims to identify a set of winning strategies to increase the effectiveness of the Cross-border cooperation through the use of the PPP instrument. The first part of the dissertation made use of several documentary sources, most notably and especially in the early stage the work will carry out what it is commonly defined as a secondary analysis, in particular this was articulated through: collection and review of existing literature and of the official documentation and statistics available mainly on-line but also with the Albanian Ministries and national institutes, i.e. the Albanian National Institute of Statistics, as well as with the various donors and international organisation in the Country, and especially with the Delegation of the European Commission to Albania. Instead, the second part of the dissertation focuses on the analysis of the IPA CBC program in general, and IPA CBC Albania - Macedonia in particular. To this end it was decided to proceed with the analysis of specific projects activated in the context of this program to highlight the role of actual or potential PPP projects in developing virtuous CBC. Although the PPP is not explicitly defined among the tools used in the implementation of these projects, it was decided to identify the prodromal factors present in some PPP projects with the end purpose of assessing their potentials, especially in view of the next programming period of the EU (2014-2020). The detailed information on the projects carried out or that are in progress are not publicly available as they are under the 'ownership' of the Delegation of the European Commission in Albania and of the Managing Authority of the program. In order to collect the necessary materials to identify the most relevant projects and, subsequently, to proceed to their analysis, it has proved necessary to proceed through in-depth interviews with qualified actors. Given that, interviews have been conducted with interlocutors, mainly from the European Commission in Albania, the Albanian Ministry of Integration and of Austrian Cooperation. Through these interviews, specific information relating to five concluded projects, in which the instrument of the PPP was present at least in embryonic form, has been added to the data relating to the context and to the program. The information gathered has been structured so as to proceed to a qualitative analysis of the data through the development of a SWOT analysis of these five projects funded by the IPA CBC Albania - FYROM - First Call for Project Proposals. Finally, this work presents the results of this analysis through a process of data interpretation. After this presentation, and before starting the SWOT analysis, the chapter presents the Annual Work Programme for Grants 2009 of the DG Enlargement related to the first Call for Proposals and the Guidelines related to the CBC Programme Albania - FYROM which aims is to facilitate the cooperation between the two countries to improve living conditions in the target area. The Programme in fact, already mentioned in the fifth Chapter, it aims to fostering cross-border economic, environmental and social development and includes three different measures and for each measure a list of potential activities for projects. Furthermore, the chapter analyses - through the SWOT analysis above mentioned - five projects funded by the EU within the IPA I CBC Albania – FYROM first call. In particular, in this dissertation, the SWOT analysis is the tool to identify the strengths (S), weakness (W), opportunities (O) and threats (T) that characterize projects which are analysed in relation to PPPs. In other words, it seeks to identify the strengths and internal resources of projects capably to push the development of PPPs (strengths), as well as the internal project limitations and weaknesses that impede PPP development in the relevant area (weaknesses), the external project opportunities that can be developed to overcome identified weaknesses (opportunities) and external factors that may hamper the future development of PPPs (threats). Considering that there is no project where the applicant is a PPP, although an analysis of the guidelines of the Call for Proposals relative to IPA Albania - FYROM CBC Programme found an explicit reference to PPPs, it has been choose to make a screening of projects in which the instrument of the PPP was present at least in embryonic form, in other words having the private sector as a direct or indirect beneficiary. As already mentioned, Macedonia was chosen as an example because of the availability of information related to projects. So, on these terms, 5 projects were selected out of 15 under review. The projects are the following: • Cross-border shared integrated alternative tourism, • Business without borders, • Cross-border Civil Society Forum, • Promoting business women enterprises in the cross-border area, • Borders without boundaries. The dimensions chosen for the analysis are: • related to the internal context to identify strengths and weaknesses: objectives, actors and target, • related to the external context to identify opportunities and threats: actors, target and expected results. After the SWOT analysis, the chapter finally presents the key results of the dissertation proposing some possible actions that could improve the CBC through the use of the PPP emerged from the initiatives analysed. The conclusion reviews the major points of the dissertation showing the main results such as the strategies, which may result from the conclusions, thus potentially establishing an alternative approach aiming at opening up new possibilities for the development of better, more effective and sustainable CBC project/programs/activities, without necessarily relying upon more EU funds. For what above mentioned and to answer to the question 'Which are the winner strategies to increase the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP?', it is possible to affirm that to present more successful projects in the future increasing the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP, the development strategies are essentially the enhancement strategy and the overcoming strategy. In particular, to reinforce the internal and external positive aspects and factors in the cross border area and to mitigate and/or dissipate internal negatives as well as to attenuate the external ones, the recommended actions referred to the public and private sectors are: • to organize jointly regular meetings in which they can know each-other, exchange information and best practices in either of the neighbouring countries, so that there can be discussions on the potentials of development and the new economic undertakings and new instruments to be employed, such as the PPP. Tourism can serve as a pilot sector in which it can be started with the actualization of gender policies facilitating in some way the inclusion of women in business activities, • jointly organize awareness campaigns on PPPs and training courses, which could serve to overcome the lack of ability to establish efficient PPPs for both public and private sector, • to organize, for the numerous actors present in the territory, specific courses and/or informative events related to the revision processes of normative policies that could facilitate and reinforce both the cooperation between different stakeholders and the capacity of doing business and create PPPs, • to enhance the existing networks and creates new ones through continuous meetings between different stakeholders with the aim of overcoming the threats considering that the improved and expanded relations between the various actors could bring an improvement in raising needed funds. Finally, it is important to mention that there are also some actions recommended only to the public sector. These are: • (especially at local level) institutions such as the municipalities can organize meetings, inviting the traditional and non-traditional private actors, in order to facilitate communication. Through this communication there could be achieved the introduction between various stakeholders interested in the PPP instrument, by at the same time laying the basis for the foundation of a network. This would be useful for increasing the credibility of each other and also to contributing to the overcoming of the lack of cooperation problem. These meetings could be used for an exchange of best practices in the sectors that are present in the certain areas. By employing a participatory methodology, these meetings could also serve to the construction of a sort of roadmap (lines of action during a defined time) that could enable the definition of the obstacles to be overcome in order to effectively and efficiently realize this type of partnership, • the authorities should first change their national optics and then transform their national policies into regional ones, starting from the cross-border policies with neighbouring countries, in which PPP should be promoted as a development instrument. In addition, when necessary, they should review the legal framework in order to facilitate the establishment of PPP. After this, they should organize meetings between the different stakeholders, and more generally between citizens living in the border areas of the neighbouring countries, with the end objective of promoting the necessary knowledge for overcoming the prejudices and for opening way to partnerships and cooperation activities, • to implement policies for purposes of facilitating investments in diversified sectors, taking an advantage of the actors from different sectors and directing them to training courses to gain knowledge in areas of investment that are different from their traditional ones. ; Vi è un riconoscimento sempre più diffuso tra tutti gli attori attivi nel settore della cooperazione allo sviluppo che il partenariato pubblico privato (PPP) può essere un importante nuovo strumento, non solo per costruire grandi infrastrutture (quindi per il settore dei lavori pubblici), ma anche per offrire servizi ai cittadini sia a livello centrale, sia locale e avere, in un prossimo futuro, un valore strategico nella cooperazione transfrontaliera (CBC). E' stato visto come la Commissione Europea definisca il PPP in un modo piuttosto ampio e generico, senza dare una definizione giuridica adeguata di questo partenariato. Infatti, per l'Unione Europea il PPP è una forma di cooperazione tra le autorità pubbliche e gli operatori economici riguardante la progettazione, il finanziamento, la realizzazione, il rinnovamento o lo sfruttamento (funzionamento e manutenzione) delle infrastrutture pubbliche, così come la fornitura di un servizio di pubblica utilità (CIT). Tuttavia, non vi è un'uniforme, comune definizione di questa forma di partenariato. Considerando che l'attuale crisi economica e finanziaria globale ha colpito quasi tutte le regioni del mondo e tenendo presente che le risorse pubbliche stanno diminuendo sempre più, tra cui soprattutto quelle destinate alla cooperazione allo sviluppo, costruire partenariati e sinergie tra il settore pubblico e privato non è solo una grande possibilità ma una necessità che diventa impellente se si vuole continuare a sostenere gli interventi di cooperazione. Inoltre, questo tipo di partenariato è una buona occasione per entrambi i settori in quanto aiuta non solo a rafforzare i rapporti reciproci, ma anche a scambiare le reciproche esperienze e le migliori pratiche. Si è visto come se applicato correttamente, il PPP consenta una riduzione dei costi totali, una migliore distribuzione dei rischi, un'esecuzione più rapida dei servizi e delle attività pubbliche, nonché una migliore qualità dei servizi offerti e delle attività prodotte. Senza contare che il superamento della rigida distinzione tra pubblico e privato apre la possibilità di trovare soluzioni e di rispondere alle domande a cui la pubblica amministrazione non è in grado di rispondere autonomamente. Si sottolinea come nella cooperazione internazionale ed in particolare nella cooperazione transfrontaliera, sempre più spesso le amministrazioni locali dei paesi beneficiari e donatori stiano riconoscendo il ruolo sussidiario della società civile e del settore privato nelle attività d'interesse generale e quindi anche nell'erogazione di servizi e funzioni pubbliche. Considerando la vasta esperienza di lavoro nel settore della cooperazione allo sviluppo con il Ministero degli Affari Esteri italiano in diverse aree del mondo così come con altre organizzazioni internazionali, da ultimo con l'Organizzazione per la Sicurezza e Cooperazione in Europa (OSCE), credendo sull'utilità e le potenzialità dello strumento del PPP e verificato direttamente che potrebbe essere utilizzato maggiormente nella cooperazione internazionale, l'autore ha deciso di analizzare l'uso di tale partenariato in questo settore focalizzandosi in particolare sul programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia. Infatti, lo scopo di questa tesi e della potenziale applicazione delle sue conclusioni deriva dall'interesse personale e dall'attività lavorativa dell'autore. Infatti, vive e lavora in Albania e ha una grande esperienza del paese perché è stato per diversi anni responsabile per la Cooperazione Italiana dei progetti che questa ha realizzato nello stesso. Inoltre, sta anche studiando la lingua albanese ed è molto affascinato dalla storia di questo piccolo paese così vicino all'Italia, non solo geograficamente parlando. L'attenzione per la Macedonia come paese confinante, invece, è dovuta semplicemente al fatto che è stato più facile reperire informazioni sul programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia rispetto agli strumenti finanziari simili. Sulla base di una ricca esperienza sul campo, questa tesi cercherà di rispondere alla seguente domanda: "Quali sono le strategie vincenti per aumentare l'efficacia dei progetti di cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso del PPP?". L'obiettivo generale della tesi è di individuare, infatti, le strategie che possono migliorare l'efficacia della cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso di tale partenariato, al di là di specifici interventi che fino ad ora sono stati principalmente effettuati attraverso canali istituzionali e attuati attraverso progetti e programmi europei. Le strategie che la conclusione della tesi identifica si basano sull'analisi SWOT di cinque progetti e la conseguente elaborazione dei dati/risultati. Questi cinque progetti sono stati selezionati tra quelli finanziati dall'UE tramite l'IPA I CBC Albania/Macedonia durante il periodo di programmazione 2007 - 2013, in quanto presentanti il PPP almeno in fase embrionale. Tali strategie potrebbero aprire nuove possibilità per lo sviluppo di attività di CBC applicabili nell'ambito della politica regionale 2014 - 2020 dell'Unione Europea, senza necessariamente fare affidamento su ulteriori mezzi finanziari della stessa. Questo è anche in linea con gli auspici dell'UE che crede che la CBC non sia solo un altro modo per accedere ai finanziamenti, ma possa piuttosto diventare un modello di cooperazione sostenibile di per sé. La tesi si basa sulla raccolta e l'analisi dei dati disponibili nell'ambito del quadro giuridico-istituzionale esistente e fa uso del metodo qualitativo di ricerca con l'obiettivo di verificare l'ipotesi di cui sopra. La tesi prevede una serie di fasi di lavoro cronologicamente distinte e reciprocamente sostenibili e si basa sull'utilizzo di diversi costrutti teorici e varie metodologie avvalendosi di diverse fonti come ad esempio la letteratura esistente, le statistiche effettuate e più in generale la documentazione disponibile soprattutto in internet. Il suo contenuto deriva quindi dal reperimento e dall'analisi di varia documentazione ufficiale e di cinque documenti progettuali, così come verrà maggiormente esplicato qui di seguito. Seguendo la struttura della tesi, si può affermare che il primo capitolo presenta il quadro normativo e finanziario dei PPP in Europa, così come il modo in cui questo strumento viene utilizzato nel contesto della cooperazione internazionale e della cooperazione transfrontaliera, al fine di comprendere quando è nato questo tipo di partenariato e quali siano i suoi obiettivi e le evoluzioni che ha avuto fino ad oggi. Nello specifico, il capitolo mostra come il PPP sia nato negli anni '30 soprattutto collegato al settore energetico e minerario e come, pur non avendo ancora una comune definizione a livello europeo, oggi sia in crescita e venga visto come un importante strumento di sviluppo economico e sociale anche nel settore della cooperazione internazionale e transfrontaliera. Il capitolo, inoltre, presenta la cooperazione inter-municipale (IMC) come uno strumento che può aprire buone potenzialità all'applicazione del PPP in quanto permette di colmare le deficienze delle municipalità. Attraverso questo strumento, stabilito in seno al Consiglio d'Europa (CoE), le municipalità possono infatti anche sub-contrattare imprese private o creare un'entità nuova (IMC) per poter attrarre investitori e donatori. Il capitolo inoltre mostra come lo strumento del PPP venga incoraggiato anche dalle Nazioni Unite (UN) fin dal 1999 - anno in cui viene creato il progetto 'Global Compact' - e come vi siano diversi esempi di PPP nel mondo realizzati da Agenzie UN. E' importante sottolineare che il PPP è considerato utile dal settore pubblico anche perché può contribuire a risolvere difficoltà causate dai tagli di bilancio così come dalla burocrazia e dall'insufficiente capacità tecnica e manageriale che spesso caratterizza la pubblica amministrazione. Il PPP è quindi uno strumento attuale, innovativo e anche complementare capace di promuovere sviluppo, riforme ed investimenti oltre a promuovere politiche e buone pratiche in diversi settori tra cui quello della cooperazione allo sviluppo anche a livello transfrontaliero. Grazie al PPP si può quindi affermare che il settore privato è diventato a tutti gli effetti un attore privilegiato della cooperazione allo sviluppo internazionale. Il secondo capitolo della tesi analizza le politiche dell'Unione Europea e i relativi strumenti che presentano una connessione con i PPP. Più nel dettaglio, viene visto come attraverso queste politiche sia stato applicato il partenariato in parola nella cooperazione transfrontaliera e come la stessa sia divenuta più esplicita a livello europeo, soprattutto nel contesto del processo di stabilizzazione ed associazione. Infatti, partendo dalla Dichiarazione di Schumann del 1950, il capitolo introduce il Trattato istitutivo della CEE del 1957, esamina l'Atto Unico Europeo, per poi prendere in considerazione la politica di coesione o regionale. Proseguendo, il capitolo analizza la politica di allargamento o pre-accessione inclusi i tre criteri necessari per l'adesione stabiliti durante il Consiglio Europeo di Copenaghen nel 1993, i vari stadi del processo di adesione e le ragioni per cui l'Unione Europea promuove l'allargamento, considerando le diverse tappe di tale processo tra cui quella storica del 2004 e le sue prossime sfide. Dopo aver inoltre analizzato il quadro delle negoziazioni e gli strumenti previsti in ambito della strategia di pre-adesione, si è finito per affrontare la politica di vicinato o prossimità prendendo in analisi i suoi relativi strumenti, i suoi diversi obiettivi strategici e il suo nuovo approccio in seguito alla primavera araba. Dopo aver identificato come queste politiche presentino un'intersezione con la cooperazione transfrontaliera, è stata analizzata la loro intersezione con il PPP con il risultato di sottolineare che anche laddove tali politiche non prevedono esplicitamente il ricorso a questo tipo di partenariato, non lo escludono. Questo significa quindi che esse forniscono validi supporti all'uso di tale strumento, elemento importante per la tesi che è infatti volta a mettere in evidenza i punti di forza di tali politiche per l'applicazione dei PPP e a mostrare al contempo che vi è una mancanza applicazione degli stessi. Questo verrà evidenziato nel corso della tesi dal caso preso in esame di IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia. Il terzo capitolo presenta come prima cosa il concetto di confine. E' importante sottolineare come questo concetto viene esplicitato non solo da un punto di vista fisico-amministrativo ma in un senso più ampio, tenendo conto di come il concetto di confine sia un elemento chiave per capire la cooperazione transfrontaliera. Infatti, è solo partendo dall'analisi di questo concetto e da questo a quello di frontiera e area periferica, passando anche alla teoria generale dei sistemi applicata alla teoria generale dei confini, che si può pervenire alla nascita del concetto di cooperazione transfrontaliera e della sua applicazione pratica. Per tale motivo si è ritenuto necessario esplicare i concetti sopra menzionati secondo le definizioni di vari studiosi di varie discipline, per poi presentare i principali strumenti legali che regolano e facilitano la cooperazione transfrontaliera a livello europeo così come i meccanismi ad hoc che la implementano. Si è partiti da quelli nati in seno al CoE e precisamente dalla Convenzione di Madrid del 1980, strumento quadro per il tipo di cooperazione oggetto di questa tesi in quanto introduce per la prima volta la possibilità di cooperare e concludere accordi ad enti di Paesi contigui geograficamente. Vengono poi presentati i suoi 3 Protocolli: il Protocollo aggiuntivo, che dà essenzialmente la possibilità di creare un organismo di cooperazione transfrontaliera ad essa preposto, il secondo Protocollo che fissa soprattutto un quadro giuridico della cooperazione interterritoriale tra le parti e il terzo Protocollo che concerne la possibilità di istituire i Gruppi Europei di Cooperazione (GEC) dotati di personalità giuridica. Inoltre, a dimostrazione di come la cooperazione transfrontaliera nel tempo abbia acquistato sempre più importanza, si è ritenuto opportuno illustrare l'istituzione dei Gruppi Europei di Cooperazione Territoriale (GECT), le loro modalità di azione e i loro ambiti di applicazione. Tali Gruppi, che si rivelano quindi essere un nuovo strumento giuridico/finanziario che integra la Convenzione di Madrid ed i relativi Protocolli, sono stati creati al fine di facilitare la cooperazione transfrontaliera e superare gli ostacoli incontrati fino ad allora. Il capitolo continua focalizzandosi sui passi compiuti dall'UE in relazione a questo tipo di cooperazione che in particolare consistono nella messa a disposizione di importanti strumenti finanziari quali per esempio INTERREG. Il terzo capitolo si conclude quindi affrontando anche la Strategia delle Macroregioni che, pur non avendo una loro definizione ufficiale in ambito europeo, forse anche a causa della loro recente istituzione e pratica, si dimostra essere veramente utile nel contribuire a realizzare la politica di coesione e più nello specifico il suo obiettivo n. 3 (Cooperazione Territoriale Europea). Considerando che all'interno di questa politica vi è una programmazione settennale, nel quarto capitolo vengono presentate sia quella appena terminata 2007-2013, sia la nuova 2014 - 2020 per verificarne i cambiamenti nel contesto di applicazione dei PPP. Viene infatti introdotta la programmazione dell'UE 2007-2013 per comprendere maggiormente cosa sarebbe cambiato nel settennio successivo, anche a causa di avvenimenti storico/politici avvenuti durante gli ultimi anni come la cosiddetta primavera araba e l'interesse a sviluppare maggiormente l'integrazione economica tra l'Unione Europea e i partner orientali. Si prosegue con l'analisi più dettagliata degli strumenti utili per la realizzazione della cooperazione transfrontaliera (CBC) nel nuovo settennato e le possibilità di applicazione del PPP all'interno di questi. A tale riguardo è importante sottolineare come in generale tutte le politiche europee, tra cui quella regionale ha un ruolo centrale, dovrebbero contribuire al raggiungimento degli obiettivi della Strategia Europa 2020. Si sottolinea come questa strategia, che ha portato alla definizione della nuova programmazione 2014-2020, sia molto ambiziosa e abbia individuato come uno degli strumenti chiave per la sua realizzazione quello del partenariato, tra cui anche il partenariato con il settore privato. Qui è importante evidenziare che gli obiettivi generali della politica regionale, sia a livello europeo, sia a livello nazionale, sono principalmente di natura socio-economica per es. orientati ad attenuare le disparità esistenti tra regioni aventi diverso livello di sviluppo. In particolare, le politiche europee hanno l'obiettivo di migliorare l'ambiente/contesto per attrarre investimenti al fine di incrementare investimenti in lavori pubblici nelle regioni che presentano maggiori necessità e migliorare la gestione delle risorse regionali locali in maniera più efficiente ed efficace. La tesi mostra come in entrambi i casi, lo strumento del PPP può essere di aiuto nel raggiungere questi importanti obiettivi. Inoltre, il capitolo in parola, dopo aver osservato che nella nuova programmazione settennale vi sono diversi cambiamenti dovuti al nuovo quadro legislativo e alle nuove modalità di attuazione della nuova politica regionale, esamina i due strumenti collegati alla CTE, IPA ed ENPI, nei due settenni di programmazione sopra menzionati. Il quinto capitolo invece, dopo una presentazione generale del contesto Albanese che prende in considerazione alcuni aspetti economici, demografici, sociali e politici del paese, includendo anche i criteri che questo deve soddisfare per poter ricevere lo status di candidato dall'Unione Europea, presenta brevemente la legge albanese sui PPP. In seguito, descrive le relazioni tra l'Albania e la Macedonia e il relativo Programma IPA CBC in relazione ai due periodi di programmazione suddetti 2007 - 2013 e 2014 - 2020 per presentarne le principali differenze. Concentrandosi sulle opportunità che l'Albania potrà avere nel prossimo futuro, viene sottolineato cosa cambia nel nuovo periodo di programmazione e con quali effetti positivi sul PPP, tenendo in considerazione anche il concetto di Responsabilità Sociale e l'iniziativa 'Global Compact' delle Nazioni Unite già menzionata precedentemente. Tutto questo per introdurre l'ultimo capitolo che, attraverso un'analisi della metodologia usata nelle varie fasi di preparazione della presente tesi, tra cui la SWOT analisi, identifica le strategie considerate vincenti per accrescere e migliorare l'efficacia della cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso dello strumento di PPP. Nello specifico, la prima parte della tesi si è avvalsa di diverse fonti documentarie. Specialmente nella sua fase di inizio, il lavoro è stato definito attraverso ciò che è comunemente chiamata 'analisi secondaria'. E' stata effettuata infatti la ricerca e analisi della letteratura esistente e della documentazione ufficiale disponibile on-line e nei Ministeri albanesi così come nell'Istituto Nazionale di Statistica albanese. E' stata inoltre reperita e analizzata la documentazione in possesso di diversi donatori e organismi internazionali presenti nel paese e in particolare della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania. La seconda parte della tesi si è concentrata sull'analisi del programma IPA CBC in generale ed IPA CBC Albania - Macedonia in particolare. A tal fine si è voluto procedere con l'analisi di progetti specifici attivati e conclusi nel contesto di tale programma per evidenziare il ruolo effettivo o potenziale del PPP nello sviluppo virtuoso di progetti di CBC. Sebbene il PPP non venga esplicitamente definito tra gli strumenti utilizzati nell'attuazione di queste iniziative, si è scelto di individuare i fattori prodromici del PPP presenti in alcuni progetti al fine di valutarne le potenzialità soprattutto nell'ottica del prossimo periodo di programmazione europea (2014-2020). Le informazioni dettagliate relative ai progetti realizzati o in fieri non sono pubblicamente disponibili essendo 'proprietà' della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania e dell'Autorità di Gestione del programma. Per raccogliere dunque il materiale necessario ad identificare i progetti più rilevanti e, successivamente, a procedere alla loro analisi si è dimostrato necessario procedere attraverso interviste in profondità con attori qualificati. Sono state così condotte interviste con interlocutori principalmente della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania, del Ministero dell'Integrazione albanese e della Cooperazione Austriaca. Attraverso queste interviste, ai dati relativi al contesto ed al programma si sono quindi aggiunte informazioni specifiche relative a cinque progetti in cui lo strumento del PPP fosse presente almeno in forma embrionale. Le informazioni raccolte sono state strutturate in modo da procedere ad un'analisi qualitativa e ad un incrocio dei dati attraverso lo sviluppo di una SWOT analisi dei suddetti cinque progetti finanziati da IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia al fine di presentare i risultati di tale analisi attraverso un processo di interpretazione dei dati. Prima di iniziare la SWOT analisi, il capitolo presenta anche il programma annuale per i fondi 2009 della Direzione Generale Allargamento dell'Unione Europea che specifica anche gli obiettivi della CBC tra i due paesi presi in esame che consistono essenzialmente nella promozione dell'economia transfrontaliera e dello sviluppo sociale e ambientale. Il quinto capitolo, così come sopra detto, analizza quindi attraverso una SWOT analisi, cinque progetti finanziati dall'UE all'interno del programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia primo bando. In particolare, in questa tesi, la SWOT analisi, è lo strumento che permette di identificare i punti di forza (S), di debolezza (W), di opportunità (O) e di minacce (T) che caratterizzano i progetti che verranno analizzati in relazione al PPP. In altre parole quali sono i punti forza/risorse interne ai progetti che possono favorire lo sviluppo di tale partenariato e quali le loro limitazioni/punti di debolezza che lo possono ostacolare, così come le opportunità/fattori positivi esterni al progetto che possono, del caso, essere sviluppati per superare i punti di debolezza individuati e quali le minacce/fattori negativi esterni che derivano dal contesto locale e che impediscono lo sviluppo del PPP nell'area di interesse. Basandosi sulle informazioni ottenute non essendoci progetti in cui i candidati sono formati da un PPP, anche se da un'analisi delle linee guida del bando ('Call for Proposal') relative al Programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia primo bando, è stato rilevato che non vi è un riferimento esplicito a questi, è stato scelto di fare uno screening dei progetti verificando quelli che nel loro interno presentavano almeno come beneficiari diretti e/o indiretti il settore privato. Così come sopra illustrato, tra i paesi confinanti l'Albania è stata scelta la Macedonia a titolo esemplificativo. Tra i 15 progetti presi in considerazione, i 5 progetti selezionati sono: 1. 'Cross-border shared integrated alternative tourism' (Turismo transfrontaliero alternativo integrato e condiviso), 2. 'Business without borders' (Impresa senza confini), 3. 'Cross-border Civil Society Forum' (Forum transfrontaliero della società civile), 4. 'Promoting business women enterprises in the cross border area' (Promozione dell'impresa femminile nell'area transfrontaliera), 5. 'Borders without boundaries' (Confini senza limiti). Queste le dimensioni scelte e di volta in volta da verificare per ogni progetto selezionato: • relativamente al contesto interno, al fine di identificare i punti di forza e di debolezza, sono obiettivi, attori e beneficiari, • relativamente al contesto esterno, al fine di identificare le opportunità e le minacce, sono attori, beneficiari e risultati attesi. Dopo la SWOT analisi, il capitolo da ultimo presenta i risultati chiave della tesi proponendo le strategie che potrebbero migliorare la cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso del PPP. Le considerazioni conclusive della tesi riprenderanno tali strategie ripercorrendo inoltre i punti principali del lavoro svolto. Per rispondere alla domanda che sottende questa tesi, le strategie identificate come approcci alternativi che si possono applicare al fine di consentire ai programmi/progetti di cooperazione transfrontaliera di essere sviluppati in misura maggiore e in maniera più sostenibile, efficace ed efficiente utilizzando lo strumento del PPP e senza usare necessariamente ulteriori strumenti finanziari europei sono quelle cosiddette del 'rafforzamento' e del 'superamento'. In particolare, per rafforzare gli aspetti e i fattori positivi nell'area transfrontaliera e per mitigare e/o dissipare quelli negativi emersi dall'analisi effettuata, le azioni raccomandate sia al settore pubblico, sia al settore privato, possono essere così riassunte: • organizzare congiuntamente degli incontri regolari nei quali i diversi attori possano conoscersi meglio reciprocamente così come scambiare informazioni e migliori pratiche relativamente ai paesi vicini in modo che la discussione possa vertere man mano sul potenziale sviluppo in particolare dell'economia attraverso l'impiego di nuovi strumenti come il PPP, iniziando magari da un settore pilota quale il turismo, • organizzare congiuntamente campagne di informazione sul PPP e corsi di formazione che potrebbero servire al superamento della comune mancanza di capacità di istituire efficienti PPP, • organizzare per i numerosi attori presenti sul territorio dei corsi o eventi finalizzati ad informare sui processi di revisione normativa utile a facilitare e rafforzare la cooperazione tra i diversi attori, la capacità di fare impresa e creare PPP, • rafforzare congiuntamente le reti esistenti e crearne delle nuove attraverso continui incontri capaci di mettere assieme i diversi attori aventi l'obiettivo di superare gli ostacoli/minacce e consideranti il rafforzamento delle relazioni un valore aggiunto atto a migliorare anche la capacità di reperire i fondi necessari. Le azioni invece che si raccomandano solo al settore pubblico sono: • (specialmente a livello locale) gli attori istituzionali quali le municipalità potrebbero organizzare delle riunioni invitando il settore privato, tradizionale e non, al fine di facilitare la comunicazione tra i partecipanti introducendo al contempo il PPP e facilitando l'istituzione di partenariati, • le autorità istituzionali dovrebbero cambiare la loro ottica trasformando le loro politiche nazionali, a partire da quelle transfrontaliere relative ai paesi confinanti, in modo da promuovere il PPP quale strumento di sviluppo agevolandone l'istituzione attraverso le modifiche del quadro normativo laddove necessarie, • realizzare delle politiche aventi l'obiettivo di facilitare gli investimenti diversificando i settori degli stessi e organizzando al contempo dei corsi di formazione professionale per dare l'opportunità alla popolazione in età attiva di diversificare le loro conoscenze e capacità. ; XXIV Ciclo ; 1970

A competitive city is a city that successfully facilitates its firms and industries to create jobs, raise productivity, and increase the incomes of citizens over time. Worldwide, improving the competitiveness of cities is a pathway to eliminating extreme poverty and to promoting shared prosperity. The primary source of job creation has been the growth of private sector firms, which have typically accounted for around 75 percent of job creation. Thus city leaders need to be familiar with the factors that help to attract, to retain, and to expand the private sector. This document aims to analyze what makes a city competitive and how more cities can become competitive.

Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.

Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.

Since the 1990s, Italy has progressively become a country of destination for migration movements especially from Africa and South Asia. In 2022, Italy received a total of 84,289 claims for international protection. The main nationalities of origin were Bangladesh, Pakistan, Egypt, Tunisia and Nigeria.[1] The causes of migration are multiple and complex, and could refer to political, economic, social and/or cultural grounds. Yet, and not without hurdles, another relevant factor that contributes to driving people to move to a different country has started to emerge: climate change (and its related impacts on disasters, environmental degradation and other environmental factors). Although the nexus between climate change and migration is complex to define and to identify, it is relevant to note that many protection-seekers in Italy come from countries most exposed to climate change that, in certain cases, may have played a role either in directly shaping migration movements or in exacerbating more proximate causes of migration, such as worsening conflicts over scarce resources, violence, poverty or discrimination dynamics in the aftermath of a disaster.[2] Against this backdrop, in the following, I will first examine how the climate change-migration nexus has been approached by the Italian legal system, to then move to the Meloni government's political strategy in the field of migration governance, followed by an assessment of their respective efficacy.Legislative actions endorsed by Italy
Not only have Italian courts and tribunals long recognised that protection needs can arise from climate and environmental factors, but decision-makers have acknowledged the influence of climate change and disasters on migration too. This is a first and extremely relevant point to stress. Unlike most countries in the EU and beyond, Italy has explicitly recognised the nexus between climate change and migration through the adoption of specific pieces of legislation. This is not common in the EU or elsewhere, where either such a link has been simply ignored, or it has been sporadically addressed through fragmented and ad hoc measures, usually in an emergency context. What makes Italy stand out as a pioneering case study is that the country's judicial system incorporates the different types of protection needs that can stem from climate and environmental factors, hence providing for different protection statuses. These refer to temporary protection due to natural disasters (Art. 20 Testo Unico Immigrazione – TUI), a six-month and renewable residence permit as a result of calamities (Art. 20bis TUI), and special protection where the return to the country of origin would violate basic human rights (Art. 19 TUI).[3] In addition, humanitarian protection, which although repealed could still apply on pending cases that had been lodged before the Decree-Law No. 113/2018 repealing humanitarian protection entered into force, has covered cases of sudden- and slow-onset disasters, such as droughts, earthquakes, floods etc. Notably, these provisions complement the statuses available at the EU level – that is, the refugee status and subsidiary protection – that have also been recognised by judicial authorities to people fleeing climate change.
Although not shielded from flaws, these legislative measures have the merit to concretely and explicitly address protection needs stemming from climate and environmental factors and have been considered noteworthy in several institutional settings. The latter include the Platform of Disaster Displacement, which is a state-led initiative aiming at enhancing protection for people displaced across borders in the context of disasters and climate change, and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.[4]The Meloni government and the Mattei Plan
In addition (and sometimes in opposition) to essential provisions at the national level aimed at protecting migrants from climate change, the current Meloni's government is implementing a series of political initiatives in the field of migration governance that may have an impact also on migration movements in the context of climate change.
A first set of initiatives delves around building ties with African countries in the field of migration management in order to prevent migration flows. Arrangements signed, renewed or promoted with strategic countries, such Albania, Libya and Tunisia, have been harshly criticised for violating human rights and the constitutional and international obligations of the Italian state.[5] In particular, such informal arrangements foresee Italy's technical and financial support in externalising asylum processing (such as in the case of Albania) and curbing migration flows (such as in the case of Libya and Tunisia), thus hampering migrants' right to asylum, including those fleeing climate change.
The second line of initiatives sponsored by the Meloni government is about investing in partnership and cooperation with Africa. Among others, the Mattei Plan for Africa seems to inaugurate a new and comprehensive approach in Italy's relations with Africa, through which "the Italian government intends to trigger a paradigm change in the relations with the African continent and build a partnership on an equal footing, which rejects the paternalistic and compassionate approach as well as the predatory approach, and which is able to generate benefits and opportunities for all".[6] The Mattei Plan engages with key thematic areas of utmost importance for both Italy and Africa, including food security; energy, water and natural resources; healthcare; education; research and innovation; climate change and environmental protection; migration, among others.[7] In principle, therefore, it seems that managing migration and reducing African countries' vulnerability to climate change are relevant elements in the architecture of the Mattei Plan.
The Plan envisages key climate change adaptation and mitigation strategies for Africa as well as actions to limit desertification and water scarcity. Interventions and programmes in these areas will benefit from the funding available under the Italian Climate Fund – that is, the principal instrument to achieve the commitments endorsed through international agreements on climate change and managed by public development bank Cassa Depositi e Prestiti. Yet, these initiatives are not detailed nor well-defined in the document. If and how the Mattei Plan will concretely foster environmental protection, communities' resilience, and a just transition in Africa is therefore still not clear. Similarly, and crucially, the way in which the Mattei Plan will combine with other multilateral actions in the field of climate change, such as the EU Global Gateway and the G7 Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, is still uncertain. Indeed, although the Mattei Plan itself mentions these initiatives as part of its synergies with EU and international programmes, the document only provides a brief description of these instruments and does not clarify to what extent and how these will interact with the Mattei Plan, or what kind of financial support these could provide to which particular areas, priorities and projects.
Likewise, migration seems prominent in the goals and objectives of the Mattei Plan. Emblematically, it argues that the initiatives set forth therein are aimed at granting African youth "the right not to migrate" and to remain in Africa.[8] Yet, this topic seems scarcely addressed as the word "migration" appears only ten times in a 102-page-long document. In addition, migration is not included in the six priorities of the Mattei Plan (education; healthcare, water, agriculture, energy, infrastructure). Actions to ensure "the right not to migrate" are mainly indirect, vaguely defined, and clustered in broader socio-economic initiatives, such as 1) the possibility to open regular pathways for labour migration to work in Italian small and medium industries; 2) the need to improve access to food security in rural and poor urban areas where internal and cross-border migration flows are more intense; 3) strengthening the school system in Ivory Coast (the first nationality of irregular migrants in Italy according to the Mattei Plan); the intention to support job creation and sustainable agriculture in those regions of Tunisia where migration rank is high. The fact that migration seems to be a key goal of the Mattei Plan but is absent from its priorities might then imply that the six pillars are the means through which the Italian government aims to achieve its main objective.
At the same time, it is important to recall that key transit countries, such as those of the Sahel region, did not attend the Italy-Africa Summit of January 2024, thus questioning the relevance that partnership on migration management may play for strategic African states. Finally, although development cooperation could surely contribute to eradicating poverty and other plagues that trigger migration flows within and from Africa, this result crucially depends on how development cooperation is intended and pursued.[9] In this regard, it is undisputed that development cooperation in the so-called Global North is increasingly directed to deter migration, based on the simplistic assumption that improving the living conditions of communities in vulnerable third countries would result in reduced emigration.[10] Such a narrative, however, has already proven to be flawed.[11]
All in all, not only are actions towards climate change and migration superficially addressed, but the nexus between the two is not mentioned in the Mattei Plan. Whereas Italy's engagement in providing protection to people compelled to flee because of climate and environmental factors is strongly present at the legislative level and is able to capture different types of causes and migration movements linked to climate stressors, Italy's political actions under the Meloni government raise questions regarding their responsiveness to the challenges posed by climate change on migration movements as well as their effectiveness in fairly managing migration. As currently envisaged, the Mattei Plan seems to fit in the established political trend of using development cooperation in third countries as a means of governing migration flows.
Time is needed to evaluate the next steps of the Mattei Plan and its concrete potential in such delicate areas. The Italian government needs to frame the projects it intends to pursue under the Mattei Plan with reference to migration and to climate change more explicitly, as well as how multilateral initiatives may support national efforts. In particular, the Italian government still has the opportunity to acknowledge the intersections between climate stressors and migration movements by unveiling their interconnections in Africa and in strategic African countries. Adequately addressing rooted climate and environmental causes of migration in a way that is in line with international standards would bring Italy's political action closer to its laudable legislative level.Chiara Scissa is Researcher in the Energy, Climate and Resources Programme at the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI).[1] Italian Ministry of the Interior, I numeri dell'asilo. Confronto dati anno 2021-2022, http://www.libertaciviliimmigrazione.dlci.interno.gov.it/it/node/97.[2] Chiara Scissa, "The Weaponization of Natural Resources and Disasters during Conflict: The Refugee Convention's Relevance for Syria and Yemen", in Baker Institute Policy Briefs, May 2024, https://www.bakerinstitute.org/node/77231; David Cantor et al., "International Protection, Disasters and Climate Change", in International Journal of Refugee Law, Vol. 36, No. 1-2 (March/June 2024), p. 176-197, https://doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/eeae012.[3] Administrative and judicial authorities have recognised that returning claimants back to countries affected by sudden-onset events would be contrary to Art. 19 TUI and granted special protection. Chiara Scissa, "Human Mobility in the Context of Disasters, Climate Change and Environmental Degradation in the Euro-Mediterranean Region: Challenges and Insights", in EuroMed Rights Reports, February 2024, p. 31-32, https://reliefweb.int/node/4040562.[4] Among many, Walter Kälin and Hannah Entwisle Chapuisat, Protection of Persons Displaced across Borders in the Context of Disasters and the Adverse Effects of Climate Change. A Review of Literature, Legislation and Case Law to Support the Implementation of the Global Compact on Refugees, Geneva, UNHCR, June 2024, https://www.refworld.org/reference/lpprs/unhcr/2024/en/148128; Walter Kälin and Hannah Entwisle Chapuisat, Policy Brief: Protection of Persons Displaced across Borders in the Context of Disasters and the adverse Effects of Climate Change, Platform on Disaster Displacement and UNHCR, December 2023, https://www.preventionweb.net/quick/82217. For an in-depth analysis of pros and cons of Italian protection statuses concerning the climate change-migration nexus, see Chiara Scissa, "Populism and Environmental Migration: The Peculiar Italian Duo", in Lorenzo Figoni et al., Climate Change Knows No Borders. Addressing Protection Gaps and Enhancing Policy Responses to Climate Mobility featuring In-Depth Research from The Gambia, ActionAid International Italia, April 2024, p. 37-43, https://actionaid-it.imgix.net/uploads/2024/06/Report_Gambia_ENG.pdf.[5] Amnesty International, The Italy-Albania Agreement on Migration: Pushing Boundaries, Threatening Rights, 19 January 2024, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur30/7587/2024/en; Mathias Hatleskog Tjønn and Maria Gabrielsen Jumbert, "Migration across the Mediterranean: Shaping Italy-Libya Relations over Time", in Ricard Zapata-Barrero and Ibrahim Awad (eds), Migrations in the Mediterranean. IMISCOE Regional Reader, Cham, Springer, 2024, p. 53-69, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42264-5_4; Vasja Badalič, "Tunisia's Role in the EU External Migration Policy: Crimmigration Law, Illegal Practices, and Their Impact on Human Rights", in Journal of International Migration and Integration, Vol. 20, No. 1 (February 2019), p. 85-100, https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-018-0596-7.[6] Author's translation from Italian Government, Schema di decreto del Presidente del Consiglio dei ministri di adozione del Piano strategico Italia-Africa: Piano Mattei, 17 July 2024, p. 3, https://www.senato.it/service/PDF/PDFServer/BGT/1424398.pdf.[7] Daniele Fattibene and Stefano Manservisi, "The Mattei Plan for Africa: A Turning Point for Italy's Development Cooperation Policy?", in IAI Commentaries, No. 24|10 (March 2024), https://www.iai.it/en/node/18219; Filippo Simonelli, Maria Luisa Fantappié and Leo Goretti, "The Italy-Africa Summit 2024 and the Mattei Plan: Towards Cooperation between Equals?", in IAI Commentaries, No. 24|11 (March 2024), https://www.iai.it/en/node/18220.[8] Italian Government, Schema di decreto del Presidente del Consiglio dei ministri, cit., p. 5.[9] Matthew Scott, "Adapting to Climate-Related Human Mobility into Europe: Between the Protection Agenda and the Deterrence Paradigm, or Beyond?", in European Journal of Migration and Law, Vol. 25, No. 1 (March 2023), p. 54-82, https://brill.com/view/journals/emil/25/1/article-p54_3.xml; Stephanie Pope and Zina Weisner, "From Development to Deterrence? Migration Spending under the EU Neighbourhood Development and International Cooperation Instrument (NDICI)", in Oxfam Briefing Papers, September 2023, https://doi.org/10.21201/2023.621536; Estela Casajuana and Giorgia Jana Pintus, Beyond Borders, Beyond Boundaries. A Critical Analysis of EU Financial Support for Border Control in Tunisia and Libya, ARCI et al., November 2023, https://actionaid.org/node/729179.[10] Sarah Louise Nash, "The Developmentalisation of Climate Mobilities Policy in Denmark and Sweden", in Miriam Cullen and Matthew Scott (eds), Nordic Approaches to Climate‑Related Human Mobility, London/New York, Routledge, 2024, p. 68-84, https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003460985-5.[11] Michael Collyer, "Border Work: Frames, Barriers, and Disingenuous Development", in Tanja Bastia and Ronald Skeldon (eds), Routledge Handbook of Migration and Development, London/New York, Routledge, 2020, p. 63-73.

The point of this paper is to emphasize the importance and role of leadership for African growth, development, and poverty reduction. It is also an attempt to project a more objective assessment of leadership issues during the first three to four decades of African independence. Agreeing on shared responsibilities for Africa's failures in its early years will enable all who want to take part in the continent's renewal to focus on the partnership that is now needed to close a sad chapter in Africa's history, and open a new one. The core elements of such a partnership have evolved in the last decade, and this paper argues passionately for the political will, in Africa and outside, for their realization.

Women and Post-Conflict Reconstruction: Issues and Sources is a review of literature dealing with political, economic and social reconstruction from a gender perspective. One of its objectives is to go beyond conventional images of women as victims of war, and to document the many different ways in which women make a contribution to the rebuilding of countries emerging from armed conflicts. Special attention is given to women's priority concerns, to their resources and capacities, and to structural and situational factors that may reduce their participation in reconstruction processes. A second aim is to shed light on how post-war reconstruction processes influence the reconfiguration of gender roles and positions in the wake of war, and how women's actions shape the construction of post-war social structures. Following the brief Introduction is a chapter on political reconstruction. It raises questions concerning women's participation in peace-building and democratization. In order to illuminate women's expectations regarding their roles and status in post-war society, the chapter opens with a brief discussion of how and to what extent various liberation movements have addressed women's issues. While some movements considered women's issues to detract attention from the main goal of their struggle, many movements regarded women's liberation as an integral dimension of their overall struggle for social justice. The fact that women's issues were included on the political agendas and that women themselves were mobilized to participate actively in the fighting is demonstrated to have been instrumental in raising women's political awareness and their expectations of state and society today. The ensuing discussion of women's participation in formal and informal peace-building activities shows that in most cases women are excluded from formal peace negotiations. Such high-level negotiations are identified as male domains, which means that they also employ discourses and practices that are closer to men's reality than to women's. As a result, women also lack direct influence in the identification of reconstruction priorities that are usually part of a peace agreement. Nevertheless, women are demonstrated to play an influential role through their work in grassroots organizations working for peace and reconciliation. From within these organizations, women constantly challenge the authorities and other members of society with demands for peace, non-discrimination, accountability, recognition of human rights, etc. While always positioned on the margins, these organizations show their ability to mobilize large numbers of women, and to translate individual grievances into legitimate social concerns. Moreover, many of them play a significant role in building a new culture of peace at the local level by organizing peace education and community-based reconciliation and social reconstruction activities. Democratization processes are generally applauded, because they are assumed to guarantee accountability and to grant all citizens the possibility to participate in political life. However, studies on elections and decentralization demonstrate several flaws when it comes to women's position. Many countries emerging from armed conflict have adopted new constitutions that grant women equal political, social and economic rights, and many governments have developed new quota systems to ensure women equal representation in decision-making institutions at all levels. However, the implementation of these laws and good intentions often runs into major obstacles. At the government level the problems include a lack of financial resources and a lack of gender awareness or political will among staff. Other major problems are to be found at the social level, where the new discourse of gender equality may run counter to existing social norms regarding gender roles. The examples discussed show that, in some cases, local authorities and male members of society may discourage or prohibit women from participating in political activities. Moreover, the fact that the division of labour has not changed in favour of women, but rather added to their burden, also poses practical limitations on the possibilities for active involvement of women. Despite these constraints, women have made remarkable contributions in many countries. In the context of elections women have organized civic education targeting women, and they have convinced women of the importance of their vote. Educated women have organized legal counselling to inform women about their rights and to help them exercise these rights. Chapter three deals with economic reconstruction and the strategies that women develop to cope with war-induced changes in the economic environment and to meet the growing responsibilities for the survival and well-being of family and relatives. The focus is on the relationship between women's economic activities and their socio-economic position. The first section of the chapter concentrates on women's involvement in agricultural production, which often constitutes a major source of income. In addition to problems of landmines, a lack of agricultural inputs and farm implements, a shattered infrastructure and the inaccessibility of markets, etc., which equally trouble male farmers, women face a number of particular challenges. First, women often lack legal rights to land and other resources which, in the context of social disintegration where a large number of women become single providers, may reduce their ability to survive on farming alone. In some countries, women are organizing themselves to lobby state and local authorities for increased access to such resources, but in many cases women are forced off the land and are compelled to seek other sources of income. Another problem facing women in agriculture is the dismantling of traditional work groups due to displacement, divorce, death, etc. This has often resulted in the creation of new co-operative associations and voluntary self-help groups which combine old institutions and current social conditions. When cultivating the family land is no longer an option, some women join the casual agricultural labour force. While this opportunity enables women to employ their skills and to earn an income, recent analyses suggest that this may in fact mean that women come to occupy a marginal position in the new structure of rural social stratification. Another area which proved to be of great importance to women's livelihoods was the burgeoning informal sector, with petty trade and small-scale businesses as major sources of income. The documentation of women's involvement in this sector showed a great variety in experiences. Some women took up activities in which they had also been involved prior to the war, but many engaged in innovative projects, even when it meant a break with existing social norms, as they took up jobs perceived to be male jobs. Some women established businesses on the basis of local resources and demand, while others established elaborate trading networks which cut across ethnic boundaries and national borders. Again, women's capacity to build and mobilize extensive social networks had a positive impact. But while women generally proved to be eager and capable entrepreneurs, the sustainability of their enterprises was often constrained by a lack of capital and marketing skills, not to mention the fact that the sector itself is highly insecure and fluctuating. Moreover, women's economic success would in some cases result in social stigmatization and exclusion, due to clashes with prevailing norms or jealousy. Finally, the formal sector is discussed. For various reasons, societies emerging from war usually experience a high unemployment rate, and women are often particularly marginalized with regard to access to formal employment. In some cases this is a result of the fact that women generally have poorer educational qualifications, but research also suggests that discriminatory practices are still frequent. One of the few areas where women seem privileged is the social sector, but because this sector is often exposed to budgetary cuts, women's access to income and status from this field is reduced. Nevertheless, women continue to perform related tasks, but as semi-professionals or even as volunteers. The fourth chapter focuses on social reconstruction, specifically on the rehabilitation of social services (health care and education) and wider issues of social integration. With regard to the first aspect, the main questions are whether the social sector recognizes women's particular needs, and whether it seeks to build on women's skills and capacities. The discussion on social integration shifts the focus to how women are positioned in processes of inclusion and exclusion, and to how women's strategies and activities influence social integration. Studies on the rehabilitation of social services suggest that even though women's needs and rights are increasingly recognized officially, women continue to be discriminated against with regard to access to education for social and cultural reasons. Health care and other social facilities also remain inadequate, with consequences not only for women's health, but also for their ability to participate in political and economic life. The material clearly demonstrates that social issues were generally given high priority by women themselves, and many women in post-conflict societies make a major contribution to their rehabilitation. In rural as well as urban areas, women have re-established primary education for children as a means to build local capacities and influence their socialization, and women are often involved in providing primary health care and socio-economic assistance on a self-help basis to people in crisis. However, as noted above, while such activities are generally welcomed, they are often considered but a natural extension of women's domestic obligations and hence are not remunerated or responded to with offers of training. In addition to ordinary health care problems, intrastate wars produce a number of specific health problems known as psycho-social traumas. These traumas may stem from experiences of forced displacement, torture, rape, violence, witnessing killings, etc. In some cases, women have been particularly vulnerable to this kind of assault on mind and body. But women have also been very active in addressing the scars that such experiences leave, organizing voluntary organizations which offer medical and psychological treatment. Moreover, they have helped former victims to overcome their distress and reintegrate, by offering skills training and income-generating activities. Another issue which has been addressed by women's organizations is the growth of violence within post-war societies. Through classroom education and workshops, women have sought to raise awareness about violence against women and to change the attitudes that consider such violence acceptable. As the discussion on social integration points out, there has long been a tendency to focus exclusively on the reintegration of returnees, internally displaced persons and demobilized soldiers, or of persons who have become marked and marginalized due to torture, disability, widowhood, etc. However, to the extent that any post-war society is inevitably undergoing profound changes in its socio-economic and political composition, the issue of integration is relevant to all members of society. This chapter focuses on this aspect from a gender and family perspective, and shows how integration often also has disintegrative aspects. Newly gained economic freedom and independence, long years of separation and exposure to new social environments and attitudes, new perceptions of the role of the family and its members, and forced migration in search of employment, all contribute to continued dismantling of existing social institutions and the establishment of new ones. Social integration, in other words, is not simply about "coming home", but about defining new guiding social values and establishing corresponding relationships and institutions based on a combination of factors including kinship, socio-economic interests, and shared experiences and circumstances. In the final chapter, conventional conceptualizations of women in conflict and post-conflict situations are examined. The chapter also contains some suggestions for alternative concepts and approaches which appear to be better tools for our understanding of women's situation and thus for the development of programmes that will assist women in their multiple efforts to rebuild their lives. It is pointed out that our understanding of women's roles in post-war societies and of their contributions to post-war reconstruction must go beyond the universalistic narrative of "women's experience of war". The specificity and diversity of women's experiences must be acknowledged. Only on this basis can we conduct comparative analyses and begin to develop a deeper general understanding of post-war reconstruction from a gender perspective. Second, the concluding chapter stresses the need to supplement the image of women as vulnerable victims with an image of women as a highly differentiated group of social actors, who possess valuable resources and capacities and who have their own agendas. Women influence the course of things, and their actions are constitutive of post-war societies. The reduction of women to targets and beneficiaries both fails to recognize their contributions and contributes to their marginalization. A third point stressed in the conclusion is the need for gender-specific data and gender-focused analysis. While special attention is given to women throughout the publication, so as to make visible the previously invisible, the aim has been to see women's situation within a gender framework which pays attention to how gender roles and relationships are continuously constructed and contested by different actors, and which recognizes the gender dimension inherent in all aspects of post-war reconstruction. The gender perspective is also relevant for the achievement of sustainable peace. As the analysis strongly suggests, the failure to recognize gender issues may produce new social tensions and contribute to the differentiating struggles over identity, status and power that are so distinctive for societies which have recently achieved peace.

In this article I provide a contribution to the ongoing discussion on the approach developed by Jason W. Moore in the field of International Relations, known as "World-Ecology". Through this perspective I analyze the agreements that are negotiated between core and semi-periphery states, and the periphery states in the African continent in the field of trade, migration, security and employment.Recent studies analysed the agreements negotiated between the core, semi-periphery and periphery states from very different perspectives. For example, from an economic point of view, previous research has highlighted the link between migration and development or analysed the increasing dependence on the migrant workforce in some specific sectors in the global center. Other studies opted for a more "social" standpoint and analysed the process of integration of migrant-origin workforce from periphery states in the socio-economic fabric of core states. A third group of studies focused on the repercussions that security agreements have on regular and irregular migrants coming from periphery states. Other scholars have investigated the environmental impact of the appropriation of raw materials and energy following (dis)agreements between core, semi-periphery, and periphery states.All these contributions help to shed light on the core-periphery relations from different angles. Yet, Moore's World-Ecology perspective can help us go beyond the intrinsic limitations of these "compartmentalised" approaches and activate a holistic re-reading of these core-periphery relations in the field of migration, trade, security and employment. In this article, I focus on these agreements to demonstrate how this perspective can be used to theorise those strategic and dialectical bundles of human and extra-human relations that are at the foundation of the global capitalist civilisation.As I will show, core-periphery state agreements provide the structure through which patterns and relationships of power and production within nature can be co-produced, exerting continuous pressure on human and extra-human nature to keep it cheap. Moore refers in this regard to the "Four Cheaps": labour, food, energy, and raw materials, and the tendency of capitalism to appropriate them with as little capital as possible, or even better free of charge in order to generate surplus value and an ecological surplus. Core-periphery state agreements serve to extend the zone of appropriation and set up new streams of the Four Cheaps. Core-periphery state agreements are the Janus face of capitalism: if on the one hand they exert pressure to keep nature cheap, on the other hand, the same dynamics of negotiation inherent in these agreements progressively leads to the exhaustion of capitalism's Cheap Nature strategy.Core-periphery state agreements include, for example, the temporal migration programs signed between the European Union and the periphery states in Africa with the explicit aim of providing cheap labour to specific sectors (e.g. social care) in the global centre that would otherwise need higher remuneration and much better working conditions to motivate core states' autochthonous labour power. These programs also result in promoting a specific type of migrant-origin labour force: temporal, circular, vulnerable, and therefore cheap. In turn, the promotion of this type of migration solidifies hierarchical and dualistic constructions within the labour market. Moore's World-Ecology perspective can also be used to place emphasis on the link between migration, cheap labour, and the production of cheap food. The function of labour reserves, which in the past was covered by slaves and colonized labour, is today entrusted to migrants from the global periphery.This article also analyses the trade agreements between core, semi-periphery and periphery states for their role in securing cheap energy and raw materials. Core-periphery trade (dis)agreements are primarily power relations that mobilize and recombine human and extra-human natures, and that have as their purpose the endless accumulation and production of global spaces of appropriation. The packages of trade agreements signed between the core, semi-periphery and periphery states are also closely linked to security measures. Security is not a by-product of these agreements, but rather a constitutive element of the negotiations, through which interlocking agencies of capital, science, and political power together release new sources of free or low-cost human and extra-human natures for capital accumulation. Going beyond the consideration that the proliferation of fences of razor wire and walls around the globe is a valid indicator of the flourishing state experienced by the security industry in the current phase of capitalism, once we embrace the World-Ecology perspective we can see how the security agreements between core, semi-periphery and periphery state alter extra-human and human nature. In fact, securitarian measures are inserted in pre-existing geographical patterns and social structures (re)producing clusters of nature hierarchized according to historical-geographical specificities, and patterns of race, gender, and class. Here I think for example about the categories of Arabised North Africa (e.g. the Maghreb) vs the rest of "Black" Africa or the category of "illegal" migrant vs "legal" migrant, which are solidified through the security "deals" struck between core, semi-periphery states and periphery states. In addition to its introduction and conclusions, this article has three sections. The first section establishes the main features of Moore's World-Ecology perspective that will be developed throughout the article. In the second section, the article isolates four broad reasons that help us understand how and why agreements between core, semi-periphery and periphery countries can accelerate the decline of the ecological surplus and presents the main argument around which the article revolves: while in the past, appropriation practices combined with the global market and technological innovations ensured rapid global expansions, based on the identification, codification, and rationalization of the Cheap Natures, notably through the practices of colonisation and slavery,today this "advantage" is no longer available. Moreover, the identification, appropriation and mobilization of uncapitalised nature must undergo long, tedious, and above all expensive core-periphery negotiations, which ultimately take the form of agreement packages that include measures in the field of trade, migration, security, and employment. The third section further develops this argument by applying it to the concrete case of the African periphery countries. In the concluding remarks, the article highlights the dual characters of the core, semi-periphery and periphery state agreements and reflects on the nature of the ongoing crisis.The core-periphery agreements analysed in this article are certainly a display of capitalism's adaptive power, yet at the same time core-(semi)periphery negotiations accelerate the crisis of modernity-in-nature by exhausting the Cheap Nature, making everything less cheap, and at fast speed, as evidenced by the last commodity supercycle and the one on the horizon. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the fragilities of the global capitalist economy and woken up post-capitalist imaginaries. However, as of today it is an open question as to whether we are facing a developmental crisis of capitalism, which can be solved within the boundaries of the neoliberal order through new rounds of accumulation and commodification, or we are witnessing instead the beginning of an epochal crisis marked by an irreversible decline of capitalism's capacity to restructure itself as the mode of organisation of human and extra-human nature. ; El artículo busca tres objetivos: 1) contribuir al debate en curso en el marco de la propuesta de la ecología-mundo, centrándose en el caso de los acuerdos suscritos entre los estados del centro global, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia; 2) proporcionar una visión de cómo y por qué los acuerdos en las áreas de comercio, migración, seguridad y empleo que se suscriben entre los estados del centro, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia global contribuyen a acelerar la caída del excedente ecológico; y por último, 3) volver a centrar la atención en el continente africano, haciendo hincapié en su papel central en el desarrollo y crisis de la economía capitalista global. La perspectiva desarrollada por Moore rechaza el dualismo cartesiano de "Naturaleza" y "Sociedad" y, por tanto, trasciende la narrativa del capitalismo y el medio ambiente tan predominante en la actualidad, proponiendo en su lugar una relación creativa y dialéctica de unidad fundamental entre la naturaleza humana y la extrahumana, oikeios. De ello se desprende que la crisis del capitalismo, ya sea evolutiva o epocal, no se origina en la convergencia de crisis ontológicamente distintas e independientes, la económica (sociedad) y la medioambiental (naturaleza), sino que expresa la esencia misma del capitalismo. En este sentido, los acuerdos comerciales, de inmigración, de seguridad y de empleo entre los estados del centro, las semiperiferias y los estados de la periferia encarnan la misma esencia antagonista del capitalismo: la tendencia a la acumulación incesante de capital y la caída del excedente ecológico. En este artículo exploramos que si, por un lado, los acuerdos estipulados entre los estados del centro, las semiperiferias y los estados de la periferia representan una forma de apropiarse del "trabajo" barato y gratuito de naturalezas humanas y extrahumanas para ponerlos al servicio del proceso de acumulación capitalista, estos acuerdos, por su propia construcción y sus dinámicas de negociación, aceleran, por otro lado, la caída del excedente ecológico, lo que se hace visible en el aumento de los precios de los bienes primarios a través del continuo agotamiento de las naturalezas humanas y extrahumanas no capitalizadas o infracapitalizadas. El texto, además de introducción y conclusiones, consta de tres apartados. En el primero se establecen las principales características de la perspectiva de la ecología-mundo de Moore, que se desarrollarán a lo largo del artículo. En el segundo apartado se aíslan las cuatro grandes razones que nos ayudan a entender cómo y por qué los acuerdos entre estados del centro, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia pueden acelerar la caída del excedente ecológico. En el tercero se desarrolla el argumento principal del artículo, aplicándolo al caso concreto de los acuerdos estipulados entre algunos estados del centro, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia africana.

This dissertation aims at investigating thematic and discursive construction of homosexuality through texts published in Kaos GL Magazine, the first and longest-standing alternative gay and lesbian publication in Turkey. More specifically, the research is an attempt to unearth two discursive-linguistic aspects of texts: (1) thematic distribution and thematic relation patterns of the texts; (2) discursive strategies and linguistic means and forms of realisation on which the construction of homosexual movement is based. To this end, 6 texts in the first five-year of the magazine (between the years 1994 and 1999) were purposively selected at the end of a preliminary inventory research, and included into grounded thematic analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). In the former analytical procedure, based on Grounded Theory (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Corbin and Strauss, 2008), a systematic coding process was carried out, eventually finding out two most frequent thematic categories which describe the social order and the way homosexuals positioned themselves in the specific period of time. Textual segments pertaining to the categories obtained through the coding process were finally included into CDA. This analysis was based on the framework of the Discourse-Historical Approach, a well-established tradition in CDA studies. In accordance with this model and an added 'insider' perspective (Wodak, 2011), textual segments were diachronically analysed to find out the ways the social actors are represented (van Leeuwen, 1996 & Wodak et al., 2000). The findings of grounded thematic analysis show that, within five years, homosexuals' description of the social order was mostly and consistently based on the themes heterosexism and homophobia while a strong emphasis on constructing a collective and unifying action was observed in the second half of the period as a way of self-description. In a parallel sense CDA findings demonstrate that, in the context of the socio-historical background of the period, homosexuals construct a counter negative-othering discourse to describe the society in the early texts of the period while a positive-self presentation comes to the forefront towards the end of the period based on the goal of forming group solidarity. The study is significant for revealing that it is not always the marginalised groups that are negatively presented in dominant discourses but also marginalised in-groups can identify themselves with out-groups by making use of similar negative-other presentation strategies. In this sense this study has implications for researchers, particularly in the field of Queer Linguistics, who aim at investigating in-group discourses. Also, the findings of the study can serve as a basis for further research on the construction of homosexuality not only through texts but also other discursive practices. Keywords Critical Discourse Analysis, Queer Linguistics, social constructivism, homosexual movement, group identity, Kaos GL Magazine ; TABLE OF CONTENT ACCEPTANCE AND APPROVAL…………………………………………………………….i YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI…………………………………ii ETİK BEYAN………………………………………………………………………………….iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS……………………………………………………………………….iv ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………………………….vi ÖZET………………………………………………………………………………………….viii TABLE OF CONTENTS……………………………………………………………………….x LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………………….xiv LIST OF TABLES…………………………………………………………………………….xv LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………….….xvii CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 1 1. 1. CLEARING THE GROUNDS 1 1. 1. 1. Language and Discourse as a Reflection of Social Reality and Cognition 1 1. 1. 2. Homosexuality, Social Struggle and Some Reflections 5 1. 2. INTRODUCING THE STUDY 9 1. 2. 1. Purpose of the Study 9 1. 2. 2. Research Questions 11 1. 2. 3. Study Design 12 1. 2. 4. Significance of the Study 12 1. 2. 5. Boundaries and Limitations 16 CHAPTER II: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 18 2. 1. INTRODUCTION: EPISTEMOLOGY OF HOMOSEXUALITY 18 2. 2. HISTORY OF LGBTI LIBERATION MOVEMENTS IN THE WORLD AND TURKEY 21 2. 2. 1. The Concept of Homosexual Movement in the World 21 2. 2. 2. A Socio-Historical Overview of Homosexual Movement in Turkey 23 2. 2. 2. 1. The Situation of Homosexuality after 80 Coup d'état 23 2. 2. 2. 2. Legal status of homosexuals in Turkey 26 2. 2. 2. 3. Heterosexism, Heteronormativity and Homophobia 26 2. 2. 2. 4. Kaos GL Magazine 27 2.3. QUEER LINGUISTICS 33 2.3.1. Early studies: Investigations of Gay and Lesbian Language 33 2.3.2. Queer Linguistic Turn and Basics 38 CHAPTER III: METHODOLOGY 40 3. 1. DATA OF THE STUDY 40 3. 2. STAGES OF DATA COLLECTION AND DATA ANALYSIS 42 3. 2. 1. Sampling the Data: An Inventory Research 43 3. 2. 1. 1. Selection of Text Type: Argumentative Texts 43 3. 2. 1. 2. The Inventory Analysis of Argumentative Texts in Kaos GL Magazine 45 3. 2. 1. 3. Selection of the Category for Research and Sampling the Texts 53 3. 2. 2. Methods of Data Analysis 55 3. 2. 2. 1. Grounded Thematic Analysis as a Content Analytic Approach 55 3. 2. 2. 1. 1. Coding in GTA 57 3. 2. 2. 1. 2. Reliability and Credibility Issues in Categorization 63 3. 2. 2. 1. 3. A Qualitative Data Analysis Tool: MAXQDA Analytics Pro 64 3. 2. 2. 2. CDA: DHA 69 CHAPTER IV: FINDINGS 73 4. 1. PRELIMINARY REMARKS 73 4. 2. GROUNDED THEMATIC AND CRITICAL DISCURSIVE ANALYTIC PROCEDURES 75 4. 2. 1. Grounded Thematic Analysis: Contents 75 4. 2. 1. 1. Text 1 75 4. 2. 1. 1. 1. Categories of Text 1 77 4. 2. 1. 1. 1. 1. Categories of 'Social Order' 79 4. 2. 1. 1. 1. 2. Categories of 'Describing the Self' 81 4. 2. 1. 1. 2. Code Co-occurrences of Text 1 83 4. 2. 1. 2. Text 2 87 4. 2. 1. 2. 1. Categories of Text 2 87 4. 2. 1. 2. 1. 1. Categories of 'Social Order' 90 4. 2. 1. 2. 1. 2. Categories of 'Describing the Self' 95 4. 2. 1. 2. 2. Code Co-occurrences of Text 2 96 4. 2. 1. 3. Text 3 105 4. 2. 1. 3. 1. Categories of Text 3 106 4. 2. 1. 3. 1. 1. Categories of 'Social Order' 108 4. 2. 1. 3. 1. 2. Categories of 'Describing the Self' 112 4. 2. 1. 3. 2. Code Co-occurrences of Text 3 113 4. 2. 1. 4. Text 4 119 4. 2. 1. 4. 1. Categories of Text 4 119 4. 2. 1. 4. 1. 1. Categories of 'Social Order' 121 4. 2. 1. 4. 1. 2. Categories of 'Describing the Self' 125 4. 2. 1. 4. 2. Code Co-occurrences of Text 4 131 4. 2. 1. 5. Text 5 139 4. 2. 1. 5. 1. Categories of Text 5 139 4. 2. 1. 5. 1. 1. Categories of 'Social Order' 141 4. 2. 1. 5. 1. 2. Categories of 'Describing the Self' 144 4. 2. 1. 5. 2. Code Co-occurrences of Text 5 150 4. 2. 1. 6. Text 6 154 4. 2. 1. 6. 1. Categories of Text 6 155 4. 2. 1. 6. 1. 1. Categories of 'Social Order' 156 4. 2. 1. 6. 1. 2. Categories of 'Describing the Self' 158 4. 2. 1. 6. 2. Code Co-occurrences of Text 6 162 4. 2. 1. 7. Summary of GTA Findings 169 4. 2. 1. 7. 1. Codes and Code Co-occurrences 169 4. 2. 1. 7. 2. Categories as Discourse Topics 173 4. 2. 2. Tropological Construction Analysis: Strategies and Linguistic Means and Forms of Realisation 176 4. 2. 2. 1. Genericisation 177 4. 2. 2. 2. Assimilation 185 4. 2. 2. 3. Individualisation 192 4. 2. 2. 4. Indetermination 195 4. 2. 2. 5. Association 198 4. 2. 2. 6. Politicisation 203 4. 2. 2. 7. Appraisement 205 4. 2. 2. 8. Sociativisation 211 4. 2. 2. 9. Somatisation 216 4. 2. 2. 10. Personification 218 CHAPTER V: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 221 5. 1. ANSWER TO RQ 1: 221 5. 2. ANSWER TO RQ 2: 226 5. 3. ANSWER TO RQ 3: 233 5. 4. IMPLICATIONS 238 BIBLIOGRAPHY 241 APPENDIX 1. ARGUMETATIVE TEXT INVENTORY OF KAOS GL MAGAZINE ON HOMOSEXUAL MOVEMENT 256 APPENDIX 2. TEXTS OF ANALYSIS 276 Text 1 276 Text 2 278 Text 3 280 Text 4 282 Text 5 284 Text 6 287 APPENDIX 3. ETHICS COMMISSION FORM 289 APPENDIX 4. THESIS ORIGINALITY REPORT 290 ; Bu doktora tezi, Türkiye'nin ilk ve en uzun soluklu eşcinsel ve lezbiyen yayını olan Kaos GL Dergi'de yayınlanan metinler aracılığıyla eşcinselliğin tematik ve söylemsel olarak nasıl inşa edildiğini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Araştırma daha özelde metinlerin iki söylemsel-dilbilimsel yönünü ortaya çıkarmaya yöneliktir: (1) metinlerin tematik dağılımı ve tematik ilişki örüntüleri; (2) eşcinsel hareketin inşasının dayandığı söylem stratejileri ve dilsel gerçekleşme araç ve biçimleri. Bu amaçla, derginin ilk beş yılında (1994-1999) 6 metin envanter ön araştırmasının sonucuna göre amaçlı örnekleme ile seçildi ve gömülü tematik çözümleme ve Eleştirel Söylem Çözümlemesi'ne (ESÇ) dahil edilmiştir. Gömülü Teori (Glaser ve Strauss, 1967; Corbin ve Strauss, 2008) yaklaşımının çözümleme aşamalarının benimsendiği ilk aşamada sistematik bir kodlama işlemi gerçekleştirilmiş ve belirlenen zaman dilimi içinde toplumsal düzeni ve eşcinsellerin bu düzen karşısında kendilerini konumlandırma biçimlerini ortaya çıkaran en sıkla görülen iki tematik kategori belirlenmiştir. Çalışmanın ikinci çözümleme aşamasında, kodlama sürecinden elde edilen kategorilere ait metin parçaları ESÇ geleneği içinde önemli bir yeri olan Söylem-Tarihsel Yaklaşımı ile incelenmiştir. Bu model ve bir "içeriden" bakış açısı (Wodak, 2011) benimsenerek, ilgili tematik kategorilerde toplumsal aktörlerin temsil edilme biçimleri (van Leeuwen, 1996 ve Wodak ve diğerleri, 2000) artsüremli bir çözümlemeyle orataya çıkarılmaya çalışılmıştır. Gömülü tematik çözümlemenin bulguları, beş yıl içinde eşcinsellerin sosyal düzeni çoğunlukla ve tutarlı bir şekilde heteroseksizm ve homofobi temaları çerçevesinde betimlediklerini; bunun yanında, beş yılın ikinci yarısı itibariyle, eşcinsellerin kendilerini tanımlamanın bir yolu olarak kolektif ve birleştirici bir eylemin inşasına güçlü bir vurgu yaptıklarını göstermiştir. Buna parallel olarak, ESÇ bulguları, toplumsal-tarihsel koşullar bağlamında, eşcinsellerin dönemin ilk metinlerinde toplumu tanımlamlarken 'karşı olumsuz-öteki' söylemi inşa ettiklerini; diğer yandan, dönemin sonuna doğru, bireylerin grup dayanışması oluşturma amacı doğrultusunda, olumlu-kendi sunumunun ön plana çıktığını ortaya koymaktadır. Çalışma, ötekileştirilen grupların baskın söylemlerde olumsuz olarak sunulduğu genellemesinin yanında, ötekileştirilen grupların da benzer şekilde olumsuz-öteki sunum yöntemlerini kullanarak kendilerini grup-dışındakiler üzerinden tanımlayabildiklerini ortaya çıkarması açısından önemlidir. Bu bakımdan bu çalışma, özellikle Queer Dilbilimi alanında ötekileştirilen grup-içi söylemleri araştırmayı amaçlayan araştırmacılar için önemli öneriler sumaktadır. Ayrıca, çalışmanın bulguları eşcinselliğin sadece metinlerle değil, diğer söylemsel pratikler aracılığıyla inşası üzerine yapılan araştırmalar için de temel oluşturabilir. Anahtar Sözcükler Eleştirel Söylem Çözümlemesi, Queer Dilbilim, toplumsal inşacılık, eşcinsel hareketi, grup kimliği, Kaos GL Dergisi

The World Bank commissioned this report as part of a set of studies concerned with the Uganda Demobilization and Reintegration Program and the Amnesty Commission. The study represents one element of the set of studies which included the Final Independent Evaluation of the Uganda Emergency Demobilization and Reintegration Project (UgDRP), Reporter Reintegration Survey and Community Dynamics Survey, and a study on the relationship between the Amnesty Commission and its DDR Implementing Partners study. The background field work and research for this study was integrated into the overall background research and fieldwork for the set of studies. In this study the focus of the analysis is on processes of reintegration rather than the achievement of a static marker of reintegration. In other words rather than examining the experience of reporters to identify the ones who are reintegrated and the ones who are not, the study examines the complex interplay of elements in the process of social and economic reintegration to identify which drivers have most influenced (positively and negatively) the reintegration process in which reporters are and have been engaged. The study identifies the drivers of successful or unsuccessful reintegration and the crosscutting dynamics such as gender, tradition, poverty and economic markets that exacerbate the impact of drivers of reintegration on the lives of reporters and communities. The report presents actionable findings that can inform future programming in the area. The overall purpose of the study is to provide an analysis of the drivers of reintegration and to identify the distinguishing features of successful reintegration amongst reporters.

The purpose of this study was to provide a better understanding for policy makers and service providers of mobility and migration among ex-combatants and the effectiveness of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programming in Uganda. The study followed a scoping study on migration in Uganda conducted in March 2011 by the Transitional Demobilization and Reintegration Program (TDRP) of the World Bank. This study had the following specific objectives: 1) to analyze push/pull migration factors of ex-combatants in Uganda, with a specific focus on social as well as economic factors both within communities of origin and at new communities of re-settlement; 2) to explore any impact of DDR programming on migration of ex-combatants in Uganda; 3) to increase the understanding of the impact of migration by ex-combatants on the effectiveness of past and current DDR programming, specifically on reintegration efforts; and 4) to generate recommendations on how to improve DDR programming, taking into account findings from other related studies.

Käsityöläisten yrittäjäkulttuuri Itämeren alueen kaupungeissa 1350-1620 Väitöskirjassani tutkin käsityöläisten yrittäjäkulttuuria Itämeren alueen kaupungeissa myöhäiskeskiajalla ja uuden ajan alussa. Käsityötuotanto tapahtui kodin yhteydessä olevassa verstaassa ja se oli yleensä perheen yhteinen bisnes. Käsityöläiset olivat järjestäytyneet ammattialoittain ammattikuntiin, joilla jokaisella oli omat sääntönsä. Käsityöläisammattikunnat läpäisivät elämän jokaisen osa-alueen: ne hallitsivat työmarkkinoita, järjestivät ammatillista koulutusta, osallistuivat kaupungin sotilaalliseen puolustukseen, huolehtivat osaltaan oikeudenhoidosta ja monista hallinnollisista asioista, ylläpitivät kaupunkirauhaa, järjestivät köyhäinhoitoa, tarjosivat jäsenilleen sosiaalista yhdessäoloa sekä jopa mahdollisuuden uskonnollisen hartauden osoittamiseen pitämällä yllä alttareita kirkoissa. Ammattikuntien merkitys jokapäiväiselle elämälle oli kiistaton. Tutkimuksessa selvitän, mitkä olivat yrittäjäkulttuurin keskeisimmät elementit, arvot ja toimintatavat. Yrittäjäkulttuuria tarkastelen käsityöläisleskien kautta: mitkä olivat käsityöläisleskien mahdollisuudet jatkaa ammatissaan miehensä kuoltua ja käyttivätkö he näitä mahdollisuuksia hyödykseen. Tutkimus keskittyy Tukholman, Tallinnan, Riian ja Lyypekin kaupunkeihin noin vuosina 1350−1620. Aiemmassa tutkimuksessa tuon ajan yrittäjäkulttuuri ja ammattikuntalaitosjärjestelmä on nähty staattisena rakennelmana, joka ei pystynyt sopeutumaan muutoksiin ja joka vahvisti patriarkaalista yhteiskuntajärjestystä sekä pyrki rajoittamaan naisten työntekoa. Tutkimukseni haastaa tämän näkemyksen ja tarjoaa uudenlaisen tulkinnan. Sen mukaan ammattikunnat tarjosivat leskille useita mahdollisuuksia jatkaa perheyrityksen pyörittämistä miesmestarin kuoltua. Yleisin ammattikunnan tarjoamista mahdollisuuksista oli vuoden ja päivän aikaraja, jonka umpeuduttua lesken olisi luovuttava ammatistaan tai siirrettävä mestarinoikeudet pojalleen tai uudelle aviomiehelle. Monet lesket jatkoivat kuitenkin ammatissaan vuosia piittaamatta virallisista säädöksistä. Tämä todistaa, että lesket olivat kiinteä osa tuon ajan kaupunkien yrittäjäkulttuuria, eikä naisjohtoisia käsityöläisverstaita pidetty mitenkään outoina. Tutkimukseni myös paljasti, että oman edun tavoittelu meni usein ammattikunnan edun edelle, vaikka aikakausi on mielletty kollektiivisuuden ajaksi. Käsityöläisten yrittäjäkulttuuri olikin täynnä ristiriitoja: toisaalta pyrittiin takaamaan samat edut ja ammatinharjoittamisen edellytykset kaikille ammattikunnan jäsenille, mutta silti sosiaaliset erot ammattikunnan sisällä saattoivat olla suuret. Ammattikunnat harjoittivat myös voimakasta suojelupolitiikkaa, protektionismia, turvatakseen yhteiset edut. Toisaalta ne loivat hyvin joustavia käytäntöjä ja sääntöjä, jotka tarjosivat pelivaraa ja mahdollistivat kilpailun ammattikunnan sisällä. Kaikki nämä toimet tähtäsivät tuotannon jatkuvuuteen; mestarin sukupuoli oli toissijaista. Tutkimukseni tuo ilmi, että näinkin kaukainen yrittäjäkulttuuri piti sisällään paljon sellaisia elementtejä, jotka yleensä yhdistetään nykypäivän markkinatalousyhteiskuntiin eikä myöhäiskeskiajan ja uuden ajan alun talousjärjestelmiin. Väitöskirjani tarjoaa ensimmäistä kertaa laajan vertailevan tutkimuksen Itämeren alueen kaupunkien käsityöläiskulttuurista ja lesken asemasta. Lisäksi se yhdistää eri näkökulmia uudella tavalla, sillä hansakaupunkien käsityöläisiä ei aiemmin ole tarkasteltu yrittäjyyden, taloushistorian ja sukupuolihistorian näkökulmista. Tutkimukseni tarjoaa täysin uuden lähestymistavan hansa-alueen kaupunkihistoriaan, sillä aiempi hansatutkimus on keskittynyt lähinnä tarkastelemaan hansaliittoa taloudellisena ja poliittisena mahtina tai käsitellyt kauppiaita ja heidän verkostojaan. ; In this dissertation I study craft trade culture in late medieval and early modern cities bordering the Baltic Sea. Research focuses on four urban communities, namely on Stockholm, Tallinn, Riga, and Lübeck. In all these cities craftsfolk formed one fourth of the inhabitants as well as the so-called middle class of the citizens. Additionally, craft organizations penetrated all spehers of life in urban settlements: they dominated labour market, influenced town topography, organized military troops, took care of juridical and administrative tasks, organized professional training, and together with merchants governed the economic sector. In addition, crafts organized poor relief, free time, and some crafts even took care of religious and devotional activities. In this research craft trade is studied from economic and gender history viewpoints. Special emphasis is on the possibilities of artisan widows to continue their trade after their husband had died. This study provides for the first time an extensive comparison of craft trade culture in four Baltic Sea cities. Furthermore, it combines two perspectives, rarely applied together in the field of craft and guild studies. In addition, the study covers the time period of circa 1350−1620, hence transcending the usual boundaries between medieval and early modern era in historical research. The essential elements of craft trade culture are traced from three different angles. Firstly, the various urban organizations are examined, differentiated, and categorized. My hypothesis is that the possibilities of widows to carry on depended on the organization type. In previous research the various urban organizations, guilds, crafts, and devotional guilds or confraternities have not always been differentiated, which has led to misinterpretations about the position of women within these organizations. The categorization is based on my own innovation called tripartite classification. The tripartite classification is both a method of the study as well as a result of a wide-range comparison of the ordinances and statutes of the three organization types. Secondly, the opportunities of artisan widows and the meaning of widowhood in the context of craft trade are examined. Here the viewpoint changes from the organizations to the point of view of the craftsfolk and particularly of artisan widows. By adopting different roles, as mothers and managers of household workshops, widows challenged traditional gender roles. Thus, the widow perspective is fruitful because it helps us to examine how gender relationships were constructed in craft trade culture and what role gender played in it. The normative side is discussed by studying craft ordinances: what options and possibilities did craft ordinances give to widows to continue their trade. In previous research widows' rights articles have been seen as mere restrictions against women's work. I challenge previous research by arguing that widows' rights articles must be seen as opportunities, and hence widows' rights articles ensured legal protection for widows. Thirdly, craft trade culture is studied by taking a closer look at Lübeck. The everyday practice of craftsfolk is examined, with the help of narrative source material. In particular I ask how widows' right articles were applied in practice and what dispute situations can be observed. In addition, the work identity of craftswomen and craftsmen is examined. It is my hypothesis that in previous research gender hierarchies and the masculinity of artisanal world has been overemphasized. Using Lübeck as a case study I shall also examine the interaction between the city council, the crafts, and individual craft members. This is significant because it helps us to detect the dynamics within craft trade culture and how various actors negotiated on norms, rules, values, and their goals. In this study I use both normative source material, craft ordinances and records of the city council, as well as narrative sources, Lübeck petition letters. I have analysed all the preserved craft ordinances from the four cities which stem from the time period of 1350−1620. These 178 craft ordinances built the core of the study, thus they set the framework within which the narrative letters are analysed. The detailed Appendices at the end of the study list all the used craft ordinances, their editions, repository places, and archival signums. This combination of sources offers a good basis to study widows' opportunities in principle and in practice. Moreover, craft ordinances build the context in which the petition letters are analysed. Furthermore, the letters enable a deeper study of contemporary values and mentalities than the craft ordinances. Throughout the study quantitative, qualitative, and linguistic methods are used together with comparison, a case study, and tripartite classification mentioned above. The concept of craft trade culture is understood broadly meaning the system how handicraft production was organized; how various artisans within the same profession were organized into crafts; how craft ordinances regulated various aspects of production and the everyday life of the artisans. In addition, I consider craft trade culture to include a set of norms, values, and practices that guided individual craft members. Gender is understood as a cultural and social construction, which encompasses more than just the physical differences between biological sexes. Biological differences form the base but cultural and social norms and practices that define female and male work, duties, rights, and obligations are more important. An essential element of this social gender is that its definitions vary and change according to time and space. What is feminine and what is masculine can be defined differently in various geographical areas, cultures, social contexts, and religious confessions as well as in various times. Masculinities and femininities also vary according to other categories and attributes such as profession, social status, age, personal character, and marital status, and so forth. Work and particularly work conditions were one of the factors that created, enforced, or diminished gender roles. This study finds that craft trade culture in late medieval and early modern cities bordering the Baltic Sea was flexible and aimed for the continuation of production at several different levels. At the same time craft trade culture was a strongly protectionist culture. Furthermore, within this protectionism there existed elements, which are often used to characterize modern market economies – individual profit seeking and competition. Hence, the study reveals that craft trade culture was full of contradictions. Additionally, within craft trade culture other categories and aims outweighed the gender aspect. It was more important to ensure the continuation of production than fret over the gender of the master. Consequently, widows' rights articles in the craft ordinances were not means to restrict widows' and respectively women's work. Instead, widows' rights articles strove to secure the continuity of production and to protect craft trade production which was based on household workshops. Moreover, as we must abandon the bipolar notion of gender, we must also reject the dichotomy of comparing 'traditional societies' to societies with (free) market economy. The investigation conducted here reveals that craft trade culture was at the same time affected by the aims of the crafts to ensure equal premises and resources for all their members and a common well-being of its members as well as by the competition between craft members and self-interest. The majority of gender and economic historians have underlined the inflexibility of craft organizations arguing that this rigid system hindered the development of market and dynamic economy. However, the current study proves that craft trade culture was a flexible system that adapted to changing conditions and left room for negotiation. In this study I introduce a new approach and classification to urban organization called tripartite classification. According to it, three different organization types existed in late medieval and early modern towns bordering the Baltic Sea: professional crafts, composite artisan guilds and merchant guilds, and devotional organizations, which I call devotional guilds. The analysis in this study demonstrates that the organization type clearly affected not only female membership and widows' possibilities but other questions like political participation, military, and defence as well as religious participation. Craft ordinances granted widows five different possibilities to continue their trade. In previous research particularly the supporters of subordination theory have considered these widows' rights as restrictions. However, the findings of the current study do not support these notions. Widows took advantage of these possibilities and were aware of the rights granted to them in the craft ordinances. Despite the questions that widowhood raised among contemporaries, widows could run their workshops independently and/or with the help of their children and/or hired workforce. Some crafts considered widows capable of training apprentices and at least in some crafts widows participated in craft assemblies and festivities. Furthermore, the analysis of Lübeck petition letters exposes that some widows exceeded the customary time limit granted to them in craft ordinances and continued their trade for several years, even 19. This demonstrates that widows were an integral part of craft trade culture. Moreover, the main aim of craft organizations was not to restrict women's work but to ensure the continuity of craft production and economic welfare of its members.

Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal.