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Likely to raise hackles among Democrats and Republicans alike, this dynamic history of modern Florida argues that the Sunshine State has become the political and demographic future of the nation. David Colburn reveals how Florida gradually abandoned the traditions of race and personality that linked it to the Democratic Party. The book focuses particularly on the population growth and chaotic gubernatorial politics that altered the state from 1940, when it was a sleepy impoverished southern outpost, to the present and the emergence of a dominant Republican Party.

The latter half of the 20th century in Central and Eastern Europe was the time of the birth of dissident thought searching for social and political formulas capable of facing up to the doctrine as well as the binding forms of Leninist-Stalinist versions of Marxism in their totalitarian and post-totalitarian shapes. Possible conditions for these formulas, as well as their more or less crystallised propositions were worked out by thinkers and activists of the democratic opposition in the Eastern Block countries; by the people striving to rebuild the subjectivity of the individual and the society, as well as the areas of autonomous activity which are due to them, and which constitute the basic attributes of the civil life – the prerogatives consistently destroyed by the totalitarian and post-totalitarian system. In the present sketch, not intending to take up an analysis of the philosophical aspects of all the trends of the Central-European dissident thought of the 1970s, which differently formulated both the issue of the subjectivity of the individual and society as well as the issues of the space of civil involvement in the sphere of public life , we intend to make the subject of this sketch an attempt at capturing, in a comparative manner, some of the aspects of Alexander Solzhenitsyn's thought, which seem to have made an inspirational contribution to the development of the European dissident thought of the latter half of the 20th century within the above-delineated scope of our research.

El pasado mes de septiembre de 2015 la totalidad de los Estados de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas han aprobado los nuevos Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) y una nueva Agenda de desarrollo —también llamada Agenda 2030—. Los ODS pretenden ser metas ambiciosos que incidan en las causas de la pobreza a nivel mundial y que, al mismo tiempo, se dirijan a construir sociedades más igualitarias y productivas en un plazo de quince años. Por otro lado, las negociaciones entre los Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea para el acuerdo de Asociación Transatlántica para el Comercio y la Inversión (TTIP) pretenden crear la mayor relación económica y comercial a nivel mundial. El objetivo de este artículo es el de analizar en qué medida la firma del TTIP contribuirá a conseguir satisfactoriamente los ODS y si se está teniendo en cuenta la nueva agenda de desarrollo en las negociaciones de este importante tratado entre los Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea. ; The General Assembly of the United Nations approved the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). The SDG try to be ambitious goals that affect the causes of global poverty. The SDG expects to build societies more equalitarian and productive in 2030. On the other hand, United States and European Union are negotiating and agreement for Transatlantiic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) in order to create the biggest economic and trade relation worldwide. The goal of this paper is to analyze if the TIPP will contribute achieve satisfactorily the SDG and if United State and European Union are considering the new development agenda in the negotiation of this treaty.

The General Assembly of the United Nations approved the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG). The SDG try to be ambitious goals that affect the causes of global poverty. The SDG expects to build societies more equalitarian and productive in 2030. On the other hand, United States and European Union are negotiating an agreement for Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) in order to create the biggest economic and trade relations worldwide. The goal of this paper is to analyze if the TTIP will contribute achieve satisfactorily the SDG and if United States and the European Union are considering the new development agenda in the negotiations of this treaty. ; El pasado mes de septiembre de 2015 la totalidad de los Estados de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas han aprobado los nuevos Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) y una nueva Agenda de desarrollo —también llamada Agenda 2030—. Los ODS pretenden ser metas ambiciosos que incidan en las causas de la pobreza a nivel mundial y que, al mismo tiempo, se dirijan a construir sociedades más igualitarias y productivas en un plazo de quince años. Por otro lado, las negociaciones entre los Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea para el acuerdo de Asociación Transatlántica para el Comercio y la Inversión (TTIP) pretenden crear la mayor relación económica y comercial a nivel mundial. El objetivo de este artículo es el de analizar en qué medida la firma del TTIP contribuirá a conseguir satisfactoriamente los ODS y si se está teniendo en cuenta la nueva agenda de desarrollo en las negociaciones de este importante tratado entre los Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea.

Although the recent advancements in critical constructivist IR on political rhetoric has greatly improved our understanding of linguistic mechanisms of political action, we need a sharp understanding of how rhetoric explains foreign policy change. Here we conceptualize a link between rhetoric and foreign policy change by foregrounding distinct dynamics at the regional and domestic institutional environments. Analytically, at the regional level, we suggest examining whether norms of foreign policy engagement are explicitly coded in treaties and agreements or implicit in conventions and practices of actors. And at the domestic level, we suggest examining whether a particular foreign policy issue area is concurrent or contested among interlocutors. In this constellation, we clarify how four different rhetorical strategies underwrites foreign policy change – persuasion, mediation, explication and reconstruction – how it operates, and the processes through which it unfolds in relation to multiple audiences. Our principal argument is that grand foreign policy change requires continuous rhetorical deployments with varieties of politics to preserve and stabilize the boundaries in the ongoing fluid relations of states. We illustrate our argument with an analysis of Brazil's South-South grand strategy under the Lula administration and contrast it against the rhetoric of subsequent administrations. Our study has implications for advancing critical foreign policy analysis on foreign policy change and generally for exploring new ways of studying foreign policies of nonwestern postcolonial states in international relations.

Although the recent advancements in critical constructivist IR on political rhetoric has greatly improved our understanding of linguistic mechanisms of political action, we need a sharp understanding of how rhetoric explains foreign policy change. Here we conceptualize a link between rhetoric and foreign policy change by foregrounding distinct dynamics at the regional and domestic institutional environments. Analytically, at the regional level, we suggest examining whether norms of foreign policy engagement are explicitly coded in treaties and agreements or implicit in conventions and practices of actors. And at the domestic level, we suggest examining whether a particular foreign policy issue area is concurrent or contested among interlocutors. In this constellation, we clarify how four different rhetorical strategies underwrites foreign policy change – persuasion, mediation, explication and reconstruction – how it operates, and the processes through which it unfolds in relation to multiple audiences. Our principal argument is that grand foreign policy change requires continuous rhetorical deployments with varieties of politics to preserve and stabilize the boundaries in the ongoing fluid relations of states. We illustrate our argument with an analysis of Brazil's South-South grand strategy under the Lula administration and contrast it against the rhetoric of subsequent administrations. Our study has implications for advancing critical foreign policy analysis on foreign policy change and generally for exploring new ways of studying foreign policies of nonwestern postcolonial states in international relations.

Este artigo busca demonstrar como argumentos centrais da obra de Maquiavel, muitos deles aprofundados por Hobbes e demais autores realistas, foram incorporados no início do século XX como base fundadora da disciplina de Relações Internacionais. Desde então, uma gama de autores contribuiu na elaboração do modelo teórico realista da Política Internacional. O realismo predominou nas discussões teóricas da disciplina durante décadas. Cumpriu a função essencial de institucionalizar as Relações Internacionais como campo de estudo independente nas Ciências Sociais. Entretanto, como efeito colateral, "encapsulou" lições clássicas de Maquiavel em arranjos analíticos reducionistas. Limitando assim, a fecundidade do pensamento maquiavélico à análise de agendas de pesquisa na área de Relações Internacionais. ABSTRACT This article searchs demonstrate how main arguments on Maquiavel´s work, many of them deepened by Hobbes and other realistics authors, were incoorporated on the begning of the XX century as a found basis subject of International Relation. Since then, many authors have contributed on elaborating a realistc theorical model of Iternational Politics. Realism predominated on the theorical discussions of the subject for decades. It fullfiled an essencial fuction of instituzionalizing the International Relations as an independent area of study on Social Science. However, as a side efffect, "encapsulated" Maquiavel´s classic lessons in analitical reducionist arranges. Narrowing this way, the thought´s fertility of the maquiavelic´s thinking to the analyses of the research´s agenda on the International Relations area.

The dominant views in the literature on the evolution of ideological mass-membership parties, which hold that these parties emerged with the entry of the masses into politics and as a result of prolonged electoral competition moderated their ideological stands to appeal to more centrist voters, cannot account for the case of a mass party which, after years of electoral competition, moves sharply to the left and maintains or increases its electoral base, as was the case for the People's National Party (PNP) under Michael Manley in Jamaica in the 1970s. One element of the political strategy of "Democratic Socialism" of the PNP under Manley was the organizational strengthening of the party and the adoption of a stronger ideological profile and a commitment to ideological education at both the elite and mass level. This article discusses the importance as well as the limitations of the process of party transformation. On the basis of two surveys of the Jamaican elite, one carried out in the summer of 1974 and one in 1982, it documents the dramatic effect of this process on the ideological alignments in the Jamaican elite. Drawing on Gramscian ideas, the article develops an explanation for the process of party transformation in Jamaica, which emphasizes the importance of the extent of popular organization and mobilization for the center of gravity of public opinion and thus for the ideological and electoral room for maneuver of mass parties.