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AbstractAutomated decision-making is a process in which an algorithm collects and analyses data, derives information, applies this information, and recommends an action, at times using forms of Artificial Intelligence (Richardson 2021). This paper proposes that we need to locate automated decision-making as part of the history of educational policy and governance, as well as increasingly networked cultural records or digital archives. As such, we explore the history and present of automated decision systems across a range of cultural records spanning several categories: data, algorithm, and AI-based technologies; innovation and industry; philanthropy and funding; policy and legislation; spatiality and socioeconomics; plus, activism, and communities. To do so, we created an interdisciplinary archival heuristic as a research tool to retrace these interrelated cultural records shaping data infrastructure and inequalities. We then tested this tool in the context of the school admission matching algorithm in New York City. Our central aim is to help counter discourses about the newness and efficiencies of introducing automation and algorithms across education reform initiatives. The education counter-archiving heuristic introduced therefore offers a novel research tool to explore the intersecting history, present, and future of automated decision-making systems, such as school choice algorithms.

"This novel book looks at the relationship between the economics of John Maynard Keynes and the tradition of British Humanism, which dominated public life in the early years of the twentieth century"--EBL.

Abstract
This study provides evidence that strong kin networks are detrimental for democratic participatory institutions and that the medieval Catholic Church's marriage regulations dissolved Europe's clan-based kin networks, which contributed to the emergence of participatory institutions. I show that weak ancestral kin networks are positively associated with ethnicities' democratic traditions in the past and countries' democracy scores today. At the same time, medieval Church exposure predicts weak kin networks across countries, European regions and ethnicities. In a historical difference-in-difference analysis, I provide evidence that exposure to the Church contributed to the formation of medieval communes—self-governed cities with participatory institutions. Moreover, within Christian Europe, stricter regional and temporal marriage prohibitions are associated with commune formation. Lastly, I shed light on one mechanism, civicness, and show that weak kin networks are associated with more political participation.

Chapter 1. Introduction: Digital divide from differentiated access to differentiated use -- Chapter 2. The influence of ICT use on students' well-beings -- Chapter 3. The second digital divide among schools -- Chapter 4. The second digital divide between rich and poor students -- Chapter 5. The second digital divide between male and female students -- Chapter 6. The second digital divide from a more global perspective -- Chapter 7. Conclusion.

This book explores the development of the gas industry within Latin Europe (France, Italy, Portugal, and Spain). Through charting the growth of this industry during the 19th and 20th centuries, the technology and public policies used are examined to highlight the long term impact of the industry. Utilising a comparative analysis, similarities and variation between the development of gas within the Latin European countries is compared and contrasted with the aid of specific case studies. This book aims to place the development of gas resources in Latin Europe within a global perspective that takes into account the development of energy resources in the rest of Europe and the world more generally. It will be of interest to students and researchers working within energy economics and economic history. Jesus Miras-Araujo is Professor of Economic History at the University of A Coruna. Andrea Giuntini is Associate Professor of Economic History at the University of Modena and Reggio Emilia. The book forms part of the results of the research project Gas in Latin Europe: a comparative and global perspective (1818-1945), financed by the Ministry of Science and Innovation of the Spanish Government and ERDP Funds.

The article is devoted to the study of the main causes, mechanisms and patterns of political violence in the context of electoral struggle. It has been found that under conditions of significant competition and uncertainty of election results, political elites may choose illegal tools and strategies to maintain power: violence, bribery, fraud, intimidation, and persecution of opponents. It has been proven that the use of violence during the electoral process can significantly distort the voting results, undermine the legitimacy of the elections, and limit the participation of opposition candidates and voters.It has been determined that electoral violence involves the use of organized physical coercion, repression, intimidation, persecution, and destruction of property before, during, and after elections in order to influence the electoral process, voter behavior, and voting results. Such violence becomes an obstacle to holding democratic, fair, free, and competitive elections, hinders the establishment of consensus between government and opposition forces, and can provoke a large-scale armed conflict. It has been proven that the causes of electoral violence include the participants' desire to influence voting results, increase their advantage over competitors, intimidate disloyal voters, deprive opposition supporters of the opportunity to vote, delegitimize the electoral process, and discredit the government's ability to maintain security and the functioning of political institutions. As a result, it was found that political competition, unpredictable election results and ethnic polarization of society increase the likelihood of electoral violence, deep political crisis and armed confrontation, which can have critical consequences for political security and the sustainability of democracy.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Foreword: Economic Breakdown and Recovery -- Preface to the 1994 Edition -- Preface to the 1990 Edition -- Part I Framework -- Introduction I: Framework -- I.1 Must Democratic Capitalism Fail? -- I.2 Can Democratic Capitalism Succeed? -- I.3 A Keynesian View -- I.4 Understanding Today's Difficulties -- I.5 An Extended Framework of Analysis -- I.6 Unemployment is the Issue -- I.7 The Tasks Ahead -- 1 How should we do Macroeconomics? -- 1.1 Introduction

Intro -- The changing nature of democracy -- Contents -- 1 Introduction: The changing nature of democracy -- 2 Some basic assumptions about the consolidation of democracy -- 3 Fifty years after the ''Great Transformation'': Reflections on social order and political agency -- 4 Toward consolidated democracies -- 5 Democracy and constitutionalism -- 6 Mass media and participatory democracy -- 7 Party representation in the United Kingdom, Australia, and Japan -- 8 The democratization process and the market -- 9 Political representation and economic competitiveness: Is a new democratic synthesis conceivable? -- 10 A structure for peace: A democratic, interdependent, and institutionalized order -- 11 Asian-style democracy? -- 12 Post-communist Europe: Comparative reflections -- 13 Religion and democracy: The case of Islam, civil society, and democracy -- 14 The Philadelphia model -- 15 Democracy at the United Nations -- 16 A meditation on democracy -- Contributors -- Index

Il presente lavoro intende gettare nuova luce sulle testimonianze riferibili alla Sicilia nel corso degli anni 284-324 d.C., quando, per motivi economici, sociali e politici, l'isola divenne particolarmente importante agli occhi della nobilitas e degli stessi imperatori, che ne affidarono l'amministrazione, alla stregua delle altre province italiche e diversamente da Sardegna e Corsica, a correctores. Le dediche siciliane a noi pervenute, erette in onore degli imperatori e risalenti a tale periodo, sembrano essere state poste in un primo momento dalle città e in seguito dai governatori; questa differenza dipende, a nostro avviso, non tanto dalla casualità dei ritrovamenti, quanto da un preciso cambiamento politico e culturale: con l'avvento al potere di Costantino, le città preferiscono onorare i correctores, da cui più immediatamente dipendeva il benessere pubblico, piuttosto che gli imperatori, i quali, invece, vengono celebrati dai governatori stessi, che cercano di accattivarsene il favore. Un'attenta disamina dei correctores finora noti ci ha consentito, d'altro canto, di constatare come essi appartenessero ad un gruppo ristretto di gentes (i Calvisii, i Valerii, i Domitii), alcune delle quali possedevano certamente proprietà terriere nell'isola, a riprova della connessione tra ricchezza patrimoniale ed esercizio di pubbliche funzioni. Il governatore aveva sede, come sempre, a Siracusa, ma più volte trasferì la sua residenza a Catania, centro all'epoca ugualmente importante: tra le due città doveva esistere una rivalità che poteva tradursi in una temporanea variazione della sede del governatore, dovuta certo a circostanze eccezionali, ma possibile proprio in virtù del pari prestigio rivestito da entrambe.This paper aims at shedding new light on the testimonies about Sicily between 284 and 324 A.D., when the island became very important for economic, social and political reasons for the nobilitas and even the imperators, who entrusted the administration to correctores, like the other italic provinces and unlike the way they handled Sardinia and Corsica. The Sicilian dedications that have survived up till now, erected in honour of the imperators throughout these years, appear to be erected firstly by the cities and secondly by the governors; this difference depends, in our opinion, not only on the fortuity of the excavations, but also on a precise political and cultural change: when Constantine become emperor, the cities prefer to honour the correctores, on whom public welfare closely depended, more than the emperors, who are celebrated, on the contrary, by the governors, who try to ingratiate their favour. Otherwise, a careful analysis of the correctores that we have collected up till now has allowed us to observe that they were part of a small group of gentes (Calvisii, Valerii, Domitii), some of whom certainly had island properties, proof of the connection between property wealth and performance of public duties. The seat of the governor was Syracuse, but it was often transferred to Catania, which was as important at that time: between the two cities rivalry must have surely existed and it could mean a temporary change of the seat of the governor, caused by exceptional circumstances, but made possible in virtue of the equal prestige of the two cities.