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This paper argues that there existed a specifically French tradition of conceptualizing civil society, developed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, which differed in important respects from the Anglo-American emphasis on the market sphere. It shows that this tradition, which had its roots in Montesquieu's Esprit des lois, and was exemplified most famously in the writings of Alexis de Tocqueville, argued for the existence of a third, intermediary sphere between the government and the people as indispensable for the preservation of political liberty. At the same time, this paper shows how the French thinkers here discussed feared that the preservation of this intermediate sphere of civil society was threatened by the rise of modern, individualistic society. French defenders of civil society were therefore highly critical of modernity – a critical attitude which seems to have been inherited by some of their contemporary descendants, such as Robert Putnam. ; In diesem Papier wird die These vertreten, dass sich im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert eine besondere französische Tradition der Begriffsbildung von "Zivilgesellschaft" entwickelte, die sich in wichtigen Bereichen von der angloamerikanischen Betonung der Sphäre des Marktes unterschied. Es zeigt, dass in dieser Tradition, wurzelnd in Montesquieus Esprit des lois und in den bekannten Schriften von Alexis de Tocqueville, die Existenz einer dritten, intermediären Sphäre zwischen Regierung und Volk postuliert wurde, welche als unverzichtbar für die Bewahrung politischer Freiheit angesehen wurde. Zugleich zeigt das Papier, dass die hier untersuchten französischen Denker befürchteten, die Entwicklung der modernen individualistischen Gesellschaft bedrohe die Wahrung dieser intermediären Sphäre der Zivilgesellschaft. Die französischen Verteidiger der Zivilgesellschaft waren daher gegenüber der Moderne äußerst kritisch eingestellt – eine Haltung, die auf ihre geistigen Nachkommen in der Gegenwart wie beispielsweise Robert Putnam abgefärbt zu haben scheint.

AbstractA rather unique feature of global climate negotiations is that most governments allow representatives of civil society organisations to be part of their national delegation. It remains unclear, however, why states grant such access in the first place. While there are likely to be benefits from formally including civil society, there are also substantial costs stemming from constraints on sovereignty. In light of this tradeoff, this article argues for a 'contagion' effect that explains this phenomenon besides domestic determinants. In particular, states, which are more central to the broader network of global governance, are more likely to be informed of and influenced by other states' actions and policies toward civil society. In turn, more central governments are likely to include civil society actors if other governments do so as well. This argument is tested with data on the participation of civil society organisations in national delegations to global climate negotiations between 1995 and 2005. To further uncover the underlying mechanisms, the article also provides an analysis of survey data collected at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) negotiations in Durban in 2011.

Several recent social movements have revived the theme of autonomy & self-defense of civil society against the state. Their efforts to create postbourgeois civil societies, however, have been blocked by the problem of sovereignty. The new movements seek to defend civil society's autonomy against the institutionalizations of state & economy. However, they require institutional embodiments to preserve their own gains. All the new movements tacitly recognize that civil society & the modern state are complementary, & thus are compelled to pursue dualistic strategies. An analysis of the concept of sovereignty suggests forms that can be taken by arguments against the centralization of sovereignty. Some considerations for strategies leading toward pluralism are outlined. 1 Figure. W. H. Stoddard

Preliminary Material -- Introduction -- 1 Understanding Women in Faith-Based Volunteering: Gender, Religion and Civil Society Factors -- 2 Profiles of Targeted Organizations and Volunteer Groups: Shinnyoen, Risshō Kōseikai and the Roman Catholic Church -- 3 Women Volunteers in Faith-Based Groups: A Profile -- 4 Visions of Self and Society: Women's Voices -- 5 Volunteering in a Faith-Based Group: The Elusive Role of Religiosity -- 6 Exploring Women's Trajectories of Self in Faith-Based Volunteer Groups -- Conclusion -- Appendix -- Bibliography -- Index.

Nontraditional forms of civil society in the US are discussed using the example of Mormon morality, exchange, & gift-giving. In the Western tradition, civil society has been historically defined as a contractual relationship between the private realm & the state mediated by the ideologies of capitalism & individualism. However, it is argued that noncapitalist & nonindividualistic forms of civil society exist both within & outside of the West. Mormon moral doctrines regarding family life & gift-giving deny self-interest, thereby creating a form of civil society that deviates from the traditional Western model. Through work, Mormons are made part of the community, & both work & community are regarded as virtues. Therefore, civil society is grounded in virtue & mortality, rather than monetary exchange. This undermines the capitalist state's primary form of interaction with its citizens (through money) & creates social distance between the state & the Mormon community. It is concluded that civil society need not be built on the premises of capitalism & individualism. 16 References. T. Sevier

1 February 2024 marked the third year since the military in Myanmar attempted to take power but was instead met with fierce civil resistance which has continued up to today. The post-coup resistance movement, referred to locally as 'Spring Revolution', forms a new phase for civil society in Myanmar, a widely diverse group of actors … Continued

The article emphasizes that the international community is an area of free expression by citizens of their potential, consisting of voluntary organizations and associations and free from government interference. Social movements, mass media, political parties, trade unions, public associations, non-governmental non-profit organizations, citizens' self-government bodies, creative associations are institutions of civil society. The article also emphasizes that one of the features of civil society is that membership in all public organizations of the non-state system must be voluntary

Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- 1 State Power, Social Power -- State and Civil Society in Hegel and Marx -- From Civil Society to the Social -- 2 From Imperialism to Ideology -- State and Revolution, Parliament and Imperialism -- Hegemony and the Expanded State -- Ideology and State Apparatuses -- 3 Foucault and the End of Politics -- Foucault's Contribution to the Critique of Political Theory -- From Law and the State to Administration and the Social -- On the Subject of Resistance and War -- 4 The Normality of the English: Rethinking State and Class in Britain -- 'Bourgeois Revolution' and the 'Peculiarities' of the English -- Structure, Struggle and Working Class Incorporation -- Whither the Revolution? -- Expanding the Concept of the Political: Administration -- 5 Political Administration in Britain: The Fashioning of the Market, the Constitution of Legal Subjectivity and the Subsumption of Struggle -- The New Poor Law, Labour, and State Administration -- Citizenship and Social Class, the Franchise and the State -- Casework, Unemployment, Insurance: English Working Citizens and their Families -- The Subjectivity of Labour and Capital: Trade Unions, Corporations and the State -- On Law and Administration -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

Civic consciousness can be understood as a process associated with the formation of a set of ideas about citizenship, the prospects for the development of society. With this regard the article deals with the issues of the regulatory functions in the civil society, its foundations and elements in the formation of civil society. A strong political relationship between the state and the citizen is an essential condition for an established civil society. The quality and scope of these relationships depend on the civic consciousness that is embedded in the person, and ultimately the civic consciousness that is formed in the individual is manifested through civic activism. The active participation of citizens is very important in the formation of civil society, but we also want to emphasize the important role of civic consciousness in ensuring the legitimacy of the existing socio-political relations.

This paper describes a simple, two-stage model of local government which deals with multi-dimensional policy space in a straightforward way. It also identifies the incorporation of civil society into the local governance process as one of the keys to effective government.

Youth participation in civil society and political life is increasingly recognized as an important development objective. The opportunities for participation that young people experience in their communities may influence their development and the types of transitions they make to adulthood. Behaviors and attitudes relating to community participation that individuals adopt as young people predict lifelong civic affiliations and perspectives. In India, the National Youth Policy 2003 has underscored the role of India's youth in political decision-making, and has argued for greater representation of youth in appropriate bodies as well as for more extensive youth participation in the design and implementation of programs. There is a recognition that today's youth can play an important role in influencing political processes and socioeconomic development. However, evidence that sheds light on the extent to which youth participate in civil society and political life remains limited in India. This policy brief documents the participation of youth in civil society in Tamil Nadu, the extent to which they uphold secular attitudes, and their perceptions about and participation in political processes.

ABSTRACTThe emphasis in this article is on the trends which speak of governance rather than government. Governance refers to the role of citizens in the policy process and how groups within a society organize to make and implement decisions on matters of great concern. The focus is on democratic governance as taking place through networks in developing countries. These networks are referred to as state‐civil society networks and are defined as cross‐sectoral collaborations in which the view is not of individuals, per se, but rather of individual actors who are seen as a connected and interdependent whole. Three case studies of such state‐civil society networks provide some preliminary lessons which suggest four situational variables for the emergence and success of these networks. These include: regime type, level of trust, legal framework and regulations, and the nature of the policy to be implemented. They also suggest some effective mechanisms and processes based on ad hoc vs formalizedmechanisms, initiation of the network and coordinating linkages.