Suchergebnisse

Sammlung von Beiträgen über das Verhältnis von Rechtspolitik, Gesetzgebung und politischem Entscheidungsprozeß in Großbritannien, Frankreich, Deutschland, Italien, Niederlande, Belgien und der EG. (AuD-Ber)

Politics, Media and Campaign Language' is an original, groundbreaking analysis of the story of Australian identity, told in Australian election campaign language. Stephanie Brookes argues that the story of Australian identity is characterized by recurring cycles of anxiety and reassurance, which betray a deep underlying feeling of insecurity. Introducing the concept of 'identity security', the book focuses on electoral language and demonstrates that election campaigns provide a valuable window into an overlooked part of Australia's political and cultural history. 'Politics, Media and Campaign Language' reclaims Australian campaign speech and electoral history to tell the story of changing national values and priorities, and traces the contours of collective conversations about national identity.

Several recent books on India have focused on issues of nationalism and ethnic conflict, policy and ideological differences, parties and elections, and the stability of Indian democracy. The most useful contributions to the understanding of Indian politics and to social science theory have come from works that use analytical categories that have proven themselves cross-culturally (namely, those of class, status group, and power), and that lay bare through case studies the sources of the conflicts and cleavages in Indian society that both threaten and sustain democracy. Less useful are works that impose on Indian political behavior explanatory frameworks, political ideals, and methodologies derived from Western political history and culture-bound social science, such as political divisions between Left and non-Left, the two-party system, citizenship, and survey research.

Milan Kundera warned that in in the states of East-Central Europe, attitudes to the west and the idea of Europe' were complex and could even be hostile. But few could have imagined how the collapse of communism and membership of the EU would confront these countries with a life that was suddenly and disconcertingly modern' and which challenged sustaining traditions in literature, culture, politics and established views on identity. Since the countries of East-Central Europe joined the European Union in 2004 the politicians and oppositionists of the centre-left, who once led the charge against communism, have often been forced to give way to right-wing, authoritarian, populist governments. These governments, while keen to accept EU finance, have been determined to present themselves as protecting their traditional ethno-national inheritance, resisting foreign interference', stemming the gay invasion', halting Islamic replacement' and reversing women's rights. They have blamed Communists, liberals, foreigners, Jews and Gypsies, revised abortion laws, tampered with their constitutions to control the Justice system and taken over the media to an astonishing degree. By 2019, amid calls for the suspension of their voting rights, both Poland and Hungary had been taken to the European Court of Justice and the European Parliament and had begun to explore ways to put conditions on future EU funding. This book focuses on the interface between tradition, literature and politics in east-central Europe, focusing mainly on Poland but also Hungary and the Czech Republic. It explores literary tradition and the role of writers to ask why these left-liberals, who were once ubiquitous in the struggles with communism, are now marginalised, often reviled and almost entirely absent from political debate. It asks, in what ways the advent of capitalism normalised' literature and what the consequences might be? It asks whether the rise of chauvinism is normal' in this part of the world and whether the literary traditions that helped sustain independent political thought through the communist years now, instead of supporting literature, feed nationalist opinion and negative attitudes to the idea of Europe'.

Henry VI (1422–61) was one of the most spectacularly inadequate kings of England, and his reign dissolved into the conflict known as the Wars of the Roses. Yet he held on to his throne for thirty-nine years and, for almost thirty of them, without much difficulty. What was the nature of Henry's inadequacy, and why did it have such ambivalent and complicated results? Since the 1970s most histories of fifteenth-century England have focused on the individual interests and private connections of politicians as a means of making sense of politics. By contrast, this 1996 work argues that we can understand what happened in Henry VI's reign only if we look at common interests and public connections as well. Ultimately it is the problem of establishing royal authority which emerges as paramount, with the supposedly factious and 'overmighty' nobility appearing as doomed but devoted servants of the state

"Following one of the most contentious and truth-challenged presidential administrations and elections in U.S. history, there has never been a greater need for an American government text like this--evidence-based, critically thoughtful, and contemporary in tone and touch. This text teaches students to think analytically by presenting current political science theories and research in answering the engaging, big questions facing American politics today. It serves as an introduction to the discipline-covering the Constitution, political behavior, formal and informal institutions, and public policy--by reflecting the theoretical developments and types of empirical inquiry conducted by researchers. For introductory courses in American government, this text covers theory and methods as well"--

Conflict over information is a central part of twenty-first century life. Tim Jordan examines the nature of an information politics that has emergede with the rise of mass digital cultures and the internet. He located it within a field of power and rebellion that is populated by social and political struggles. This book is the ideal place to start for anyone approaching the rapidly changing terrain of digital culture and conflict. -- from back cover