Suchergebnisse

El artículo analiza las iniciativas de comunicación relacionadas con la igualdad de oportunidades entre mujeres y hombres. El objetivo es analizar con enfoque de género las acciones realizadas por parte de las instituciones públicas regionales y locales para sensibilizar y promover la conciliación entre la vida familiar y laboral de seis comunidades autónomas (Andalucía, Cataluña, Comunidad Valenciana, Galicia, Madrid y País Vasco) y de sus capitales, desde 1999 (cuando se aprueba la ley de conciliación) hasta 2007 (se aprueba la ley de igualdad). La información sobre publicidad convencional fue proporcionada por Infoadex. Para la recogida de otro tipo de iniciativas a través de medios menos convencionales se acudió a cuatro fuentes institucionales: 1) Ayuntamientos de las capitales, como fuente estrictamente local, 2) Diputaciones de la capital de la Comunidad Autónoma, como fuente provincial, 3) Direcciones Generales de la Mujer o instituciones análogas como fuente de información a nivel regional o autonómico y, por último, 4) otras concejalías vinculadas al tema de la corresponsabilidad, cuyo radio de acción también es autonómico. Los resultados, aunque con diferencias entre regiones, reflejan carencias en la cobertura de las acciones que llevan a cuestionar la falta de estrategia política en términos de comunicación, pese a la introducción sistemática de estos objetivos en la agenda internacional (ONU y UE) y del gobierno español. En consecuencia, las campañas publicitarias e iniciativas recogidas contribuyen a la visibilización del problema y al empoderamiento, pero no tanto al objetivo de la paridad. ; The article analyses the communication initiatives related to equal opportunities between women and men. The aim is to use a gender approach to analyze the actions taken by the regional and local government institutions to promote the work-family reconciliation in six areas (Andalusia, Catalonia, the Region of Valencia, Galicia, Madrid and the Basque Country) from 1999 (when the law of work-family reconciliation is passed) to 2007 (the law of effective equality is passed). The information concerning conventional advertising was provided by Infoadex. To get information of less conventional media, we use four types of institutional resources:1) city councils of the capitals of the six regions, as a strictly local source, 2) provincial councils of the capitals, as a provincial source, 3) regional directorates for women or similar institutions as a source of information on a regional level, and finally, 4) other council departments linked to the theme of co-responsibility, with a regional scope of action. Although the results show differences between regions, they highlight deficiencies in terms of parity and mainstreaming. The limitations detected in the number and type of actions taken, therefore, prompt us to question the existence of a medium to long-term political strategy as regards communication and education, despite the systematic introduction of these objectives to the international agenda and that of the Spanish government. The advertising campaigns and collected initiatives contribute to enhancing the visibility of the problem, and the actions taken fundamentally contribute to empowerment, but do not work towards the objective of parity.

Strengthening local governance : a conceptual lens for the study of GO-NGO collaborative programmes -- Government initiatives for strengthening local governance in Bangladesh -- Collaborative programmes : collective GO-NGO measures -- Shepherding capacity building through GO-NGO collaboration -- The role of GO-NGO teamwork in increasing people's participation in local governance -- Collaboration between an NGO project and local government institutions : an effort to improve accountability and transparency -- Do GO-NGO collaborative efforts bring fiscal autonomy of local government units? A scrutiny -- Mainstreaming gender in the local governance : the outcomes of collaboration between local government units and an NGO project -- NGOs' collaboration with local government institutions : aspects, sustainability and challenges -- Conclusion : insights for theory, policy implications, and modelling of GO-NGO collaboration.

The paper seeks to explore the transformative essence of intellectual feminism in Africa, with particular reference to the contributions of Amina Mama. Following textual and contextual exegeses of works by or on the focal scholar-activist, as well as insights drawn on extant literature on aspects of her gender/feminist engagements/scholarship, the paper posits that Amina Mama has made significant transformative contributions in various sites of intellectual feminism, especially in the areas of intellectual resourcing, academic leadership and mentoring, as well as strategic scholarly activism/advocacy. Among other things, the study intends to set an agenda on how to effectively link feminist scholarship to practice in an effort to mainstreaming social transformation in Africa.

This article examines the implications of European Union & national policy directions for women's integration into the labor markets of southern European countries. First, there is a discussion of the distinctive nature of women's integration into the labor markets of Greece, Italy, Portugal, & Spain. Secondly, the paper considers the implications of recent policy directions with respect to public-sector employment, payment structures, small firms, flexible work, & policies to reconcile employment & family life. Despite the welcome focus on mainstreaming gender equality into EU employment policies, many of the developments discussed in this paper would seem to be contradictory to this commitment. 11 Tables, 61 References. Adapted from the source document.

Norah Barongo-Muweke aims to reconstruct a theory of citizenship education for the postcolonial South. She works towards fostering scientific construction and mainstreaming of postcoloniality as analytical category, dimension of gender, policy, sustainable learning and societal transformation. A consistent conceptual framework for theorising together gender and postcoloniality is absent so far. In her analyses citizenship awareness and its bedrock institutions are eroded. Contents Deconstructing Postcolonial Ambivalence in Educational Perspective Decolonization Sociological Invisiblization Political Didactic Structuring of Consciousness The Need for Localizing Research Clarifying Philosophical Underpinnings Target groups Researchers, teachers and students in social and educational science Educational planers, educationists, curriculum developers, policy makers, international development partners and academic funding institutions The Author Dr. Norah Barongo-Muweke is a Post-doc scientist at the Center for South-North Cooperation in Educational Research and practice at the Carl von Ossietzky University of Oldenburg in scientific collaboration with AGORA Politische Bildung, Institut für Politische Wissenschaft, Leibniz Universität Hannover

Recent research has directed attention to the transformative potential of war for female empowerment. As a disruptive shock, armed conflict can create a window of opportunity for advancing the societal role of women. We complement this research agenda by looking at how conflict severity and termination condition the outcomes for women in the aftermath of civil conflict. We expect that both level of violence and mode of resolution affect subsequent female empowerment, where severe conflicts ending by a negotiated settlement have the greatest transformative potential. Consistent with expectations, we find that post-conflict improvements in female empowerment occur primarily after high-intensity civil conflicts. However, subsequent tests reveal that this effect is driven largely by conflicts terminated by peace agreements. The greatest improvement in female empowerment is seen when peace agreements have gender-specific provisions. These results support calls for a sustained effort toward mainstreaming gender issues in conflict resolution and peacebuilding processes.

In recent years, regional integration has gained considerable importance among policymakers in Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal (often referred to as the BBIN region). There is an understanding that enhanced intra-regional trade can be a powerful tool in accelerating economic growth and reducing poverty in the BBIN region. Tapping into this potential requires careful attention to issues of exclusion and in ensuring that women and men have equal opportunity to participate and benefit from enhanced regional trade. This article discusses challenges and opportunities for women's participation in regional trade, presents a case study of women's participation and proposes policy recommendations for inclusive intra-BBIN trade expansion. The recommendations include strengthening female-dominated sectors with potential for intra-regional trade, supporting women's transition to higher levels of trade value chains, facilitating female entrepreneurs' access to productive resources and cross-border markets, mainstreaming gender in trade policy design and implementation and adopting gender-sensitive trade facilitation measures.

This Report is a review of the Norwegian support to INTA, the Nicaraguan Institute for Agricultural Technology. It was established in 1993 with major support from the World Bank but Swiss Aid, COSUDE, also played an important role. INTA is a public entity with a major mandate in agricultural extension and research. Norway has supported research and extensions activities since the 1980s and also a special project for female farmers. At the request of the Government of Nicaragua an agreement was signed with Norway in 1996. The Norwegian support to INTA consisted of two major components, namely: • Support for the Process of the Generation and Transfer of Agricultural Technology and Training; and • Training and Technical Assistance for Women Farmers. - PROCATEPA Although the first Project has specific objectives and activities over time Norwegian support became more of a core (budget) support to INTA as such. This was probably a positive development since it provided INTA with needed flexibility in allocating donor funding to priority activities. For this reason, instead of trying to analyse the NORAD support, a number of key issues was identified and analysed. The PROCATEPA project was primarily a NORAD supported project and was reviewed in some detail. NORAD support to INTA has been small compared to the over-all budget and the funding provided by the World Bank. Nevertheless, Norwegian support has been substantial. In total (1997-2000) about USD 3.8 million was provided. Of this sum about USD 1 million was for PROCATEPA. INTA has a well developed system for monitoring its activities. A large amount of information is collected yearly on the different aspects of INTA activities. Apart from regular reviews there has only been one evaluation and it was carried out by the National Agricultural University in 1997. The available information does not permit an assessment of the impact of INTA on technological innovations of the beneficiaries. Having said this, available data and the interviews with stakeholders suggest that INTA has had a positive impact on the technological development and the standard of living of the beneficiaries. Training of INTA staff, particularly upgrading extension agents to a university degree, has been a priority area. NORAD's support was particularly important in this respect. With the assistance of INTA staff some data processing was carried out. Between 1997 and 2001 the percentage of INTA staff members with a university degree actually declined from 34 to 28 percent. A significant number of INTA students was either fired our resigned. Moreover, there was a large number of un- or underemployed agronomists in Nicaragua. And only 13% of the scholarships were awarded to female students. There were good reasons to assign priority to extension and to secure that research activities supported extension. There was a positive interaction between research and extension within INTA. Nevertheless, the issue of research training has been virtually ignored by INTA and there is not one PhD holder within INTA. In summary, the benefits of INTA support (and NORAD's) to training do not seem to justify the costs and there was a strong gender imbalance. Although there was a strong gender imbalance with respect to the scholarships awarded there has been a slight improvement in the gender balance within INTA. While the share of women within INTA only increased slightly between 1997 and 2001, (from 27 to 28 percent), the share of women with university education increased from 19 to 23 percent. NORAD's support to PROCATEPA has been successful in many respects. While in the past the focus was on providing special support to women projects (WID - Women in Development) INTA has developed a framework for providing support to families with a focus on women priority areas. Significant methodological development and training have been carried out. In this way there has been a significant mainstreaming of gender issues within INTA. As of 2000 a new Program me for technological development was introduced. It has a long time horizon, 16 years. The lead donor has been the World Bank. But IFAD and Swiss Aid are contributing as well. During the planning phase, Norway explicitly stated its wish to participate in a Sector Wide Approach (SWAP). However, for several reason such as the weakness of the Ministry of Agriculture to take a strong co-ordinating role, the lack of interest of the World Bank to develop a jointly funded national programme, and the desire of INTA to continue to receive Norwegian bi-lateral funding Norway never became an active partner in the development of the new programme. In summary, since its creation in 1993, INTA has become an important institution in agricultural applied and adaptive research and extension. Norwegian support to INTA has been important in this respect and not least to gender mainstreaming. It is recommended, in line with SWAP policies, that in the future, Norway should not continue with bi-lateral funding. In this context, there are two basic options, either to conclude NORAD's present support to agricultural research and extension or to engage in a long term programme funding with other donors, not least the World Bank. ; NORAD

The key question addressed in this article is how to reconceptualise migrant integration at the level of urban governance in the face of the changing nature of migration-related diversity. There is a growing number of cities in Europe that can be defined as superdiverse cities, or cities where people with a migration background make up such a substantial part of the city population and are so diverse that it becomes difficult to speak of distinct migrant minorities. This article discusses the implications the changing nature of migration-related diversity has for urban governance. First, it argues that rather than thinking of integration in the sense of coherent national models of integration, integration should be redefined as a local issue. If it is conceptualised as a local issue, how should proper relations be developed between various levels of government in order to prevent policy decoupling or policy contradictions? Secondly, not only does this article argue that we should go through a local turn in our conceptualisation of the governance of migration-related diversity, it also pinpoints a specific direction in which local governance can develop: mainstreaming. Borrowing from the literatures of gender, disability, and environmental mainstreaming, it is argued that the structural character of migration-related diversity in contemporary cities requires a structural approach embedded in generic policies. Thirdly, the article discusses what this local turn and mainstreaming mean for relations between the local level and other levels of governance. Speaking to the literature on multi-level governance, it discusses to what extent the local turn in the governance of migration-related diversity has led to effective coordination between governance levels, or rather to evidence of what may be described as decoupling or disjointed governance. ; U radu se istražuju mogućnosti rekonceptualizacije pitanja integracije migranata na razini upravljanja gradovima uzevši u obzir promjene u području različitosti povezanih s migracijom. Sve je više europskih gradova koji odgovaraju definiciji "super-različitih", tj. radi se o gradovima gdje migrantska populacija čini znatan postotak ukupnog broja stanovnika i toliko je raznovrsna da se sve teže mogu razlikovati individualne migrantske skupine. U radu se razmatra kako različitosti povezane s migracijom utječu na upravljanje gradovima. Iznosi se teza da integracija ne bi trebala predstavljati cjelovite nacionalne ntegracijske modele, već da bi se trebala definirati kao lokalno pitanje. Tu se nameće pitanje kako urediti odnose između različitih razina upravljanja kako bi se izbjeglo razdvajanje politike (policy decoupling) te nastajanje proturječne politike. Nadalje, osim što se autor zalaže za konceptualizaciju upravljanja različitostima povezanih s migracijom kao lokalnog pitanja, u radu se predlaže smjer kojim bi lokalna vladavina mogla krenuti. Po uzoru na literaturu koja govori o ravnopravnosti (mainstreaming) u temama rodne različitosti, invaliditeta i zaštite okoliša, u radu se iznosi teza da strukturna priroda različitosti povezanih s migracijom u suvremenim gradovima zahtijeva strukturni pristup ugrađen u generičke politike. Također se govori o mogućem utjecaju lokalne definicije integracije na odnose između lokalne razine i ostalih razina upravljanja. S osvrtom na literaturu iz područja višerazinskog upravljanja govori se o mjeri u kojoj je lokalna definicija integracije dovela do učinkovite koordinacije između različitih razina upravljanja, tj. o primjerima onoga što se može nazvati razdvajanje politike ili neuslađenosti u upravljanju.

The main purposes of this report are to (i) advise CIDA/ATF on what it should expect from the UN Mine Action Service (UNMAS) in terms of reporting on development results, and (ii) assess feasible timelines and approaches for the transfer of UN responsibilities for mine action in Afghanistan to national organs, capable of addressing the country's future problems stemming from explosives contamination. The specific objectives of the assessment relate to: 1. Donor coordination, particularly as this relates to the UNMAS/MACA exit strategy and the emergence of national ownership; 2. Nationalisation, particularly with respect to the transition to full national ownership; 3. Mainstreaming components of mine action in support of reconstruction and development; 4. MACA capacity for monitoring and evaluation of development results, including gender. The report is organised as follows: Chapter 1 provides a background on Afghanistan, the nature and extent of its explosives contamination problem, and a brief history of the Mine Action Programme for Afghanistan (MAPA). Chapter 2 outlines the current status of the MAPA, the MACA, Government of Afghanistan (GoA) units involved in mine action, and government-donor coordination mechanisms for mine action. Chapter 3 provides the assessment team's analysis vis-à-vis MACA and MAPA more broadly, donor coordination, nationalisation, mainstreaming, and monitoring and evaluation. Chapter 4 provides our principal conclusions and recommendations.

This report is about women in Morocco who continue to face obstacles in social, economic, and political participation. These obstacles are a result of discriminatory legislative frameworks, social norms that restrict legal rights, and limited economic participation. Women's economic participation in Morocco was at 26 percent which is among the lowest in the world, and has not changed since 1990. The ultimate objective is to promote women's empowerment as a means to achieve a more inclusive, open, and prosperous society. This report is arranged as follows :(a) chapter one will present the progress thus far and the remaining important challenges for women in Morocco.; (b) chapters two and three focus on economic empowerment and employment outcomes and on the remaining legislative and or social discrimination that continue to restrict women agency in chapter four; and (c) chapter five will conclude by presenting some key areas of strategic intervention for the government and other development actors which are not only of greater potential impact but also a prerequisite for women's agency and empowerment. The main findings in the report are as follows: (i) unequal access to education and resources continue to hinder women's human development progress; (ii) gender segregation in terms of employment is pervasive, with women mostly working in low productivity sectors; (iii) demographic factors and social norms also affect women's decisions to join the labor force; (iv) only fifteen percent of women in urban areas are employed, against sixty two percent of men, and this gap has remained virtually unchanged in the past; (vi) there is a substantial wage gap between men and women, even when controlling for education and professions; and (vii) traditional explanations for Female Labor Force Participation (FLFP) long-term trends account only partially for Morocco's observed outcomes. Agency has a role, often a strong one, in contributing to women's human development and economic opportunities, and opening opportunities for greater participation in social and political life. Despite important reforms, gaps remain in the legal framework, negatively impacting economic, social, and political development for women. The main conclusions and recommendations are follows: (a) much has been done but much remains to be done to improve women's access to economic opportunities and individual empowerment; (b) women can actively contribute to Morocco's economic growth only if the remaining barriers that still prevent women from working in high productivity sectors are removed; (c) removing regulatory barriers and easing the access to credit for female entrepreneurs is key to creating more jobs; (d) further reforms of the Labor code could be designed taking into account specific obstacles to women's economic participation; (e) government action to level the playing field across the lifecycle would strengthen women's opportunities and ultimately socio-economic outcomes; (f) the Goverment of Morocco (GoM) has taken considerable steps in closing gender equality gaps in law, but action is needed to ensure consistency throughout legislative frameworks; and (g) mainstreaming gender into policy action is key to achieving gender equality and women empowerment.

This article analyzes the experience of the Central of Workers of Argentina (CTA) from its origins (1991) to its fracture (2010), taking contributions from gender studies to analyze the incorporation of the demands and demands of the workers as subjects politicians in the union spaces, attending to three central aspects: a) the articulation between the trade union center and the women's and feminist movement, b) the mainstreaming of the gender perspective in its main policies and c) the participation of women in the national driving instances. To do this we use different bibliographical and documentary sources, as well as interviews with the two heads of the Gender and Equality of Opportunities Secretariat of the CTA to recover their views on these problematic issues in a context crossed by the tensions and disputes that They confront the political protagonism of feminisms with neoliberal and neopatriarcal restoration policies, both in the country and globally. ; En este artículo se analiza la experiencia de la Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina (CTA) desde sus orígenes (1991) hasta su fractura (2010), tomando aportes de los estudios de género para analizar la incorporación de las demandas y reivindicaciones de las trabajadoras como sujetos políticos en los espacios sindicales, atendiendo a tres aspectos centrales: a) la articulación entre la central sindical y el movimiento de mujeres y feminista, b) la transversalización de la perspectiva de género en sus principales políticas, y c) la participación de las mujeres en las instancias de conducción nacional. Para ello nos valemos de diferentes fuentes bibliográficas, documentales y entrevistas a las dos titulares de la Secretaría de Género e Igualdad de Oportunidades, para recuperar sus miradas acerca de estas cuestiones problemáticas en un contexto atravesado por las tensiones y disputas que confrontan el protagonismo político de los feminismos con las políticas de restauración neoliberal y neopatriarcal, tanto en el país como a nivel global. Del análisis de la experiencia de la CTA se puede ver una propuesta innovadora frente de modelo sindical tradicional con el acento puesto en colectivos sociales emergentes, incorporando, paulatinamente, las causas impulsadas por los movimientos feministas.

Women have the capability to accelerate the economic growth of the country, if their participation in the workforce is increased. Census (2011) data has revealed that there has been a continuing fall in labour force participation rate of women from 33.3 per cent to 26.5 per cent in rural areas. Mainstreaming gender roles by skilling women in non-traditional roles and increasing gender sensitivity in the workplace will have a catalytic effect on productivity and be a smart economic decision. Rural women are key agents for achieving the transformational economic, environmental and social changes required for sustainable development. Empowering them is crucial not only to the well-being of individual families & rural communities, but also to overall economic productivity given women's large presence in the agricultural work force. To restore their rightful & dignified status, the present government has initiated empowerment programmes for rural women that provide a solid foundation to nurture the inner strength & self-esteem for the rural women.

The first ten years of the twenty-first century has seen the British Government introduce radical change to its equality policy. These changes have included the creation of a single equalities body, the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC); the expansion of the equality terrain to include age, sexuality and sexual orientation and faith and belief in addition to gender, race and disability as protected grounds; the decision to coalesce human rights and equality legislation under the direction the EHRC; the development of an Equalities Framework; the promulgation of a new Equality Act (2009) with the aim of creating a single legal framework to cover all equality legislation together with the development of specific Equality Duties for the public sector around the areas of gender, race and disability with the aim of 'mainstreaming' equality. Barbara Roche, the then Minister responsible for equality co-ordination across the UK Government described these changes as 'the most significant review of equality in over a quarter of a century'.

Are women's movement and feminist theories still connected to radical politics and the interest in changing social inequalities, when feminism has been `institutionalized', for instance in the academia, and has become a mainstreaming issue in social policies? This main question was put to eminent feminist scholars, with the aim of investigating the renewed critical role of international feminism and women's/gender studies in society, science, information, education and research. A reconstruction of the main changes which have occurred to women's movements and feminist theories in the last decades were the core of the interview, stressing differences and disagreement, also in relation to the new sociopolitical claims, supported by younger generations. The conclusion was that feminism has not lost its historical political mission, even though the world scenario and ideologies have dramatically changed. Indeed, feminism has become transcultural and `glocal', facing new socioeconomic inequities induced by globalization both in western societies and countries in development, confronting with the transformation of collective/gender identities and questioning the increasing importance of (bio)technologies.