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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Foreword -- Chapter 1: Organizing the Commons: Definitions and Assumptions -- Definitions and Concepts -- International and Global Commons -- International Regime Formation -- General Assumptions -- The Plan for this Book -- Suggested Reading -- Notes -- Chapter 2: A Framework for Analysis -- Law and History -- Development of Western Law -- The Property Rights Paradigm -- National Sovereignty -- The Common Heritage of Mankind -- Analytic Framework -- Regime Theory -- Institutional Analysis -- Levels of Institutional Choice -- Design Principles -- Multiple-Use, Multiple-User Commons -- Summary -- Suggested Reading -- Notes -- Chapter 3: Antarctica -- Early Exploration -- Territorial Claims -- Toward the Antarctic Treaty System -- The Impact of Scientific Communities -- The Antarctic Treaty System -- Administration -- North-South Issues -- The Role of Interest Groups -- Discussion -- Suggested Reading -- Notes -- Chapter 4: The Oceans -- History of the Oceans and Territorial Seas -- The Oceans -- The Territorial Seas -- United Nations Conferences on the Law of the Sea -- UNCLOS I -- UNCLOS II -- UNCLOS III -- The Deep Seabed Mineral Regime -- Living Resources -- Marine Pollution -- Discussion -- Suggested Reading -- Notes -- Chapter 5: The Atmosphere -- The Airspace Regime -- Atmospheric Pollution -- Acid Deposition -- Climate Change -- Ozone Depletion -- Discussion -- Suggested Reading -- Notes -- Chapter 6: Outer Space and Telecommunications -- Outer Space Regime -- Sovereignty in Outer Space -- Development of the Outer Space Regime -- Military Effects on the Space Regime -- The Role of Special Interest Groups -- COPUOS and the Treaty Regime -- Treaties -- Outer Space Treaty -- Rescue Agreement -- Liability Convention -- Registration Convention -- Moon Treaty.

Im Juli des letzten Jahres lehnte das Europäische Parlament die Ratifizierung des Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) in Folge von europaweiten Protesten gegen die im Abkommen enthaltenen Maßnahmen zum Schutz des Urheberrechts im Internet ab. Zu Beginn des vergangenen Jahres war das durch die Europäische
Kommission und private Akteure vorangetriebene Abkommen in der Öffentlichkeit sowie bei vielen Politikern weitgehend unbekannt. Durch die Formierung einer lose zusammenhängenden Bewegung aus NGOs, Internetaktivisten und vor allem individuellen Internet-Nutzern wurde der internationale Vertrag binnen kurzer Zeit in der Öffentlichkeit thematisiert und politisiert. Der vorliegende Beitrag fragt nach der Rolle, die die Anti-ACTA-Bewegung für das Scheitern des Abkommens gespielt hat. Zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren und sozialen Bewegungen wird in der Literatur zu politischer Interessensvertretung im Gegensatz zu ressourcenstarken Akteuren nur wenig Durchsetzungsstärke in politischen Entscheidungsprozessen zugeschrieben. Vor diesem
Hintergrund wird anhand einer Diskursnetzwerkanalyse die Konfiguration des Diskurses um ACTA veranschaulicht und gezeigt, dass sich die ACTA-Gegner als eine von zwei konkurrierenden Diskurskoalitionen durchsetzen konnten. Durch die Besetzung zentraler Frames dominierten sie den Diskurs und konnten einen
wesentlichen Einfluss auf die parlamentarischen Entscheidungsträger in Europa ausüben. Die Analyse erfolgt mit Hilfe der Computer-Software Discourse Network Analyzer (DNA), die es ermöglicht, Akteure und Konzepte zu verknüpfen und die Entwicklung des Diskurses dynamisch zu visualisieren.

AbstractWhen a developing country negotiates with a large developed country it generally faces the problem of unequal bargaining power. Within the context of trade negotiations, forming coalitions is one natural response to this. However, even in multilateral contexts, the sources of bargaining power still operate to advantage the large developed state and developing states do not always gain strength from numbers. The experience of the Uruguay Round, especially the negotiations over intellectual property rights, suggests that developing countries have to think much more creatively about group life rather than focusing on the institutional reform of the World Trade Organization. Informaland formal groups have different advantages and disadvantages. A more formal structure along the lines proposed in this article would help developing countries to overcome the weaknesses of informal groups, especially the two-track dilemma. Developing countries need groups that encourage communication among themselves, especially in the hard bargaining stages of a trade round. Better communication among developing countries is the basis for making calculative trust more robust and allows for the possibility of forming some level of social identity trust.

Argues that conflict over the development & deployment of transgenic (TG) seeds reflects two fundamentally incompatible ways of life. Proponents use the prestige of science to legitimate their claim that TG seeds represent the future of agriculture. It is contended that science neither provides such a legitimation, nor hinders the exploration of alternative forms of agriculture that are more compatible with the struggle for social justice. TG seeds are genetically altered to enhance "desired" qualities &, although they are derived from farmer-selected (FS) seeds, they have been accorded intellectual property rights protections while FS seeds have not. The assertion that FS seeds cannot provide enough food to feed the world is challenged, arguing that agroecology research shows promise of providing alternative practices that increase quantity while preserving natural resources & functional biodiversity. Unlike materialist methods, agroecology also has the potential to empower communities, thereby reducing poverty. It is concluded that opponents of TG seeds must focus on agroecology as the most viable & equitable possibility for feeding everyone on the planet. J. Lindroth

The Indian Reorganization Act of 1935 is the proper avenue for Tribes pursuing restoration of their historic trust lands. The Oneida Indian Nation of New York long sought to reassert tribal jurisdiction over its historic homeland in Central New York. These efforts were largely unsuccessful until 2008 when the United States took 13,000 acres of this historic homeland into trust on behalf of the Tribe under the Indian Reorganization Act. This case affirms the federal government's plenary powers over Indian Tribes, and that neither state sovereignty principles, nor the Enclave Clause upset that authority.

William of Ockham's political works arose from his participation in the quarrel of poverty between the Papacy and the Franciscan order that involved the reflection on property. Because of the wholly dialectical nature of these works, and Ockham's constant references to the doctrinal sources of the discussion, it is difficult to determine to what extent the author is an original theoretician of property, and not a mere reviewer of the discussions in course. Here are analyzed the central theoretical terms of the Opus Nonaginta Dierum, his first individual political work -'factual use', 'use of right', 'dominion'-, their utilization in the debate on evangelical poverty with the Pope John XXII, and finally, the theory of natural right to property, as it is presented in the same work and in the later Breviloquium de potestate papae. The conclusion is that one of the main contributions of Ockham is having transferred the central concepts of the civil law of property -'inalienability', 'the power of claim', 'the power of resignement'- to a theory of natural right to property.

Implicit in the hegemonic "civilizing" discourse of nineteenth-century British imperialism was the assumption that Great Britain was a model to be followed by backward societies. Included in the British characterisics to be emulated was the status of their women. In this article I turn this assumption on its head by arguing that the capital accumulation permitting the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain was furthered not only by primogeniture, as many scholars have correctly argued, but also by a marriage regime in which wives and widows had few rights to property, for husbands were usually sole owners of all marital property and had full testamentary freedom. This arrangement permitted property to concentrate in male hands. In contrast, the marriage system based on Portuguese and Brazilian law was one of full community property, which gave wives veto power in the sale or mortgaging of all real estate and assured widows rights of succession to one-half of the marital property. This system was combined with limited testamentary freedom and equally partible inheritance for both sons and daughters. I argue that, though it was more equitable than the British system, it worked against the accumulation of capital.

In order to undermine Islamic discourse and to strengthen the Western discourse, terrorism-related issues have become popular among researchers and political analysts in recent decades especially after September 11th, 2001 in the United States to the extent that many people claim that Islam and Muslims are the epitome of terrorism and violence. Hence, this article aims to investigate the roots of terrorism based on strategic and operational policies of Imam Ali against the Kharijites, as the first terrorist group claiming Islam. The main question outlined here is based as follows: what are the intellectual and practical contexts of formation of terrorist groups? The main hypothesis outlined here is as follows: Considering the strategic and operational policies of Imam Ali against the Kharijites, it is claimed that intellectual and practical contexts and roots of terrorist groups are based on targeted injection of interpretation and a deviated definition of Islamic beliefs and values.

Розглянуто актуальні проблеми основних правових форм інноваційного інвестування в контексті формування комплексного інституту господарського права – інституту інноваційного інвестування як одного з найперспективніших механізмів правового забезпечення господарської діяльності в Україні, а також можливість самостійного розвитку та законодавчої інституціоналізації інноваційного інвестування. ; Рассматриваются актуальные проблемы основных правовых форм инновационного инвестирования в контексте формирования комплексного института хозяйственного права, а именно института инновационного инвестирования, как одного из самых перспективных вопросов правового обеспечения хозяйственной деятельности в Украине, а также возможность самостоятельного развития и законодательной институционализации инновационного инвестирования. ; The work contains a discussion of pressing issues of the codification of investment and innovation legislation, the possibility of self-development and legal institutionalization of innovative investment.The rapid development of investment and innovative legislation raised the need for codification of these sub-branches of the economy legislation, but we should pay attention to the what, that the so-termed development of legislation does not occur independently of one another. Its conversion - an important aspect of it is also demanded by the very nature of modern economic relations.The further development of the legislative control of the innovative investment required separation of legislative support and legal forms of innovative investment, which also should become content-structural elements of the Law of Ukraine "On innovative investment''.Thus, innovative product may be invested on terms of different legal regimes. The general includes both individual intellectual property and any technology as a synthetic object, industrial design, etc., on which turnover of which the legislation ofUkrainedoes not provide any specific requirements. In turn, the special subject is the certain types of technologies with a special regime of the turnover and use.Thus, innovative investment at the present stage of economic law presents a comprehensive institution of the innovative and investment law, which should earn a place back in the system of law and legislation as a seamless legal enforcement mechanism.