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The body is the heart of street arts. Here, body sensations are explored, exploited, controlled, shared or discarded. For this reason, this text would like to mention how street artists put the sense of viewers without going below. By proposing a linear illustration of how three of the main meanings of odorate, hearing and viewing of the public are mobilised, we would like to reflect the importance of the body in street arts, not in a desire to analyse the work of artists, but rather by recalling how these forms of arts seek to "touch" the spectator's body. ; The body is the court of the arts of the street. Here, the bodily sensations are explored, exploited, controlled, shared or rejected. That is why this present desired text modestly mention how the street artists shall bring the meaning of spectators without above-below. ; The body is the heart of street arts. Here, body sensations are explored, exploited, controlled, shared or discarded. For this reason, this text would like to mention how street artists put the sense of viewers without going below. By proposing a linear illustration of how three of the main meanings of odorate, hearing and viewing of the public are mobilised, we would like to reflect the importance of the body in street arts, not in a desire to analyse the work of artists, but rather by recalling how these forms of arts seek to "touch" the spectator's body. ; Le corps est le cœur des arts de la rue. Ici, les sensations corporelles sont explorées, exploitées, maîtrisées, partagées ou rejetées. C'est pourquoi ce présent texte souhaite modestement évoquer comment les artistes de rue mettent les sens des spectateurs sans dessus-dessous. En proposant d'illustrer linéairement comment trois des principaux sens que sont l'odorat, l'ouïe et la vue du public sont mobilisés, on souhaite rendre compte de l'importance du corps dans les arts de la rue, non pas dans une volonté d'analyser le travail des artistes mais en rappelant plutôt en quoi ces formes d'arts cherchent à " toucher " le corps des ...

What drives the patrons of a small state to become the protectors of the arts? Wolf Dietrich of Salzburg. This is why small states use their time and leisure for artistic activities. Demanding social demand from major powers. Why big powers honour their mechanics more than their poets. Toynbee on the shift from individual creativity to social life. Why smaller states provide a greater opportunity to acquire knowledge than large units. Modern specialised talent, old universal genies. Historical examples of productivity in small states. The Greek Statements, the Italian Statements and the German Statements. The English civilisation created during a period of England's political grandfathering. The end of cultural productivity as a result of political unification. Toynbee on political unification as a sign of cultural decline. ; Qu'est-ce qui conduit les patrons d'un petit état à devenir les protecteurs des arts ? Wolf Dietrich de Salzbourg. Raison pour laquelle les petits états usent leurs temps et leurs loisirs à des activités artistiques. Demande sociale astreignante des grandes puissances. Pourquoi les grandes puissances honorent leur mécanique plus que leurs poètes. Toynbee sur le repli de la créativité individuelle vers la vie sociale. Pourquoi les petits états donnent une plus grande opportunité pour acquérir du savoir que de larges unités. Les talents modernes spécialisés, les anciens génies universels. Exemples historiques de productivité des petits états. Les cités-états grecques, les cités états italiennes, les cités-états allemandes. La civilisation anglaise créée durant une période de petitesse politique de l'Angleterre. La fin de la productivité culturelle en tant que résultat de l'unification politique. Toynbee sur l'unification politique comme signe de déclin culturel.

"This article presents a narrative of the unfolding of the Second Demographic Transition (SDT) since the theory was first formulated in 1986. The first part recapitulates the foundations of the theory, and documents the spread of the SDT to the point that it now covers most European populations. Also for Europe, it focuses on the relationship between the SDT and the growing heterogeneity in period fertility levels. It is shown that the current positive relationship between SDT and TFR levels is not a violation of the SDT theory, but the outcome of a 'split correlation' with different sub-narratives concerning the onset of fertility postponement and the degree of subsequent recuperation in two parts of Europe. The second part of the article addresses the issue of whether the SDT has spread or is currently spreading in industrialized Asian countries. Evidence gathered for Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan is presented. That evidence pertains to both the macro-level (national trends in postponement of marriage and parenthood, rise of cohabitation) and the micro-level (connections between individual values orientations and postponement of parenthood). Strong similarities are found with SDT patterns in Southern Europe, except for the fact that parenthood is still very rare among Asian cohabiting partners." (author's abstract)

"This contribution looks at the recent transformations of reproductive and family behavior in Central and Eastern Europe and their interpretations. First the author looks at the development of family trends from a long-term perspective, focusing especially on the period of state socialism between the late 1940s and the late 1980s. A subsequent analysis of fertility shifts after 1989 shows that despite similar trends, such as plummeting fertility rates and a postponement of childbearing in the 1990s, considerable diversity in family and fertility patterns has emerged during the 1990s and 2000s. This diversity is manifested by strong contrasts between countries in the spread of cohabitation, non-marital fertility, timing of births and marriages, share of one-child families, as well as abortion rates. Similarly, reproductive behavior more differentiated by social status. Among the few aspects widely shared across countries is a persistent high valuation of parenthood and family life. To discuss these trends, he outlines the contours of societal trends after 1989 and highlight selected theories and explanations of rapid fertility changes. Without being mutually exclusive, four perspectives are particularly useful: the economic crisis/ uncertainty view, the 'second demographic transition', the 'postponement transition' and the 'contraceptive revolution'. The 'postponement transition, manifested by a shift of childbearing to higher reproductive ages, arguably constitutes the most important factors behind fertility declines in the 1990s, as period fertility was strongly negatively affected by such shifts in fertility timing (this influence is often labeled as a 'tempo effect'). Similarly, a gradual fertility increase observed in most countries of the region after 2000, was in part stimulated by a declining 'tempo effect.' Public discourses, however, often ignore such influences and tend to concentrate on the period fertility declines and population declines that took place in most of the region." (author's abstract)