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 Like so many I was saddened to learn of the death of Toni Negri. I never really knew him as a person, only very awkwardly meeting him once, but he was someone who fundamentally shaped and transformed philosophy for me. I wrote my first published paper on Negri, a paper that, as is the case with most seminar papers, was an attempt to make sense of the two books I had read, The Savage Anomaly and Marx Beyond Marx.  That it was published is not the important part, really a product of grad school hubris, the important part was that I am not sure if I would have stayed in grad school had I not written it, or found someone willing to read and discuss it with me, shoutout here to Bill Haver. Negri made it possible for me to conjoin doing philosophy and engaging the world politically, to see these as two sides of the same process, the same practice of philosophy. I should mention that this was before Empire, but just barely. I am not saying that to claim that I was into Negri before he was cool, but just that my first encounter with Negri was in some sense with an outsider. He was rarely talked about in classes, and his books were more associated with the para-academic presses of Autonomedia and Semiotexte than the presses that were translating and publishing the big names of theory, Derrida, Deleuze, Lacan, etc.With the news of his death I started to think about Negri again for the first time in awhile. I had not read anything by Negri in years (the little book on Spinoza was probably the last), nor really engaged with his writings in a long time. Philosophers still have their effects, still shape our thought long after we stop directly reading and writing about them. It just so happened the day that I learned of Negri's death was the day that we met for the Spinoza and Marx seminar. We spent part of the time talking about the importance of Negri's reading. He was not the first Marxist/Spinozist, but Marx-Spinozism would be fundamentally different without him. This is because Negri puts the intersection of metaphysics and politics, ontology and history at the center of his reading of Spinoza  It is well known that Spinoza interrupted his writing of the Ethics, a book he had worked on for years, to write and publish anonymously the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, as political intervention. For Negri this interruption is also a fundamental transformation: Spinoza's engagement with politics and history, with the historical force of the imagination, with the politics of affects, and the reality of power, transforms his understanding of imagination, affects, and power in the Ethics. As Negri writes in a passage that I have cited more than once, and returned to again and again. "After the development of such a radical pars destruens, after the identification of a solid point of support by which the metaphysical perspective re-opens, the elaboration of the pars construens requires a practical moment. The ethics could not be constituted in a project, in the metaphysics of the mode and of reality, if it were not inserted into history, into politics, into the phenomenology of a single and collective life: if it were not to derive new nourishment from that engagement."Negri effectively inverted our image of Spinoza, and with it our image of philosophy, it was no longer a matter of detaching oneself from history and politics in order to contemplate the world, of thinking sub specie aeternitas, but of plunging oneself into the historical moment in order to transform philosophy.In a piece I wrote on Negri that was recently republished in The Production of Subjectivity: Marx and Philosophy I described this transformation as follows:"While the Theologico-Political Treatise constitutes a fundamental displacement of the problems of the Ethics, from order as metaphysical problem to the historicity of the organization of human desires and beliefs, it does not complete this process. The Theologico-Political Treatise does not supplant the Ethics. Negri argues that the Treatise does not follow through on its most radical insights. It begins with the materiality of the imagination, with the power of constitutive praxis, but it ultimately crashes upon the universals of 'natural right' and the 'natural light of religion', universals which undermine the constitutive process. The contract subordinates the powers of society to a transcendent order and a pre-constituted end, thereby limiting the constitutive process. However, the results of the Treatise are fundamentally ambiguous: as much as the contract is introduced as an ordering structure of society, it is modified by the idea of power. As Spinoza writes, 'Nature's right is co-extensive with her power'. This redefinition of right as power fundamentally undermines two of the constitutive dimensions of natural right that philosophy exemplified by the contract, 'the absolute conception of the individual foundation and the absolute conception of the contractual passage'. In place of the absolutely individualistic foundation that paves the way for the absolute authority of the sovereign, Spinoza introduces a new theoretical object, the 'passions of the body social'. Right is coextensive with power: there is no natural state of power nor a final goal, only the historicity of its various organizations. There is thus no transfer of power, no actual passage from potentia to potestas, there is just the organization of potentia, of the striving (conatus), desire (cupiditas), and affects of the multitude. It is precisely this organization that is examined and developed in what Negri calls the 'second foundation' of the Ethics, Parts III and IV which develop the logic and sociability of the passions. This second foundation does not only develop the idea of conatus as the essence of each individual (EIIIP7), it also develops the logic of the affects as the determination of this desire. The affects begin with the most immediate, and simple, determinations – pain, pleasure, love and hate – and gradually unfold to encompass the constitutive conditions and constitutive power of subjectivity, which is not an autonomous starting point but is immersed in the power of affects. 'The nexus of composition, complexity, conflictiveness, and dynamism is a continual nexus of successive dislocations that are neither dialectical nor linear but, rather, discontinuous'. Thus, as much as the Theologico-Political Treatise disrupts the remnants of a metaphysical order, its provocation that the historicity of desire and affects are constitutive of the world, it demands a renewed ontological speculation. It is not the Theologico-Political Treatise or the Ethics that makes up the foundational book of constitutive power, but rather the movement, the displacement, from the one to the other. In Negri's book on Spinoza this movement continues to a reading of the Political Treatise, thus passing from metaphysics (the Ethics) to politics (the Theological Political Treatise) only to return to politics (Political Treatise) which in turn informs a new metaphysics (the 'multitude' as a concept produced in the interstices of the Ethics and the Political Treatise), while at the same time stating that 'Spinoza's true politics is his metaphysics'. This statement should be read not as a choice, placing Spinoza's metaphysical works over his political writings, but as a slogan of displacement. Constitutive power as praxis is developed through a practice of philosophy as a continual displacement that moves from metaphysics to politics and back, and this movement continues beyond a reading of Spinoza."One can find a similar trajectory of movement in Negri's thought in his reading of Marx in which it is the same concepts, most specifically "living labor" that traverse a line from economics, to ontology, and then to politics. Negri reading of Marx, especially in the book known in the US as Insurgencies, but in the rest of the world as Constituent Power, reads the early Marx's idea of democracy back into the latter Marx. Marx's politics is his metaphysics, is labor as the constitution of the world. As Negri writes, "As long as we follow the political Marx, political revolution and social emancipation are two historical matrices that intersect on the same terrain—the constitutional terrain—but still in an external manner, without a metaphysical logic of this intersection being given…This necessity resides at the core of Marx's theory of capital, where living labor appears as the foundation, and the motor of all production, development, and innovation. This essential source also animates the center of our investigation. Living labor against dead labor, constituent power against constituted power: this single polarity runs through the whole schema of Marxist analysis and resolves it in an entirely original theoretical practical totality."What I have tried to focus on here is what I have called, following Althusser and Balibar, is Negri's practice of philosophy, his way of doing philosophy (this was also the focus of the essay cited above). It is a trajectory which constantly moves from history and politics into ontology and from ontology into politics and history without ever, it seems to me, using a historical moment to criticize an ontology or developing an ontology that would ground a politics. It is a trajectory of displacement and transformation in which history, politics, and economics transform philosophical speculation, ontology and metaphysics, while at the same time philosophical speculation transform and reimagine the possibility of political practice. It would seem to me that this is the fundamental orientation that defines Negri's thought, and it is this orientation which is eternal, which continues to live, even after the concepts produced by that trajectory pass away, as they would have to being products of a given historical moment. (Here I have to recommend Roberto Nigro's little book Antonio Negri: Une Philosophie de la Subversion, which I read in the week since Negri's death. Nigro reminds us that the question of the historical relevance of particular concepts, was in some sense the central political and philosophical trajectory of not just Negri's thought but of what is called autonomist thought or post-autonomist thought. Concepts like the mass worker, the social worker, general intellect, and multitude are not just different theoretical positions, but also attempts to make sense of the shifting and changing nature of capitalism itself.) What Negri proposed for philosophy is not easy, and I would even argue that not even Negri always did it well. (In some sense this is a specific version of the general problem of doing philosophy after Marx). It is easy to err on both sides, to simply let a historical, economic, or political transformation stand in for a philosophical analysis, or, on the other side, to dissolve the specificity of a historical moment into a general ontological concept. However, as Spinoza wrote, "all things excellent are as difficult as they are rare." When it is done well such a method of displacement, of pars destruens/pars construens, promises a transformation of both philosophy and politics. (I would say that Negri's Savage Anomaly, Marx Beyond Marx, and the book on constituent power to name a few are nothing less than models of this method). What Negri proposed in his readings of Spinoza and Marx (among others) was nothing less than a transformation of philosophy, to borrow Althusser's formulation, a transformation that would make philosophy radical and materialist--a transformation that is still ongoing, still striving to produce its effects. It is that aspect of Negri's thought which transformed, and continues to transform my approach to philosophy. 

The Supreme Court is hearing a case with profound implications for the income tax. WSJ editorial here and good commentary from Ilya Shapiro here. This issue is naturally contorted into legalisms:  What the heck does "apportioned" mean? How is "income"  defined legally? I won't wade into that. What are the economic issues? What's the right thing to do here, leaving aside legalisms?Three general principles underlie taxation. The most important is: The government taxes what it can get its hands on. The economists' analysis of incentives comes much later: The government tries to tax in such a way that does not set off a rush to avoidance, either legal (complex structures to avoid taxes) or economic (don't do the thing that gets taxed, like earn income). So why does the government tax income? Because, circa 1913, income was easier to measure than sales, value added, consumption, or other economically better concepts. When money changes hands, it's relatively for the government to see what's there and take a share.  Tariffs really start from the same concept. It's relatively easy to see what's going through the port and demand a share, Adam Smith, David Ricardo and free trade be damned.  But the government wanted more money than tariffs could provide. So, even if it were a good idea to tax wealth, the problem is that there is not neceassarily any cash around where there is wealth or unrealized capital gains. When you sell an asset, you get some cash, and it's easy for the government to demand it. When you do not sell an asset, you have no extra cash. It's a "paper profit." What are you going to pay the government with? This comes up in practical terms with estate taxes. Yes, we have a 40% top marginal rate wealth tax right now. (If wealth taxes are unconstitutional, why isn't the estate tax number one on the chopping block? OK, I promised not to delve in to law, but I wish someone would answer it.)  But private businesses, family farms, and the like don't have 40% of their value sitting around in cash. Unless you carve out a Swiss cheese of loopholes, and complex legal structures, you have to break up or sell the business to get the cash. That's why the estate tax has said Swiss cheese. It also has happened in the news lately with internet titans who got big stock grants at the top of the market. The market crashes. They still owe tax on the value of stock when granted. Property taxes are another case. Yes, we have wealth taxes, in the form of property taxes. (They are state and local, not federal, and the issue is federal wealth taxes.) People sometimes can own a house but not have the money to pay the tax. Wealth and unrealized capital gains are also troublesome because in many cases it's hard to know exactly how much there is. Just what is the value of a house, a building, or a privately held business? Accountants can differ, especially if taxes are at stake. The minute you tax it,  accountants also can get creative about corporate structure to game valuation rules -- voting vs. non voting shares, debt with embedded options, options to buy that are never exercised, interlocking trusts, and so forth. See above estate tax Swiss cheese.Moreover, market values change. If I pay tax on unrealized appreciation this year, do I get my money back when the value goes down next year?So you can see it makes sense: If one wants to include "investment income" as "income." then tax it when there is a definite value -- the market sale price -- and  tax it when there is some cash around to grab; when it is realized. But now trouble perks up. It's reasonably easy to turn actual income into an unrealized gain. Suppose you have some income stream, and you don't plan to spend it right away. You want to reinvest it. Rather than pay income tax on the income, then additional income tax on the interest or dividends over time, and then more income tax on the appreciation of the final sale, create a corporation or other entity; let the income flow into the corporation which reinvests it. The "corporation" could just be a shell to receive income and put it in a mutual fund. Yes, you'll still pay capital gains tax when you sell, but that's a lot less. And delay is always great. Now you know why we have a corporate income tax at all. There is no economic point to corporate taxes, and "corporations pay their fair share" is nonsense. Every cent of corporate income tax comes from higher prices, lower wages, or lower payouts to stock and bondholders. We should tax those people. And if you want redistribution, taxing the "right" people, that's a lot easier to do when you tax people. But if there is no corporate tax, lots of people will incorporate to avoid income taxes. So, we tax corporate income and then your payout. Thousands of pages of tax law and regulation follow to plug one hole after another.  After 100 years of patchwork, including some taxing of unrealized gains, it sort of kept a balance, but people keep inventing new ideas. The case before the court involves domestic owners of a foreign corporation and the treatment of the income received into that corporation abroad. So, as revealed by the pro-tax arguments before the court, we have already stepped over the grab-it-while-it's-hot line and taxed a good deal of unrealized income. There was some sort of equilibrium of not overdoing it. But not overdoing it, obeying norms and gentlepersons's agreements, is going out of style these days. From WSJ:The Ninth Circuit's opinion opened up a freeway to tax wealth and property. And wouldn't you know, President Biden's budget this year includes a 25% tax on the appreciation of assets of Americans with more than $100 million in wealth....Justice Samuel Alito asked: "What about the appreciation of holdings in securities by millions and millions of Americans, holdings in mutual funds over a period of time without selling the shares in those mutual funds?" Ms. Prelogar replied: "I think if Congress actually enacted a tax like that, and it never has, that we would likely defend it as an income tax."Well, it's also called an estate tax, and we have it now!  There you have it. The Biden Administration believes the Sixteenth Amendment lets Congress tax the unrealized appreciation of assets. As Justice Neil Gorsuch noted, when the Supreme Court opens a door, "Congress tends to walk through it." The Justices should close the wealth-tax door. But it is also true that would upset the delicate balance above that allows the government to collect a lot of taxes. Someone has to pay taxes, so other rates would have to go up a lot. When one side overdoes it, the gentleperson's agreement explodes. Like corporate income, taxing investment income also makes no sense. You earn money, pay taxes on it, and invest it. If you choose to consume later rather than now, why pay additional tax on it? One of the main don't-distort-the-economy propositions is that we should give people the full incentive to save, by refraining from taxing investment income.So why take investment income? Again, because once you tax income, many people can shift labor income to investment income. If you run a business, don't take a salary, but pay yourself a dividend. If you're a consultant, incorporate yourself and call it all business income. In the 1980s even cab drivers incorporated to get lower corporate tax rates. The income tax is the original sin. Taxing income made no sense on an economic basis. The government only did it because it was easy to measure and grab, at least before people started inventing a century's worth of clever schemes to redefine "income."  It leads inescapably to more sins, the corporate tax and the tax on investment income. And now the repatriation tax on accumulated foreign earnings. What's the solution? Well, duh. Tax consumption, not income or wealth. Get the rich down at the Porsche dealer. Leave alone any money reinvested in a company that is employing people and producing products. Now we can do it. And we can then throw out the income tax, corporate tax, and estate tax. Income is really meaningless. You earn a lot of income in your middle years, but little early and late. The year you sell a house, you're a millionaire, but then back to low income the rest of the time. Yet our government hands out more and more benefits based on income as if it were an immutable characteristic. It is not. Consumption is a lot more meaningful! The case brings up another uncomfortable question. The couple invested their money, and then the IRS changed the rules and told them to pay taxes now on decades worth of past earnings. While we're playing lawyer, laws generally cannot penalize past behavior. Surely if they knew this rule, the couple would have arranged their business differently. Here there is an uncomfortable principle of taxation. Unexpected, just this once and we'll never do it again wealth taxes are economically efficient. The problem of taxation is disincentives. If you announce a wealth tax in the future, people respond by not accumulating wealth. Go on round the world private jet tours instead. (I hear UAE is nice this time of year, and all the smart people are there.) But if you tax existing wealth, and nobody knew it was coming, there is no disincentive. This is, however, one of the most misused propositions in economics. That promise never to do it again isn't credible. If the government did it once, why not again? And it feels horribly unfair, doesn't it? Grabbing wealth willy nilly unpredictably is not something responsive rule-of-law democracies can or should do. (This  issue came up with the corporate tax cut. There was a lot of effort not to reward past investment. That's the same principle as trying to tax that past investment now that it is made. I prefer stable rules.) Thus, I actually hope that the Supreme Court does blow up the tax system. It's a bloated crony-capitalist mess. Most people suspect that others with clever lawyers are getting away with murder, which is corrosive to democracy.  If the friends of the court are right that the tax system will not survive a narrow definition of income, that  might force a fundamental reckoning. We need a ground up reform. Not every decision taken in 1913 has to last forever. Let the income tax implode, and bring on a consumption tax. (Instead, not as well as!) I doubt it will happen though. The court is really good at constitutional law, but not at first-principles economics. With the continued political assault on their legitimacy, they will surely find a way to decide this narrowly, and wait to strike down the wealth tax when and if it is enacted.  But who knows, it's interesting that they took it in the first place. 

America's Global War on Terror has seen its share of stalemates, disasters, and outright defeats. During 20-plus years of armed interventions, the United States has watched its efforts implode in spectacular fashion, from Iraq in 2014 to Afghanistan in 2021. The greatest failure of its "Forever Wars," however, may not be in the Middle East, but in Africa."Our war on terror begins with al-Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped, and defeated," President George W. Bush told the American people in the immediate wake of the 9/11 attacks, noting specifically that such militants had designs on "vast regions" of Africa.To shore up that front, the U.S. began a decades-long effort to provide copious amounts of security assistance, train many thousands of African military officers, set up dozens of outposts, dispatch its own commandos on all manner of missions, create proxy forces, launch drone strikes, and even engage in direct ground combat with militants in Africa. Most Americans, including members of Congress, are unaware of the extent of these operations. As a result, few realize how dramatically America's shadow war there has failed.The raw numbers alone speak to the depths of the disaster. As the United States was beginning its Forever Wars in 2002 and 2003, the State Department counted a total of just nine terrorist attacks in Africa. This year, militant Islamist groups on that continent have, according to the Pentagon, already conducted 6,756 attacks. In other words, since the United States ramped up its counterterrorism operations in Africa, terrorism has spiked 75,000%.Let that sink in for a moment.75,000%.A Conflict that Will Live in InfamyThe U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq opened to military successes in 2001 and 2003 that quickly devolved into sputtering occupations. In both countries, Washington's plans hinged on its ability to create national armies that could assist and eventually take over the fight against enemy forces. Both U.S.-created militaries would, in the end, crumble. In Afghanistan, a two-decade-long war ended in 2021 with the rout of an American-built, -funded, -trained, and -armed military as the Taliban recaptured the country. In Iraq, the Islamic State nearly triumphed over a U.S.-created Iraqi army in 2014, forcing Washington to reenter the conflict. U.S. troops remain embattled in Iraq and neighboring Syria to this very day.In Africa, the U.S. launched a parallel campaign in the early 2000s, supporting and training African troops from Mali in the west to Somalia in the east and creating proxy forces that would fight alongside American commandos. To carry out its missions, the U.S. military set up a network of outposts across the northern tier of the continent, including significant drone bases – from Camp Lemonnier and its satellite outpost Chabelley Airfield in the sun-bleached nation of Djibouti to Air Base 201 in Agadez, Niger — and tiny facilities with small contingents of American special operations troops in nations ranging from Libya and Niger to the Central African Republic and South Sudan.For almost a decade, Washington's war in Africa stayed largely under wraps. Then came a decision that sent Libya and the vast Sahel region into a tailspin from which they have never recovered."We came, we saw, he died," Secretary of State Hillary Clinton joked after a U.S.-led NATO air campaign helped overthrow Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi, the longtime Libyan dictator, in 2011. President Barack Obama hailed the intervention as a success, but Libya slipped into near-failed-state status. Obama would later admit that "failing to plan for the day after" Qaddafi's defeat was the "worst mistake" of his presidency.As the Libyan leader fell, Tuareg fighters in his service looted his regime's weapons caches, returned to their native Mali, and began to take over the northern part of that nation. Anger in Mali's armed forces over the government's ineffective response resulted in a 2012 military coup. It was led by Amadou Sanogo, an officer who learned English in Texas and underwent infantry-officer basic training in Georgia, military-intelligence instruction in Arizona, and was mentored by U.S. Marines in Virginia.Having overthrown Mali's democratic government, Sanogo and his junta proved hapless in battling terrorists. With the country in turmoil, those Tuareg fighters declared an independent state, only to be muscled aside by heavily armed Islamists who instituted a harsh brand of Shariah law, causing a humanitarian crisis. A joint Franco-American-African mission prevented Mali's complete collapse but pushed the militants into areas near the borders of both Burkina Faso and Niger.Since then, those nations of the West African Sahel have been plagued by terrorist groups that have evolved, splintered, and reconstituted themselves. Under the black banners of jihadist militancy, men on motorcycles — two to a bike, wearing sunglasses and turbans, and armed with Kalashnikovs — regularly roar into villages to impose zakat (an Islamic tax); steal animals; and terrorize, assault, and kill civilians. Such relentless attacks have destabilized Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger and are now affecting their southern neighbors along the Gulf of Guinea. Violence in Togo and Benin has, for example, jumped 633% and 718% over the last year, according to the Pentagon.U.S.-trained militaries in the region have been unable to stop the onslaught and civilians have suffered horrifically. During 2002 and 2003, terrorists caused just 23 casualties in Africa. This year, according to the Pentagon, terrorist attacks in the Sahel region alone have resulted in 9,818 deaths — a 42,500% increase.At the same time, during their counterterrorism campaigns, America's military partners in the region have committed gross atrocities of their own, including extrajudicial killings. In 2020, for example, a top political leader in Burkina Faso admitted that his country's security forces were carrying out targeted executions. "We're doing this, but we're not shouting it from the rooftops," he told me, noting that such murders were good for military morale.American-mentored military personnel in that region have had only one type of demonstrable "success": overthrowing governments the United States trained them to protect. At least 15 officers who benefited from such assistance have been involved in 12 coups in West Africa and the greater Sahel during the war on terror. The list includes officers from Burkina Faso (2014, 2015, and twice in 2022); Chad (2021); Gambia (2014); Guinea (2021); Mali (2012, 2020, and 2021); Mauritania (2008); and Niger (2023). At least five leaders of a July coup in Niger, for example, received American assistance, according to a U.S. official. They, in turn, appointed five U.S.-trained members of the Nigerien security forces to serve as that country's governors.Military coups of that sort have even super-charged atrocities while undermining American aims, yet the United States continues to provide such regimes with counterterrorism support. Take Colonel Assimi Goïta, who worked with U.S. Special Operations forces, participated in U.S. training exercises, and attended the Joint Special Operations University in Florida before overthrowing Mali's government in 2020. Goïta then took the job of vice president in a transitional government officially charged with returning the country to civilian rule, only to seize power again in 2021.That same year, his junta reportedly authorized the deployment of the Russia-linked Wagner mercenary forces to fight Islamist militants after close to two decades of failed Western-backed counterterrorism efforts. Since then, Wagner — a paramilitary group founded by the late Yevgeny Prigozhin, a former hot-dog vendor turned warlord — has been implicated in hundreds of human rights abuses alongside the longtime U.S.-backed Malian military, including a 2022 massacre that killed 500 civilians.Despite all of this, American military aid for Mali has never ended. While Goïta's 2020 and 2021 coups triggered prohibitions on some forms of U.S. security assistance, American tax dollars have continued to fund his forces. According to the State Department, the U.S. provided more than $16 million in security aid to Mali in 2020 and almost $5 million in 2021. As of July, the department's Bureau of Counterterrorism was waiting on congressional approval to transfer an additional $2 million to Mali. (The State Department did not reply to TomDispatch's request for an update on the status of that funding.)The Two-Decade StalemateOn the opposite side of the continent, in Somalia, stagnation and stalemate have been the watchwords for U.S. military efforts."Terrorists associated with Al Qaeda and indigenous terrorist groups have been and continue to be a presence in this region," a senior Pentagon official claimed in 2002. "These terrorists will, of course, threaten U.S. personnel and facilities." But when pressed about an actual spreading threat, the official admitted that even the most extreme Islamists "really have not engaged in acts of terrorism outside Somalia." Despite that, U.S. Special Operations forces were dispatched there in 2002, followed by military aid, advisers, trainers, and private contractors.More than 20 years later, U.S. troops are still conducting counterterrorism operations in Somalia, primarily against the Islamist militant group al-Shabaab. To this end, Washington has provided billions of dollars in counterterrorism assistance, according to a recent report by the Costs of War Project. Americans have also conducted more than 280 air strikes and commando raids there, while the CIA and special operators built up local proxy forces to conduct low-profile military operations.Since President Joe Biden took office in January 2021, the U.S. has launched 31 declared airstrikes in Somalia, six times the number carried out during President Obama's first term, though far fewer than the record high set by President Trump, whose administration launched 208 attacks from 2017 to 2021.America's long-running, undeclared war in Somalia has become a key driver of violence in that country, according to the Costs of War Project. "The U.S. is not simply contributing to conflict in Somalia, but has, rather, become integral to the inevitable continuation of conflict in Somalia," reported Ẹniọlá Ànúolúwapọ Ṣóyẹmí, a lecturer in political philosophy and public policy at the Blavatnik School of Government at Oxford University. "U.S. counterterrorism policies are," she wrote, "ensuring that the conflict continues in perpetuity."The Epicenter of International Terrorism"Supporting the development of professional and capable militaries contributes to increasing security and stability in Africa," said General William Ward, the first chief of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) — the umbrella organization overseeing U.S. military efforts on the continent — in 2010, before he was demoted for profligate travel and spending. His predictions of "increasing security and stability" have, of course, never come to pass.While the 75,000% increase in terror attacks and 42,500% increase in fatalities over the last two decades are nothing less than astounding, the most recent increases are no less devastating. "A 50-percent spike in fatalities tied to militant Islamist groups in the Sahel and Somalia over the past year has eclipsed the previous high in 2015," according to a July report by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, a Defense Department research institution. "Africa has experienced a nearly four-fold increase in reported violent events linked to militant Islamist groups over the past decade… Almost half of that growth happened in the last 3 years."Twenty-two years ago, George W. Bush announced the beginning of a Global War on Terror. "The Taliban must act, and act immediately," he insisted. "They will hand over the terrorists, or they will share in their fate." Today, of course, the Taliban reigns supreme in Afghanistan, al-Qaeda was never "stopped and defeated," and other terror groups have spread across Africa (and elsewhere). The only way "to defeat terrorism," Bush asserted, was to "eliminate it and destroy it where it grows." Yet it has grown, and spread, and a plethora of new militant groups have emerged.Bush warned that terrorists had designs on "vast regions" of Africa but was "confident of the victories to come," assuring Americans that "we will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail." In country after country on that continent, the U.S. has, indeed, faltered and its failures have been paid for by ordinary Africans killed, wounded, and displaced by the terror groups that Bush pledged to "defeat." Earlier this year, General Michael Langley, the current AFRICOM commander, offered what may be the ultimate verdict on America's Forever Wars on that continent. "Africa," he declared, "is now the epicenter of international terrorism."This article has been republished with permission from TomDispatch.

Mickey Levy's excellent WSJ oped leaves some thoughts. Inflation has fallen, though I still suspect it may get stuck around 3-4%. But prices "are 18.9% higher than its [their] pre-pandemic level." And some important prices have risen even more. "Rental costs continue to rise in lagged response to the 46.1% surge in home prices."  Those who are taking a victory lap about the end of inflation (the rate of change of prices) are befuddled by continuing consumer (and voter) anger. Well, prices are not the same thing as inflation. Our current monetary policy has, for decades, forgotten past mistakes. If inflation surges to 10%, and prices rise 10%, it is considered a victory, and battle over when inflation gets back to 2%, though prices are still 12% higher than they were. It wasn't always this way. Under the gold standard, prices were stable for long periods, which means that bouts of inflation were quickly followed by bouts of deflation. I'm absolutely not advocating for the gold standard, but it's worth remembering that price stability rather than inflation stability is possible.  Why the fuss? As Mickey points out, not all prices rose the same amount. In particular, "Increases in wage and salaries ... haven't kept pace with the CPI and have resulted in a decline in real wages." No wonder "the public isn't pleased." This offers an interesting moment to rethink the basic idea of bygones will be bygones in monetary policy. Wages are, by common agreement, a lot more sticky than prices. Eventually wages will catch up, but it will be a long and contentious process. Wouldn't it be better, after a bout of inflation, for prices to come down quickly,  to match the current level of nominal wages? "Real wage restoration" has a nice ring to it that even Fed doves and inequality worriers might appreciate. MortgagesMickey also points to a fascinating puzzle of our mortgage markets: Tens of millions of homeowners who locked in mortgages at rates below 3% between 2020 and 2021 are now unwilling to sell. The result is a shortage of homes on the market and higher prices. ..That in turn has impaired labor mobility, historically an important factor for production and labor-market efficiencies.In the US, if you wish to protect yourself against rising mortgage interest rates by buying a fixed rate mortgage, you can only do it bundled with one particular house. You cannot easily say, "I don't want to get hit by interest rate rises, but I might want to move and still be able to afford a big house."  So we are stuck with this interesting puzzle, that higher interest rates to combat inflation lead to people staying parked in houses they really don't want, unwilling to move to take a better job somewhere else, to downsize, to cash out of a house-poor expensive area (Palo Alto), to upsize for more children or elderly parents, and so on. 30 year fixed rate non-transferrable mortgages with a complex option to prepay and refinance when interest rates go down, and little consequence for default (whew)  are not a law of nature. It is not this way around the world, and I've been fascinated to talk to economists at other central banks about their very different worries. In many countries almost all mortgages have floating rates, that quickly catch up to any rise in short term interest rates. In many of these countries, it is not easy to default. If interest rates rise from 2% to 6% and you can't afford to triple your monthly payment, you can't just give the bank the keys as you typically can in the US. In Sweden, I was told,  if you default on a mortgage, the bank will grab all your other assets, and also garnish your wages for several years. You will live on their minimum social assistance income, about $15,000 at the time of this conversation, for several years. As a result, central banks in these countries have a completely different set of worries about raising interest rates. Rather than worry about defaults that will imperil banks, they worry that people will stop spending on everything else before defaulting on their mortgage. So monetary policy (raising interest rates), surprisingly ineffective right now in the US, can be dramatically more "effective" with that sort of mortgage market. (Yes, inducing a fall in consumption is the point of raising interest rates.) I don't know of mainstream models that include this distinction but it seems first order for the effect of interest rates on the economy. Central bankers also worry a lot more about public backlash when mortgage costs for the whole population can swiftly double or more. Back to the US. Why can you not keep your mortgage when you change houses? Why must protection against interest rate rises -- a form of insurance, really -- be tied to staying in one house? Put that way, you can come up with a dozen legal, regulatory, and perhaps even economic reasons. The 30 year fixed rate itself is an invention of 1930s federal housing policy. Banks hold very few mortgages. Pretty much the whole mortgage market gets securitized with a credit guarantee by federal housing agencies (Fannie, Freddy, etc.). So if their rules for acceptable mortgage says you can't change houses, well, you can't change houses, no matter what demand. Subsidies for a particular version of a product kill product innovation. One real estate economist I asked this of suggested that the mortgage originators like it this way, as it forces you to pay fees to move. And one can speculate that lenders don't want you to substitute a worse house as collateral. I don't think that holds, because acceptability of the house follows simple rules, but it's possible. So, today's bright idea: Why don't banks also routinely sell retail fixed for floating swaps? These are standard financial contracts that have been around for decades. Here's how it works: You take out a floating rate mortgage, at say 2%. Fixed rate mortgages are, say, 3%. So along with your mortgage, you agree with the bank that you will pay the bank 3% a year, fixed for 30 years, and the bank will pay the floating mortgage rate. That's 2% now, but if interest rates rise, the bank has to pay 5% and you keep paying 3%. Now you can sell the house. When you get a new house, you use the floating rate (5%) to pay the new higher mortgage on the house, while you keep paying 3% out of pocket. We have synthesized a portable mortgage. Why doesn't this happen? I await your speculation in the comments. Banks trade fixed for floating swaps among themselves all the time, so laying off the risk is not hard. As usual, I am drawn to wonder what tax or regulation is in the way.  I can think of  a few. First, you will get the mortgage interest tax deduction only on the actual mortgage. The actual 3% fixed mortgage lets you deduct the whole 3%. You will pay income tax on fixed for floating payments. This is really an insurance payment, like fire insurance, which shouldn't be taxable, but the IRS will likely treat it as such. Perhaps if insurance companies sold the product they could lobby Washington for rules to extend the tax exemption,  but then you lose some of the efficiency of banks doing what is properly the business of banks. Heaven knows how bank regulators and consumer financial protection regulators will do to tangle up a perfectly sensible product. The Fed finally caved in to political pressure to put climate in financial regulation:  banks must manage their balance sheets for physical risks from climate change, such as flooding or drought, as well as the "stresses to institutions or sectors arising from the shifts in policy, consumer and business sentiment, or technologies associated with the changes that would be part of a transition to a lower carbon economy."...Shifts in policy? OK Citi, what will happen to your balance sheet if a Republican gets elected and cancels electric vehicle mandates? Oh, maybe that's not the "change in policy" banks are supposed to anticipate.  Banks will also have to conduct a "climate-related scenario analysis"—don't call them stress tests—that extend "beyond the financial institution's typical strategic planning horizon" and account for potential losses in "extreme but plausible scenarios." Well, if anvils fall from the sky... But I digress. With this sort of thing coming from regulators, who has the time to create and get approval for a new product that might actually serve homeowners and help to unlock housing supply in places where it's scarce? If you can think of other regulatory (or economic) barriers, comment away.  Or maybe, just maybe, we're waiting for a sharp fintech company to figure out that floating + swap is a product consumers would want. (Swaps also require counterparties to post collateral, i.e. put in enough cash that the other side can be sure the payment stream keeps going, and in the event of default come out even. On the household side, equity in the house should serve as it does for mortgages; it would be like a second mortgage claim on home equity. That's a reason to bundle retail swaps with the mortgage issuance. One could have banks post collateral too, though enough priority in bankruptcy should do the trick as these are retail contracts. )  (The madness of refinancing fixed mortgages is also puzzling. I know a lot of very good financial economists, and not one can figure out the optimal time to refinance a fixed rate mortgage. Why not just sell mortgages that adjust down but not up? Sure, you'll pay a few basis points extra, but we save a lot of complexity and the costs of getting that option wrong. The same answers as above may apply.) Update:I long ago proposed "health status insurance," which is insurance against health insurance premium increases. If you get sick and your health insurance increases, the premium insurance pays the higher health insurance, or a lump sum so you can do it. What I'm suggesting here is also  "mortgage rate rise insurance." Get a floating rate mortgage and separate mortgage rate insurance. If the mortgage rate rises, the insurance pays the higher rate, or a lump sum so you can do it. While we're at it, the major difference between buying and renting is that buying allows you to stay in the house no matter if rents go up, where renters bear the risk of higher rents. It's puzzling that you can get long-term commercial leases, but residential leases allow the rent to rise each year. Rent increase insurance could work the same way. Rent for a year, buy rent increase insurance, and if the rent goes up, rent increase insurance pays the difference or pays a lump sum so you can do it. (Renters synthesize this somewhat by renting and then voting in rent control!) Update 2:As many commenters point out, another way to handle the problem is for borrowers to be able to buy their own mortgage back, as is done in Denmark.  

Today marks the 50th anniversary of the military coup that overthrew the democratically elected government of Chilean President Salvador Allende and ushered in a particularly brutal and bloody dictatorship under Gen. Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, which lasted until 1990.
The role of the CIA in preparing the conditions for the coup, as well as subsequent U.S. support for the dictatorship, contributed heavily to the perception in Latin America and beyond that Washington, despite its claims to champion democracy, preferred "friendly" authoritarian regimes over the possibility that non-aligned or democratically elected left-leaning governments could take power in regions that it considered to be within its sphere of influence.
Investigations in the mid-1970s into the U.S. role in Chile also led to unprecedented legislation — sometimes enforced, sometimes not – designed to ensure greater Congressional oversight of U.S. covert operations and to curb U.S. military and other assistance to governments and armies that abuse fundamental human rights.
To note the 50th anniversary, RS spoke with Peter Kornbluh, the veteran director of the Chilean Documentation Project of the non-governmental National Security Archive, whose work has resulted in the declassification of thousands of previously secret government documents related to U.S. relations with Chile from the 1960's through the Pinochet dictatorship.
A prize-winning author, Kornbluh published "The Pinochet Files: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability," which the Los Angeles Times selected as a "best book" of 2003. As director of the NSA's Cuba Documentation Project, Kornbluh has also written several books on U.S.-Cuban relations.
Kornbluh spoke with RS from Chile, where he is participating in the country's observance of today's anniversary. The following conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
RS: You are the most distinguished researcher on the coup and, in particular, the U.S. role. Briefly, can you say what support the U.S. lent to the coup both before and after?
Kornbluh: You know, it doesn't have to be me saying it. We can just simply quote Henry Kissinger briefing Richard Nixon five days after the coup. He [said], "The Chilean thing was getting consolidated." And Nixon expresses his slight preoccupation about whether the U.S. role is going to be exposed. Nixon says, "Our hand doesn't show on this, does it though?" Kissinger's response is a three-sentence summary of what the U.S. role was. First, he says, "We didn't do it." And he's referring to the fact that the United States was not on the ground 50 years ago today, with agents driving the tanks, supplying the intelligence, piloting the planes that bombed the [presidential] Moneda Palace. The United States did not stand side by side that day with the Chilean military as they destroyed Chile's long democratic tradition.
And then Kissinger continues, "I mean, we helped them. Blank" — a word that is omitted, which you can fill in — "created the conditions as best as possible." And that's an accurate summary of what the U.S. role was. Starting almost the day after Allende's election [in 1970] but weeks before he actually was inaugurated as President of Chile, it was the U.S. goal and mission to foment a coup in Chile, to create what the CIA referred to as a "coup climate" and maximize the likelihood that Allende's model would be a model of failure. And if that also, at the same time, created the conditions, "as best as possible for a military coup," so be it. It was the political goal of Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon to assure that Allende did not have a successful model of electoral socialist change that other countries in the world might want to emulate, and the United States [intervened] through both an invisible economic blockade, a cut off of multilateral credits, and a five-pronged covert operations effort that targeted the military. The U.S. funneled a bunch of money into El Mercurio, which was kind of, in those days, the Fox News of Chile, openly pushing for a coup against the Allende government. Those were the operations that helped, as the CIA itself put it, set the stage for the September 11,1973, coup.
So it wasn't that the United States had a direct role on the ground here. It wasn't that the Chilean military were puppets of the United States of America. It was that the United States contributed to a set of conditions that would enhance the likelihood that there would be social pressure for the military to move, and the military did move.
RS: What was the reaction by the Nixon-Kissinger government, if we can put it that way, in the years that followed the coup?
Kornbluh: You can start with the hours that followed. Tomorrow will be September 12th, the 50th anniversary of Kissinger calling what was known as the Washington Special Action Group together and mobilizing everybody to help the Pinochet military regime consolidate. It's quite explicit. And as part of this gathering, one US. official says to Kissinger, "I guess our policy on Allende worked pretty well." And Kissinger jokes to everybody, "President Nixon is worried that we might want to send somebody to Allende's funeral." Kissinger says, "I told him we didn't plan to do that." And then another official in the meeting pipes up and says, "Only, of course, if you want to go, Secretary Kissinger." So they're joking around literally 24 hours after the coup about how successful they were.
Nixon and Kissinger just after the coup are commiserating. They want the credit for having overthrown Allende, and they're commiserating about what Nixon calls the "liberal crap" in the U.S. newspapers, and Kissinger says the newspapers are "bleating" because Allende has been overthrown and has died. Nixon says, "isn't that something?" And Kissinger basically says they should be celebrating. And he tells Nixon, "In the Eisenhower period, we would be heroes." That conversation took place five days after the coup. By then, Kissinger had reconfigured U.S. policy almost overnight.
It had been a policy to destabilize Allende's ability to govern. Almost overnight after the coup, the policy had a complete reversal. It's now a policy to help the new military regime consolidate, and that policy continues all the way through the first three years of the Pinochet regime. It was that first year when the spigots of economic aid and military support to Pinochet [began] opening, including helping Pinochet build what became the most sinister and repressive secret police agency in all of Latin America, the DINA [Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional].
That policy starts to change after the September 1976 act of terrorism in Washington DC that took the lives of Orlando Letelier and Ronni Moffitt. By the second term of the Reagan administration, the United States has had enough of Pinochet's megalomania, his terrorism. The United States eventually abandons him, but it's a long and incredible history.
RS: You had congressional committees in the mid 1970s that expressed considerable shock about U.S. covert operations, and Chile was among the most important. Do you see Congress as assuming its responsibilities or failing to do so in regard to Pinochet's Chile? And how much of a precedent, if any at all, did that create or help create?
Kornbluh: The scandal of Chile broke in September of 1974 in an article done by that intrepid reporter, Seymour Hersh, where he had gotten hold of secret testimony that CIA Director William Colby had given to the House Armed Services Committee in which he had discussed the whole destabilization program. The scandal was immediate.
After the Hersh story ran, the U.S. Senate reconvenes. Frank Church was named head of another special committee, which became the famous Church committee, and Congress did its very first investigation of the CIA covert operations in general and a case study of Chile in particular. The House Committee under Congressman Otis Pike also started to look at Chile. That whole process was a lot less organized and a lot more chaotic. The Church committee reports really shook the foundations of Americans' perception of their own government. It became quite clear that their own government — in their name and without their knowledge — was intervening to overthrow a democratically elected government and bolstering a murderous, ruthless military regime.
Congress moved very quickly, not just because of the Church Committee investigation but because of a moral reaction of disbelief that our government didn't give a damn about human rights violations and was continuing to embrace this murderous regime. It was because of Chile that heroic senators and congressmen — Edward Kennedy in the Senate, Congressman Tom Harkin from Iowa — got together and drafted the first human rights amendments to U.S. laws governing military and economic aid abroad. Those laws were inspired by and directed initially at Henry Kissinger, who was just basically — can I say kissing Pinochet's ass? Kissinger was telling his own staff not to say anything to him anymore about human rights. These laws were passed, and, for the first time, human rights became an institutionalized criterion of U.S. foreign policy. Congress stepped up and represented the values of the American people in pushing those laws forward.Some people here in Chile at the time of the coup, including a Methodist minister named Joe Eldridge, luckily got out. He returned to Washington so outraged that the United States was supporting the atrocities that were taking place that he founded the Washington Office on Latin America, and, with Amnesty International, almost single handedly created the modern human rights movement in Washington as we know it today. He sought to create a different U.S. foreign policy, one that better reflected the values of the American people.RS: As you look back, this was Congress's high point, and it drew certain lessons from there, some of which have stuck, not necessarily all. But how has this affected long-term U.S.-Latin American relations? The U.S. intervention covert intervention there and its support for Pinochet, what kind of effect do you think it's had on U.S.-Latin American relations over the past 50 years?
Kornbluh: The U.S. role in Chile became a horrendous stain on any credible argument that the United States supported democracy, opposed military dictatorships, opposed human rights violations — all the things that the United States supposedly wanted to claim that it stood for. And even though presidents later, starting with Carter, have stood for those things, and the United States still is supposed to stand for those things, the history of the U.S. role in Chile has made it very difficult for that argument, even 50 years later, to be credibly presented.
One way to understand what the United States did in Chile is to compare it today to what Russia is doing to Ukraine. The Russian intervention in Ukraine was essentially inspired by the same issues that Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon feared with the election of Allende. [Ukrainian President Volodymyr] Zelensky had been popularly elected. Ukraine was turning to the West. [Russian President Vladimir] Putin saw that as an affront to his hegemony in the region. In the case of Chile, it's not an open war, but it was a similar type of effort to control the region, to undermine a model that might change the broader influence of the United States if other countries emulated Allende's electoral model of change.
We're not really talking about the past. So many countries, including the United States of America, are facing the deterioration of democratic institutions and the onslaught and threat of authoritarian rule not just in the United States and Chile, but also in Spain, Sweden, Italy, etc. You have a situation where democracy and its meaning are slipping, and the forces of dictatorial rule are growing. Chile is a reminder of the extreme dangers to all of us if that process continues. Chileans have already lived through it once. They don't want to live through it again. That's why the resounding slogan at the official ceremony today from Chilean President Gabriel Boric was "nunca mas." Never again.

Over the first weekend of August 2023, Saudi Arabia convened an international summit on the war in Ukraine. Held in Jeddah and attended by representatives from 40 countries As was widely expected, the meeting did not produce any breakthroughs. Still, it provided a golden opportunity for Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud (MBS) to position himself as a leader of what might be called a second "Non-Aligned Movement." This movement's growing influence owes much to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. For while Moscow's assault had the unintended effect of revitalizing—and expanding—NATO, it also created an opening for many countries to leverage a multipolar international system in ways that have limited Washington's global power, not to mention its regional clout in the Middle East.


But these "balancing" efforts come with a high cost, as rising grain prices have threatened the stability of many of the very states that have thus far refused to condemn Russia's invasion, much less support Ukraine. For these states, the status quo is increasingly precarious, hence the wider logic of inviting China and the United States to sit a few short whispers away from their Saudi hosts at a meeting to which Russia was not invited.


China's Multi-Faceted Foreign Policy


From the outset, China has tried to advance a position of "neutrality" while echoing Russian President Vladimir Putin's justification for his unprovoked invasion of Ukraine. Beyond rhetoric, Beijing has provided economic support via its purchase of price-discounted Russian oil and, some experts argue, limited military assistance as well (a claim Beijing denies).


China's efforts to maintain these two tracks reflect structural tensions at the heart of China's global engagement. On the one hand, China is closely tied to a global economic order that is dominated by Western states and multilateral institutions. On the other hand, President Xi Jinping is seeking to counter U.S. military, economic, and even cultural power, and has done so in multiple ways, thus inviting conflict with the United States even as Beijing needs to cooperate with Washington and its Western allies. Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which reportedly took Chinese leaders by surprise, created opportunities for China to flex its "counter-hegemonic" muscles, but also opened the door to economic and strategic threats that were likely to intensify absent a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine conflict.


The tension between China's ideological and global economic interests extends well beyond the China-West arena. Many middle-sized regional powers such as India, Brazil, and South Africa share Beijing's desire to counter U.S. global dominance. But their policies are also rooted in the principle of state sovereignty and the rejection of the use of force to solve international conflicts. Beijing has long advocated these very norms and has given them pride of place in the charter of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, not to mention China's 12-point Ukraine peace proposal.


Thus its support for Russia has raised legitimate questions from many leaders about the rising humanitarian and economic costs of the war and Beijing's readiness to take credible steps to show that its Ukraine plan is not a mere diplomatic feint. The most important of these steps would be for Beijing to reduce its diplomatic support for Moscow.


Beijing's Jeddah Dance


From the outset of the Jeddah meeting China's delegate avoided suggesting that Beijing would endorse any particular proposal other than its own. Indeed, Special Representative Li Hui seemed to emphasize the limited goals of the meeting—and the conflicts animating its leading participants—when he declared, "We have many disagreements and we have heard different positions, but it is important that our principles be shared."


Putting a more positive spin, a spokesperson for the Chinese government noted that, "China is willing to work with the international community to continue to play a constructive role in promoting a political solution to the crisis in Ukraine."


But what kind of solution? The outcome that China has outlined in its own 12-point proposal calls for respecting "the independence and territorial integrity of all countries" but also for a negotiated "political settlement" that could fudge or violate these principles. Thus, China is not ready to accept Ukraine's 10-point peace plan, which would require Russia's total withdrawal from all Ukrainian lands, including Crimea.


That Moscow has totally rejected this idea is not surprising; any hint by Putin that he might accept Ukraine's terms could undermine his rule. Moreover, as one expert has noted, "Ukraine's best-case scenario for the end of this war is also China's worst-case scenario," because Beijing wants Putin to remain in power while sustaining Russia's occupation until it is Ukraine that makes the key compromises.


It is inconceivable that China's envoy came to the Jeddah meeting believing that these various circles could be squared. Still, with the Ukraine conflict settling into what could be a prolonged war of attrition, and with Russia's suspension of its grain deal and its attacks on shipping in the Black Sea, China had to demonstrate concern for those states suffering from Moscow's policy of global blackmail.


Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy exploited China's unease when he noted that, "On issues such as food security, the fate of millions of people in Africa, Asia and other parts of the world directly depends on how fast the world moves to implement the peace formula." He was, of course, talking about Ukraine's own proposal, which China certainly did not back. Still, China's active presence in Jeddah presumably showed that it was ready to assume its responsibilities as a major global power that, in the words of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, had helped "to consolidate international consensus" on Ukraine.


Whatever the veracity of this claim, it is worth noting that on the second day of the Jeddah conference, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov insisted that the meeting was "a reflection of the West's attempt to continue futile, doomed efforts," but added that China could nevertheless "convey common sense to the Western patrons of Kyiv."


China did its best to avoid taking on the role of Moscow's messenger. Still, days after the Jeddah summit, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, in a phone call with his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov, reassured him that Beijing was committed to being an "objective and rational voice." That the week before the summit China had joined Russia in a naval exercise off the coast of Alaska that prompted the deployment of four U.S. Navy destroyers underscored the risky juggling act that is at the heart of Beijing's foreign policy.


A Win for MBS and Zelenskyy


The key participants in the Jeddah conference made good use of the multiple balls that Beijing has thus far kept in the air. Ukrainian officials declared that the meeting "completely destroys the narrative of Russia" that Ukraine was only backed by "countries of the collective West." Such hyperbole was as necessary as they were predictable. Indeed, while in the lead up to the meeting Ukrainian officials insisted that "our goal in Saudi Arabia is to develop a unified vision" ahead of a future global peace summit, the fact that no such vision emerged in Jeddah was almost irrelevant. What counted most was that the summit was held and that it ended, as the Ukrainian ambassador to Saudi Arabia pitched it, with "constructive" talks and "a broad vision." Jeddah was thus a win for Zelenskyy.


The same, of course, can be said for MBS. He may have not fully agreed when the Ukrainian ambassador thanked Saudi Arabia "for being so committed and hospitable to Ukraine in moving forward our peace formula plan." But the meeting signaled that the crown prince is on his way to rehabilitating his international reputation.


More broadly, as one leading Saudi journalist noted, the conference underscored Saudi Arabia's growing clout as a "neutral" mediator in a diverse group of states that constitute a kind of second Non-Aligned Movement whose members are leveraging the US-Russia-China triangle of conflict to advance their interests while maintaining good relations with all three countries.


For Riyadh, a key element in this juggling act is its unhappiness with being replaced by Russia as China's chief supplier of crude oil. This represents a real economic and political cost for MBS, who to the frustration of the Biden White House, has sustained the oil production cuts he initiated in Spring 2023.


In short, the Jeddah meeting gave Riyadh a practically risk-free opportunity to direct multiple signals in multiple directions. Thus, while the conference ended without any final declaration, Saudi officials held that the meeting contributed to "building common grounds that pave the way for peace." As for China, it has signaled its readiness to attend a follow-up meeting.


The Biden Administration (and China) Navigate Choppy Waters


While U.S. national security adviser Jake Sullivan went to the Jeddah conference, the administration's best bet was to let other participants, most importantly Ukraine's president, make their case and test China's intentions. That in the words of one unnamed U.S. official, the administration was "glad" that China attended and participated in the meeting "in a constructive way"— highlights the challenges that the administration faces as it navigates choppy diplomatic waters.


Those waters got a little rougher as the BRICS countries — Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa — held a summit on summit on August 22 during which Egypt, Iran, Ethiopia, the U.A.E. and Saudi Arabia were invited to join. If the decision shows that Russia and China are advancing their efforts to create an alternative to the International Monetary Fund and other Western dominated multi-lateral financial powerhouses, the expanded BRICS club includes not a few members who have concerns about the agenda of Moscow and China on a host of issues, including the Ukraine war.


That Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Ryabkov stated that Moscow looked forward to "an exchange of views" with the BRICS countries that attended the Jeddah meeting could suggest some unease in the Kremlin. For however determined to foster a multi-polar global system, major regional players such as Brazil and South Africa have no interest letting Moscow or China become the new arbiters of a counter hegemonic agenda. Speaking to the point, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has warned, "We have resisted pressure to align ourselves with any one of the global powers or with influential blocs of nations."


Vladimir Putin might ignore such sentiments, but Beijing's leaders cannot. Afterall, precisely because China is a real world economic and military power in ways that Russia will never be, it needs to find a path to engaging across the global spectrum. This balancing act has become harder with a struggling domestic economy, not to mention the efforts of the Biden White House to foster greater security cooperation in Asia — amply demonstrated by the recent US/South Korea/Japan Camp David summit.


Biden wisely insisted that the meeting was not "anti-China." Still, it is far from clear that this statement shows that the White House has forged a policy that fully takes into account the tensions that are at the heart of China's foreign relations — and that brought Beijing's emissary to Jeddah in the first place.


A version of this piece was published by Arab Center Washington DC. The views expressed in this publication are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect the position of Arab Center Washington DC, its staff, or its Board of Directors.

This text deals with circumstances of the finding as well as with the art and iconographic characteristics of an interesting relief accidentally dug out in 1947, north-east from Visoko, in Central Bosnia. Field examination that followed afterwards determined that the relief once was a part of itinerary and interior decoration of a smaller building. Supposedly, this was a medieval tomb construction based on the fact that in a nearby environment there were several other unornamented tombstones as well as after the Cyrillic inscription which was probably carved on the relief afterwards. The afore mentioned inscription was, more frequently than the relief itself, an object of interest for researchers because it mentions two historical personalities, Nespina kaznac the Great and his kaznac sister Bjeloka. Naïve nature of the carving is a highly stressed feature of the relief (210 cm long, 106 cm high and 7-10 cm thick) which is especially noticeable on the displayed human form. Its body, apart from the protectivebelt wrapped around right arm and sharp tipped shoes, has no other clothing items displayed. The body is placed in a semi-profile while the head is shown en face. Its hands are of uneven length with its fists displayed on external sides so one gets an impression of a hunter with two left hands. This form of naïve display of human figure is the characteristic of theearly medieval period. Similarly, on a miniature from 9th century showing the transport of relics, a front porter in the scene has an awkward display of "two right hands" of uneven length. Generally, this primitive stone-carving method of the relief from Visoko can also be recognized on the relief displaying Palm Sunday from Venice, on the marble panel from San Saba church in Rome and on the relief from Žrnovnica in Dalmatia. All of these examples we used to compare with, originate from 8th century.Due to its looks and contents of the carved motif including hunting scene, the relief from Malo Čajno was frequently identified with similar motifs on stećci. However, it is different from stećci, not only in its details but also in its complete artistic creation. The human form and the animals, displayed next to it, are carved with numerous details that do not exist on similardisplays on stećci. Hairy animals have their big grinned teeth stressed, dogs have leather collars and the hunter has a head with a precise display of hair and beard, facial details and a hairy neck. The entire composition is not as rigid as it is the case on stećci but rather very dynamic. The hunter is standing aside with his spear high up in the air, expecting an attackfrom the boar surrounded by three dogs. The wild beast already overpowered and threw under its feet one of the dogs, the another dog is charging energetically,while the third one is running away looking back to prevent being grabbed by the boar from the back. There is also some perspective in the whole performance because the running dog, carved in the secondplain above the hunter's hands, is a bit smaller than the others. J. Kovačević is the only one who discussed art, iconographyand chronology of this relief. According to his opinion, this relief is created under the influence of the early Romanesque art of the western Europe, particularly following the monuments from eastern Adriatic coast where stylistically very similar reliefs,in the way they display the human form, can be found. This implicitly suggests the dating of this relief into 11th century. He also stated that the medieval panel from Malo Čajno is a chronological link between Late Antique displays and those that will numerously show up afterwards on late medieval stećci. Through the interpretation of iconographic content of the relief,he assumed that this is a very frequent ancient mythological and narrative motif whose interpretatio christiana lies in the early Christian and afterwards in the early Romanesque art. Symbolically, the hunter killing a boar is actually killing the devil or evil spirit which, according to gospels of Luke and Matthew, Christ forced into a body of a pig, staying there untilits disappearance through submerging in water. After J. Kovačević there were no more texts addressing this relief with more attention. In the past literature, it was the most frequently mentioned topic in the papers dealing with the art of the Bosnian Medieval tombstones and stećci. Afterwards, M. Wenzel mentioned it first and later it was used several timesby Š. Bešlagić who found the standpoint for his opinion in the hunting scene and the shape of the spear that hunter holds in his hands. According to my opinion the stone panel with hunting scene relief from the vicinity of Visoko, dueto its complexity in art form and the specific carving processing, cannot be linked to a single similar ornament on medieval and Late Medieval Bosnian tombstones. Those who tried to make a connection warn us that among numerous hunting displays onstećci, deer hunting scenes are prevalent, while boar hunting scenes are displayed eleven times. In that process dual analogies are stated because in all those reliefs from the Late Medieval period, the animals were carved in a schematic way which makes a boar recognizable only with a lot of imagination. However, on a stećak from Donja Zgošća near Kakanj, which israther impressive by its dimensions and ornaments,one hunting scene can be interpreted precisely like that, making it, in my opinion, a single such display made on stećci. The second indicator that was used to equalize the scene from the relief nearby Visoko with displays on stećci is a large spear that the hunter is holding in his hands. It is presumably a hunting spear that was in use during 14th and 15th century in Bosnia. Several similar spears were displayed on tombstones as well, but those items were significantly different from the one carved on our relief. It truly resembles the Early Medieval, Frankish spear with wings that was used inthe second half of the 8th and throughout the 9th century. Several pieces of weapons like that were found in Dalmatian outback, in Hercegovina and in southwestern Bosnia. Its shape and function are clearly indicated by tiny images in Carolingian church book sand reliefs from Europe of the period. Of special importance for our issue is an analogy to the relief from Žrnovnica nearby Split showing a horseman attacking a bear with almost identical spear. Until recently this monument was considered as an early Romanesque stone-carving, but thanks to further detailed art andiconographic analysis it was shown that it belongs to pre-Romanesque period; most likely second half of the 8th century. The displayed heads of the animals, the head of the boar especially, being very robust with semi-open jaws with long sharp teeth, could be used for chronological dating of the relief from Malo Čajno. Thanks to such outlook, in comparison to their bodies, they mostly resemble the augmented animal heads carved on the specimen of the early medieval stone furniture found in churches in cities in Dalmatia, Istria and northern Italy. The very motif of boar hunting, as previously noted, is taken from the repertoire of the ancient art. The sarcophagus with mythological theme of Meleager hunting a Calydonian boar from Solin (today in Archeological museum in Split) is one of the best displays of such a motif from prestigious Attic workshops. Several items from the Late Antiquity exemplify the use of this motif also in the early Christian period as previously mentioned by J. Kovačević.A relief with a narrative display of boar hunting from the portico of a cathedral in Civita Castellana is a very good early medieval analogy to the scene on the relief from vicinity of Visoko. On the monument from Lazio, the hunt is taking place in the forest and horsemen and infantry are participating. The boar surrounded by dogs is being attacked by one horseman with a spear with a small wings, the other one with a spear in his hand and a horn in his mouth is pursuingit, while two more infantry men, equipped in a similar fashion, are also taking part in the hunt. Those infantrymen are very similar to the hunter from Visokoincluding the presence of the naïve carving. Their legs are presented in profile, while torso and the heads areen face. Apart from that, they are carved in a similar fashion to the hunter from the relief in Bosnia withtheir thick triangular beards and long hair which in broad highlights is combed towards scalp. Display of perspective in superposition is also an interesting artanalogy which is present on both of the monuments. The relief from Cività Castellana is considered to beLangobardian legacy and is usually dated back to 8th century.The relief with the added Nespina kaznac's inscription is specific for its carving method which is dominated by the use of serrated tools. Their use is not common in the Medieval Period and especially not on tombstones from the Late Medieval period including stećci, where there are no traces of it as well, as far as I know. On the other hand, such final processing of the stone surface is common in Roman period so we can assume that its use on our monument should be understood as antique and late antique tradition. Such carving technique was also applied to some other monuments in the area of today's Bosnia. It involves bear head protomes which used to be arrangedin a sequence ornamenting the outer wall of apse of a palace within curtis in Breza, but also ram's or moufflon's head probably as a part of a capital from the same site. Clear marks of the serrated chisel and hammer indicate that these monuments should assumedlybe placed into approximately the same period. The building in Breza is differently dated and functionally explained. In my opinion it is not an old Christian church but a palace within early medieval land property. Almost all fragments that used to decorate the interior and exterior of the building in Breza are not the characteristic of the Christian iconography.This is especially reflected in the displays of animals like bear, moufflon or ram which would be more acceptable for more secular buildings like a palace or hunting lodge as a part of nobility residence of the Early Middle Ages. Earlier in the text we have tried to show that according to its artistic qualities and carving procedures the relief from Malo Čajno is verysimilar to the sculptures from Breza. Therefore, if we add its contents (narrative boar hunting scene) to those indicators, an assumption that it used to be a part of the same ambience does not seem too daring. Such an opinion is more justified if we know that those two localities are only few kilometers apart. Hence, I consider the relief with boar hunting scene from MaloČajno to be carved in the Early Middle Ages, roughly in the second half of the 8th century. I assume that it was once a part of ambience decoration in the interior of the palace or hunting lodge in Breza. Afterwards, in the following centuries of the Medieval Period, it was taken from there to the new position in Malo Čajno. At that moment it also got its new, funeral functionwhich is shown through successively carved Cyrillic inscription originating from 12th or 13th century. Such re-use of some early medieval monument was not uncommon because in medieval Bosnia, similar thing happened to the famous Kulin ban's panelwhich was found nearby, in Biskupići.

Actual importance of study. At the beginning of the 2020s developed world countries and countries which are the leaders of world economic development faced up the challenges of radical structural reformation of social production (from industry to service system) which is based on digitalization. Digital technologies in world science and business practice are considered essential part of a complex technological phenomenon like 'Industry 4.0'. Digitalization should cover development of all business processes and management processes at micro-, meso- and microlevels, processes of social production management at national and world economy levels. In general, in the 21st century world is shifting rapidly to the strategies of digital technologies application. The countries which introduce these strategies will gain guaranteed competitive advantages: from reducing production costs and improved quality of goods and services to developing new sales market and making guaranteed super-profits. The countries which stand aside from digitalization processes are at risk of being among the outsiders of socio-economic development. Such problem statement highlights the actual importance of determining the directions, trends and strategic priorities of social production digitalization. This issue is really crucial for all world countries, including Ukraine which is in midst of profound structural reformation of all national production system. Problem statement. Digital economy shapes the ground for 'Industry 4.0', information, It technologies and large databases become the key technologies. The main asset of 'Industry 4.0' is information, the major tool of production is cyberphysical systems that lead to formation the single unified highly productive environmental system of collecting, analyzing and applying data to production and other processes. Cyberphysical systems provides 'smart machines' (productive machines, tools and equipment which are programmed) integration via their connection to the Internet, or creation special network, 'Industrial Internet' (IIoT) which is regarded as a productive analogue of 'Internet of Things' (IoT) that is focused on the consumers. 'Internet of Things' can be connected with 'smart factories' which use 'Industrial Internet' to adjust production processes quickly turning into account the changes in costs and availability of resources as well as demand for production made. One of the most essential tasks for current economics and researchers of systems and processes of organization future maintenance of world production is to determine the main strategic priorities of social production digitalization. Analysis of latest studies and publications. Valuable contribution to the study of the core and directions of strategic priorities concerning social production digitalization was made by such foreign scientists as the Canadian researcher Tapscott D [1], foreigners Sun, L., Zhao, L [2], Mcdowell, M. [3] and others. Yet, the study of issues concerning social production digitalization are mainly done by the team of authors as such issues are complicated and multihierarchical. Furthermore, the problem of social production digitalization is closely linked to the transition to sustainable development, which is reflected in the works by Ukrainian scholars like Khrapkin V., Ustimenko V., Kudrin O., Sagirov A. and others in the monograph "Determinants of sustainable economy development" [4]. The edition of the first in Ukraine inter-disciplinary textbook on Internet economy by a group of scientists like Tatomyr I., Kvasniy L., Poyda S. and others [5] should also be mentioned. But the challenges of social production digitalization are constantly focused on by theoretical scientists, analytics and practitioners of these processes. Determining unexplored parts of general problem. Defining strategic priorities of social production digitalization requires clear understanding of prospective spheres of their application, economic advantages and risks which mass transition of social production from traditional (industrial and post-industrial)to digital technologies bear. A new system of technological equipment (production digitalization, Internet-economy, technology 'Industry 4.0', NBIC- technologies and circular economy) has a number of economic advantages for commodity producers and countries, as well as leads to dramatical changes in the whole social security system, changes at labour market and reformation the integral system of social relations in the society. Tasks and objectives of the study. The objective of the study is to highlight the core and define the main strategic priorities of social production digitalization, as they cause the process of radical structural reformation of industrial production, services and social spheres of national economy of world countries and world economy in general. To achieve the objective set in the article the following tasks are determined and solved: - to define the main priorities of digital technologies development, which is radically modify all social production business processes; - to study the essence and the role of circular economy for transition to sustainable development taken EU countries as an example; - to identify the strategic priorities of robotization of production processes and priority spheres of industrial and service robots application; - to define the role of NBIC-technologies in the process of social production structural reformation and its transition to new digital technologies in the 21st century. Method and methodology of the study. While studying strategic priorities of social production digitalization theoretical and empirical methods of study are used, such as historical and logical, analysis and synthesis, abstract and specific, casual (cause-and-effect) ones. All of them helped to keep the track of digital technologies evolution and its impact on structural reformation of social production. Synergetic approach, method of expert estimates and casual methods are applied to ground system influence of digital technologies, 'Industry 4.0' and their materialization as 'circular economy' on the whole complicated and multihierarchical system of social production in general. Basic material (the results of the study). Digital economy, i.e. economy where it is virtual but not material or physical assets and transactions are of the greatest value, institutional environment in which business processes as well as all managerial processes are developed on the basis of digital computer technologies and information and communication technologies (ICT), lies as the ground for social production digitalization. ICT sphere involves production of electronic equipment, computing, hardware,.software and services. It also provides various information sevices. Information Technology serves as a material basis for digital economy and digital technologies development. Among the basic digital technologies the following ones play the profound role: technology 'Blockchain', 3D priniting, unmanned aerial vehicles and flying drones, virtual reality (VR). Augmented reality (AR), Internet of Things (IoT), Industrial Internet of Things (IIoT), Internet of Value (IoV) which is founded on IT and blockchain technology, Internet of Everything (IoE), Artificial Intelligence (AI), neuron networks and robots. These basic digital technologies in business processes and management practices are applied in synergy, complexity and system but not in a single way. System combination of digital technologies gives maximal economic effect from their practical application in all spheres of social production-from industry to all kinds of services. For instance, in education digital technologies promote illustrating and virtual supplement of study materials; in tourism trade they promote engagement of virtual guides, transport and logistics security of tourist routes, virtual adverts and trips arrangements, virtual guidebooks, virtual demonstration of services and IT brochures and leaflets. Digital technologies radically change gambling and show businesses, in particular, they provide virtual games with 'being there' effect. Digital technologies drastically modify the retail trade sphere, advertisement and publishing, management and marketing, as well as provide a lot of opportunities for collecting unbiased data concerning changes in market conditions in real time. Digital technologies lie as the basis for 'circular economy', whose essence rests with non-linear, secondary, circular use of all existing natural and material resources to provide the production and consumption without loss of quality and availability of goods and services developed on the grounds of innovations, IT-technology application and 'Industry 4.0'. Among priorities of circular economy potential applications the following ones should be mentioned: municipal services, solid household wastes management and their recycling, mass transition to smart houses and smart towns, circular agriculture development, circular and renewable energy, The potential of circular economy fully and equally corresponds to the demands for energy efficiency and rational consumption of limited natural resources, so it is widely applied in EU countries while transiting to sustainable development. In the 21st century processes of social production robotization draw the maximal attention of the society. There is a division between industrial and service robots which combine artificial intelligence and other various digital technologies in synergy. Industrial robots are widely used in production, including automotive industry, processing industry, energetic, construction sectors and agriculture Services are applied in all other spheres and sectors of national and world economies –from military-industrial complex (for instance, for mining and demining the areas, military drones) to robots-cleaners (robots-vacuum cleaners), robots-taxis, robots engaged in health care service and served as nurses (provide the ill person with water, tidy up, bring meals). Social production robotization is proceeding apace. According to "World Robotic Report 2020", within 2014 – 2019 the total quantity of industrial robots increased by 85 %. By 2020 in the world the share of robots in the sphere of automated industrial production had comprised 34 %, in electronics – 25%, in metallurgy – 10 %. These indicators are constantly growing which results in structural reformation of the whole system of economic and industrial processes, radical changes in world labour market and the social sphere of world economy in general. Alongside with generally recognized types of digital technologies and robotization processes, an innovation segment of digital economy – NBIC – technologies (Nanotechnology, Biotechnology, Information technology, Cognitive Science) are rapidly spread. Among the priorities of NBIC-technologies development the special place belongs to interaction between information and cognitive technologies. As a material basis for its synergy in NBIC-technologies creation of neuron networks, artificial intelligence, artificial cyber brain for robots are applied. It is estimated as one of the most prospective and important achievements of digital economy which determines basic, innovational vector of social production structural reformations in the 21st century. The sphere of results application. International economic relations and world economy, development of competitive strategies of national and social production digitalization of world economy in general. Conclusions. Digital technologies radically change all spheres of social production and social life, including business and managerial processes at all levels. Digital technologies are constantly developing and modifying, that promotes emergence of new spheres and new business activities and management. 21st century witnessed establishing digital economy, smart economy, circular economy, green economy and other various arrangements of social production which are based on digital technologies. Social production digitalization and innovative digital technologies promotes business with flexible systems of arrangement and management, production and sales grounded on processing large Big Data permanently, on the basis of online monitoring in real time. Grounded on digital technologies business in real time mode processes a massive Big Data and on their results makes smart decisions in all business spheres and business processes management. Radical shifts in social production digitalization provides businesses of the states which in practice introduce digital technologies with significant competitive advantages - from decrease in goods and services production cost to targeted meeting of specific needs of consumers. Whereas, rapid introduction of digital technologies in the countries-leaders of world economic development results in a set of system socio-economic and socio-political challenges, including the following: crucial reformatting the world labour market and rise in mass unemployment, shift from traditional export developing countries' specialization, breakups of traditional production networks being in force since the end of the 20th century, so called 'chains of additional value shaping', breakups of traditional cooperation links among world countries and shaping the new ones based on 'Industry 4.0' and 'Industrial Internet'. Socio-economic and political consequences of radical structural reformation of all spheres in national and world economy in the 21st century, undoubtedly, will be stipulated with the processes of social production digitalization. It will require further systemic and fundamental scientific studies on this complicated and multi hierarchical process.

La historia de las Recomendaciones comienza exactamente el 17 de marzo de 1919, en la reunión matutina, cuando el delegado norteamericano, Henry Mauris Robinson (1868-1937), ubicado a la derecha de la foto, con anteojos redondos, por debajo del Coronel Lister, un militar británico, presentó enmiendas importantes al artículo 19 del proyecto británico que venía discutiendo la Comisión desde el inicio de sus labores.Las Recomendaciones internacionales del trabajo constituyen un instrumento jurídico de suma importancia. En ocasiones, cumplen una función complementaria a la regulación de un Convenio al que acompañan y en otras cumplen su función normativa en solitario. En cualquier caso, las Recomendaciones tienen igual valor jurídico que los Convenios, ambos instrumentos deben ser objeto de la obligación constitucional de sumisión ante los parlamentos nacionales. Este trabajo analiza el trascendente papel que cumplen las Recomendaciones explicitando el contexto en el que algunas fueron adoptadas y las razones que llevaron a la Organización Internacional de Trabajo (OIT) a preferir una recomendación a un Convenio. El trabajo examina el proceso de adopción de algunas Recomendaciones especialmente significativas y muy pertinentes en la situación actual: trabajo forzoso, relación de trabajo, conflictos humanos y desastres naturales, pisos nacionales de protección social, seguridad e higiene, VIH/SIDA, trabajo marítimo y pueblos indígenas. Se examinan algunas situaciones en las que los mecanismos de control de la OIT se han ocupado de las Recomendaciones (sumisión a los parlamentos nacionales, Estudios Generales, reclamaciones, quejas). Se aportan ejemplos concretos y su evolución. Se sugiere que los documentos que los gobiernos presentan a la Oficina Internacional del Trabajo sobre la sumisión de los Convenios y las Recomendaciones a los parlamentos nacionales tengan una mayor difusión y transparencia. Por su parte, los Estudios Generales cumplen también un papel fundamental para la difusión de las Recomendaciones. Elaborados por la Comisión de Expertos en Aplicación de Convenios y Recomendaciones sobre la base de las informaciones recibidas de los Estados miembro en relación a los Convenios y las Recomendaciones permiten identificar las dificultades que retrasan la ratificación de un Convenio y dificultan la aplicación de una recomendación. También el proceso de reclamaciones y quejas en relación al cumplimiento de Convenios ratificados permite revisar indirectamente el alcance de las Recomendaciones. Este papel complementario de las Recomendaciones se ejemplifica en dos conflictos singulares entre los Gobiernos y algunos interlocutores sociales: la reforma legislativa del trabajo portuario en Portugal y el cumplimiento de consultas tripartitas efectivas relacionadas con las reformas legislativas en Venezuela. El término "Recomendación" figuró entre comillas en el artículo 405 del Tratado de Paz; las comillas no se usaron para los Convenios internacionales, una categoría conocida. En esta sección se comentan las disposiciones del artículo 19 de la Constitución de la OIT que corresponden al artículo 405 del Tratado de Paz. Las Recomendaciones y los Convenios reciben idéntico tratamiento en cuanto a su elaboración, adopción en la Conferencia y distribución de sus textos auténticos (artículo 19, párrafos 1-4). La Conferencia determina si las proposiciones que se elevarán a la consideración de los Estados Miembros tomarán la forma de una [.] "recomendación que ha de someterse al examen de los miembros para darle efecto bajo la forma de ley nacional o de otra manera o bien de un proyecto de Convenio internacional que han ratificar los Estados Miembros" (artículo 19, párrafo 1). Se destaca también que las "Recomendaciones" al igual que los proyectos de Convenios se deben someter a la autoridad o a las autoridades a quienes competa el asunto "al efecto de que le den forma de ley o adopten otras medidas" [artículo 19, párrafos 5,b); 6,b); y 7, iii)]. Se establece un plazo perentorio de un año "pero nunca más de 18 meses después de la clausura de la sesión de la Conferencia" para cumplir con la obligación de someter la recomendación o el Convenio. ESTUDiOS140REVISTA DEL MINISTERIO DE TRABAJO Y ECONOMÍA SOCIAL147"La obligación de someter" los Convenios y las Recomendaciones a las autoridades competentes es la única oportunidad en el que el término "obligación" aparece en la Constitución [artículo 19, párrafos 5,b) y 6,b)]. Se consideraba suficiente la sumisión de los Convenios y las Recomendaciones a las autoridades competentes para incorporar en la legislación y la práctica nacionales las medidas propuestas por la Conferencia. Las autoridades competentes les darían a las Recomendaciones, al igual que a los Convenios, la forma legislativa correspondiente. Los delegados de los ocho países que redactaron estas disposiciones constitucionales fueron conscientes que las autoridades a las que se debería someter las "Recomendaciones" y los Convenios eran las ramas legislativas respectivas. Salvo circunstancias excepcionales que justificasen una demora de dieciocho meses, la obligación de sumisión debía cumplirse en un plazo de un año luego de clausurada la Conferencia. En caso de que un país no cumpliera con la obligación de sumisión de los Convenios o las Recomendaciones, otro país podía protestar ante el Consejo de Administración, que debía informar a la Conferencia sobre el incumplimiento de la obligación de sumisión (artículo 30).La sumisión debía asegurar el vínculo entre el parlamento internacional del trabajo y los parlamentos nacionales que darían "forma de ley" o adoptarían las medidas pertinentes en relación con los Convenios y las Recomendaciones. El hecho de que sea posible ratificar un Convenio – y se impidiese la ratificación de las Recomendaciones – no aumentaba ni disminuía el prestigio de ninguna de las dos normas. El Convenio se comunica "para su ratificación" y las Recomendaciones para "ponerla en ejecución por medio de la legislación nacional o de otro modo" (artículo 19, párrafos 5, a) y 6, a)). Tanto una recomendación como un Convenio merecerían que se le diera "forma de ley", según las prácticas nacionales. Las actividades normativas de la Organización, de por sí mismas, debían causar suficiente entusiasmo como para que los parlamentos nacionales se empoderasen de los Convenios y las Recomendaciones internacionales del trabajo. El estudio se completa con una visión crítica de la reforma de la Constitución de la OIT que ha permitido la derogación de los Convenios y el retiro de Recomendaciones. Se finaliza con una defensa del papel trascendental de las Recomendaciones, mayor cuanto menos son las ratificaciones de los Convenios. ; The history of the Recommendations began exactly on 17 March 1919, at the morning session, when the American delegate, Henry Mauris Robinson (1868-1937), on the right-hand side of the photo, with round glasses, below Colonel Lister, a British military officer, submitted important amendments to Article 19 of the British draft that the Commission had been discussing from the beginning of their work.The International Labour Recommendations represent a very important legal instrument. Sometimes, they play a complementary role to the regulation of an accompanying Convention and sometimes fulfil their regulatory role on its own. In any case, Recommendations have the same legal value as Conventions, both instruments should be subject to the constitutional obligation of submission to national parliaments. This paper analyses the important role played by Recommendations, explaining the context in which some of them were adopted and the reasons that led the International Labour Organization (ILO) to prefer a Recommendation to a Convention. The paper examines the process of adopting some particularly significant and very relevant Recommendations in the current situation: forced labour, labour relationship, human conflicts and natural disasters, social protection floor, health and safety, HIV/AIDS, maritime labour and indigenous peoples. It examines some situations in which the ILO monitoring mechanisms have dealt with the Recommendations (submission to national parliaments, General Studies, claims, complaints). Specific examples and their evolution are provided. It is suggested that the documents submitted by Governments to the International Labour Office on the submission of Conventions and Recommendations to national parliaments should be made more widely available and transparent. The General Studies also play a key role in disseminating the Recommendations. Developed by the Committee of Experts on Application of Conventions and Recommendations on the basis of information received from member States concerning Conventions and Recommendations, it is possible to identify difficulties which delay ratification of a Convention and hinder the implementation of a recommendation. Also, the process of claims and complaints in relation to compliance with ratified Conventions allows for indirect review of the scope of Recommendations. This complementary role of the Recommendations is exemplified in two unique conflicts between Governments and some social partners: the legislative reform of dock work in Portugal and the implementation of effective tripartite consultations related to legislative reforms in Venezuela. The term "Recommendation" was enclosed in quotation marks in article 405 of the Peace Treaty; quotation marks were not used for international Conventions, a known category. This section discusses the provisions of article 19 of the ILO Constitution that correspond to article 405 of the Peace Treaty. Recommendations and Conventions receive the same treatment in terms of their elaboration, adoption at the Conference and distribution of their authentic texts (article 19, paragraphs 1-4). The Conference determines whether the proposals to be submitted to Member States for consideration will take the form of a [.] "recommendation for consideration by members in order to give effect to it in the form of national law or otherwise or of a draft international Convention to be ratified by Member States" (article 19, paragraph 1). It is also underlined that "Recommendations", as well as draft Conventions, should be submitted to the authority or authorities to which the matter relates "for the purpose of giving it the form of law or other measures" [article 19, paragraphs 5 (b); 6(b); and 7, (iii)]. A mandatory period of one year "but not more than 18 months after the closure of the session of the Conference" is established to fulfil the obligation to submit the Recommendation or the Convention. "The obligation to submit" the Conventions and Recommendations to the competent authorities is the only time when the term "obligation" appears in the Constitution [article 19, paragraphs 5, (b) and 6, (b)]. The submission of Conventions and Recommendations to the competent authorities was considered sufficient to incorporate the measures proposed by the Conference into national law and practice. The competent authorities ESTUDiOS142REVISTA DEL MINISTERIO DE TRABAJO Y ECONOMÍA SOCIAL147would give the Recommendations, as well as the Conventions, the appropriate legislative form. Delegates from the eight countries that drafted these constitutional provisions were aware that the authorities to which the "Recommendations" and the Conventions should be submitted were the respective legislative branches. Except in exceptional circumstances justifying an 18-month delay, the obligation of submission should be fulfilled within one year of the closure of the Conference. In the event of a failure by one country to comply with the obligation to submit the Conventions or Recommendations, another country could complain to the Governing Council, which should report to the Conference on the non-compliance with the obligation of submission (article 30).The submission should ensure the link between the international labour parliament and national parliaments that would "shape the law" or take appropriate action on the Conventions and Recommendations. That fact that it is possible to ratify a Convention – and to prevent ratification of Recommendations – did not increase or diminish the prestige of either rule. The Convention is communicated "for ratification" and the Recommendation to "implement it through national legislation or otherwise" (article 19, paragraphs 5, (a) and 6, (a)). Both a Recommendation and a Convention would deserve to be given the "form of a law", according to national practices. The normative activities of the Organization, on their own, should be sufficiently enthusiastic for national parliaments to empower themselves from the Conventions and the International Labour Recommendations. The study is complemented by a critical vision of the reform of the ILO Constitution that has allowed the repeal of Conventions and the withdrawal of Recommendations. It ends with a defence of the transcendental role of the Recommendations, the more important it is, the less important ratifications of Conventions are.

Our research focuses on the genesis of the teaching of art history in secondary schools in France. This precisely means its foundation and initial development under the Third Republic. We will first study the educational institution and the discipline of art history at the time, since the teaching of art history is closely linked to them. In Chapter I, the study will show the complexity of the secondary school system in France at the time. There is not only the distinction between male and female audiences, but also between classical education and modern education, so that the teaching of art history is not homogeneous across the board in terms of importance and aims. Chapter II will seek to reestablish the history of the institution of the discipline of art history in France, since secondary school education is concerned with the progress of its own discipline. At the time, the discipline of art history was in an initial phase, where its definition was still imprecise. Therefore, the purpose and practice of its teaching in secondary school are not clear. Then, our research will study the evolution of this teaching. In the first place, it is observed that it is never autonomous. That is to say, it is grafted onto other courses, that of drawing or history in particular. The role assigned to art history in the teaching of drawing differs from that in the teaching of history: in Chapter III, we will deal with several major reforms in the teaching of drawing, hence the fact that in drawing courses, art history is generally supposed to complement the drawing practice of an high culture; in Chapter IV concerning one art history in the teaching of history, it is noted that the more "the history of civilization" dethrones "the history of facts", the more art history is considered, in history, to be essential for the understanding of general history. As the discipline of art history became more autonomous, its teaching in secondary school was also supposed to be autonomous by the reform of 1925. The study of students should focus on the works of arts themselves - in view of the importance of this event, we will dedicate Chapter V to it. To this, however, there is no independent training regime for special teachers. Teaching continues to be entrusted to drawing or history teachers. The study of the selection regime followed by these professors shows that a professor's competence in art history varies with the effects of the previously mentioned reforms. Chapter VI will focus on the educational means and tools for this teaching, as art books, photos, projection, walk and visit, etc. We are going to approach lastly "the teaching of music history at secondary school in France", since this teaching which is given almost in parallel with the teaching of art history, or sometimes merges with it, is not yet fully studied by historians. In addition to the school system or the so called discipline itself, artistic currents and the democratic trend on all social levels give their repercussions to this teaching, so that art now comes into play in civic education and knowledge in applied or industrial arts occupies the central place of the study of art history. At the same time, the movement of new pedagogy based on practice and observation at the beginning of the twentieth century also inspires this teaching. ; Notre recherche a pour sujet la genèse de l'enseignement de l'histoire de l'art à l'école secondaire en France. Il s'agit précisément de sa fondation et son développement initial sous la IIIe République. Nous allons en premier lieu étudier l'institution scolaire et la discipline d'histoire de l'art à l'époque, car l'enseignement de l'histoire de l'art leur est lié étroitement. Dans le Chapitre I, l'étude va montrer la complexité du régime scolaire secondaire de France à l'époque. Il y a non seulement la distinction entre le public masculin et le public féminin, mais aussi entre l'enseignement classique et l'enseignement moderne, de telle sorte que l'enseignement de l'histoire de l'art n'est pas homogène au sens de l'importance comme de la finalité. Le chapitre II va chercher à rétablir l'histoire de l'institution de la discipline d'histoire de l'art en France, car l'enseignement à l'école secondaire s'attache au progrès de sa propre discipline. A l'époque, la discipline d'histoire de l'art se tient en phase initiale, où sa définition reste toujours imprécise. Par conséquent, la finalité et la pratique de son enseignement à l'école secondaire ne sont pas solides. Par la suite, la recherche va étudier l'évolution de cet enseignement. En premier lieu, il est constaté qu'il n'est jamais autonome. C'est-à-dire, il est greffé à d'autres cours, celui de dessin ou d'histoire en particulier. Le rôle qu'on assigne à l'histoire de l'art dans l'enseignement du dessin se différencie de celui dans l'enseignement de l'histoire : nous allons traiter dans le chapitre III plusieurs réformes majeures de l'enseignement du dessin, d'où peut se dégager le fait qu'au cours de dessin, l'histoire de l'art est généralement supposée compléter la pratique de dessin d'une culture élevée ; dans le Chapitre IV concernant l'histoire de l'art dans l'enseignement de l'histoire, il est constaté que, plus « l'histoire de la civilisation » détrône « l'histoire des faits », plus l'histoire de l'art est considérée, au cours d'histoire, comme étant indispensable à la compréhension de l'histoire générale. Au fur et à mesure de l'autonomisation de la discipline d'histoire de l'art, son enseignement à l'école secondaire est aussi censé être autonome par la réforme de 1925. L'étude des élèves doit porter sur les œuvres d'arts elles-mêmes – en considération de l'importance de cet événement, nous allons y dédier le Chapitre V. Il n'en existe pourtant pas, jusque-là, de régime indépendant de formation des professeurs spéciaux. L'enseignement continue à être confié aux professeurs de dessin ou d'histoire. L'étude sur le régime de sélection que suivent ces professeurs amène au constat que la compétence en histoire de l'art d'un professeur varie au gré des effets des réformes susdites. Le Chapitre VI va porter sur les moyens et outils pédagogiques à l'usage de cet enseignement, comme ouvrage d'art, photographie et projection, promenade et visite, etc. Nous allons aborder en dernier lieu « l'enseignement de l'histoire de la musique à l'école secondaire en France », vu que cet enseignement qui se donne presque en parallèle avec l'enseignement de l'histoire de l'art, ou fusionne parfois avec celui-ci, n'est pas encore pleinement étudié par les historiens. Outre le régime scolaire ou la discipline proprement dite, les courants artistiques et la tendance démocratique sur tous les plans sociaux donnent leurs répercussions à cet enseignement, si bien que l'art entre désormais en jeu de l'éducation civique et que le savoir en arts appliqués ou industriels occupe la place centrale de l'étude d'histoire de l'art. En même temps, le mouvement de pédagogie nouvelle fondée sur la pratique et l'observation au début du XXe siècle inspire cet enseignement ; 本文研究的是法国中学艺术史教学的初期情况,即在第三共和国时期的设立与发展情况。该教学与学校制度、学科制度息息相关,因此将首先对这两个问题进行考察。在第一章节中,研究展示了这一时期法国中学制度的复杂性。不仅有男校女校之分,还有古典教学与现代教学之分。艺术史教学在这些体系中的比重和要求均不相同。第二章节展示了艺术史学科在法国的建立过程,因为中学艺术史教学依托于学科的发展。这一时期,艺术史学科在法国还处于初级阶段,并且它的定义又始终存在模糊性,导致了中学艺术史教学的目标和实施也是不稳定的。接下来,论文将研究中学艺术史教学的发展过程。在这一时期,艺术史一直未被设立为独立课程,而是被移植到其他课程进行教学,尤其是素描课与历史课。这两个课程对艺术史的定位并不相同:在第三章节中,研究展示了几次重大素描教学改革中,艺术史是如何被当作素描练习的理论补充;第四章节则展示了,随着"文明史"逐渐取代传统的"事件史",艺术史也相应地被确立为年轻人必学的历史。。到了二十世纪,艺术史学科的独立性愈加明显。到了1925年,艺术史在中学正式被设立为独立教学内容,即对作品本身进行分析学习。第五章节将对这一重大改革展开研究。但直到这个时候,仍然不存在专门的艺术史教师培养制度。艺术史教学主要还是由素描老师或历史老师承担。论文通过对这些老师的选拔制度进行研究,展示了老师的艺术史素养是随着上述教学改革而变化的。第六章节主要考察了几种主要教学手段和教学工具,例如艺术类著作、照片与投影、参观与散步等。本文最后一章节对法国中学音乐史的教学情况展开一段初步的研究,因为该教学与艺术史教学几乎同时发展,有时还合并到一个教学大纲中。除了学校制度和学科本身,该论文还展示了给艺术史教学带来影响的艺术潮流与方方面面的民主化趋势。首先,对艺术的认知成为公民素养的一部分。其次,应用艺术和工业艺术,作为经济发展的推动力,逐渐成为了艺术史教学的重要内容。同时,二十世纪初,重视实践与体验的新教学法运动来到法国,也给该教学带来了新的启发

Programa Oficial de Doutoramento en Sociedade do Coñecemento: Novas perspectivas en Documentación, Comunicación e Humanidades. 566V01 ; [Resumen] La manera de comunicar de la monarquía percibida como un órgano político histórico y tradicional, se ha visto condicionada por la irrupción de nuevos canales de comunicación de la era digital. Las nuevas tecnologías han supuesto una fuente de inquietudes que provienen de la capacidad que ofrecen estas herramientas para interactuar con la institución. No cabe duda de que los medios de comunicación son uno de los principales formadores de opinión pública, por lo que Twitter se convierte en un factor crítico de influencia sobre la opinión pública. El propósito de esta investigación fue: conocer los efectos de las acciones comunicativas de la monarquía española y británica para los usuarios de Twitter, averiguar si su estrategia de comunicación beneficia o perjudica su imagen como institución del Estado y, determinar si se fomenta la bidireccionalidad de los mensajes con el público. Se elige Twitter por ser una red social clara y transparente con igualdad de acceso. Se ha optado por seleccionar actos que tuviesen un suficiente nivel de repercusión en la sociedad para obtener conclusiones que aportaran contenido a la investigación. Se han elegido publicaciones (2018 - 2020) protagonizadas por Felipe VI e Isabel II y se ha realizado un estudio comparativo. La metodología se apoyó en la etnografía virtual desde los enfoques cuantitativo y cualitativo con un componente observacional e interpretativo centrado en el análisis de contenido. Con el objeto de comparar la interacción comunicativa a través de Twitter en estas dos monarquías contemporáneas, se eligió seleccionar en ambas monarquías aconteceres de referencia a propósito de los cuales ambas iniciaron su discurso en Twitter en los últimos años: el día del cumpleaños (acontecer que, aún en diferente fecha, se repite cada año y tiene un carácter biográfico); la felicitación de Navidad (también es una cita habitual anual pero es de carácter festivo y social); y un acontecer de crisis y socialmente catastrófico como fue la invasión de contagios por la Covid-19. Se seleccionaron estos 3 eventos de un mismo ámbito temático en cada una de las monarquías. En concreto la selección ha sido la siguiente: la celebración del cumpleaños de Isabel II y de Felipe VI en ambos casos representativos de un evento biográfico privado, el discurso de Navidad de ambos monarcas por tratarse de un acto tradicional de carácter institucional, y el discurso extraordinario institucional con motivo de la pandemia mundial Covid-19. El estudio se centra en la publicación de vídeos en Twitter protagonizados por Felipe VI e Isabel II, con la excepción del cumpleaños del monarca español, el cual no publica vídeo. Para abordar este objeto de estudio, además se ha elegido la estrategia de seleccionar y registrar lo más aproximadamente posible las reacciones en Twitter para cada evento en el último año: en concreto, los primeros 100 tweets de respuesta el mismo día de cada evento cuya publicación aparece en las cuentas oficiales que tienen cada monarquía en Twitter. En el caso de la muestra Discurso de Navidad Felipe VI son 61 tweets y en el acto del aniversario de Isabel II los números absolutos son 104, siendo obligado respetar que se trata del mismo día de la publicación que cada monarquía hace en sus cuentas de Twitter. Esta selección de aproximadamente 100 mensajes por publicación y evento no sólo habría de permitir mayor rigor para establecer la comparación, sino además, y sobre todo, percibir los perfiles procedentes de aquellos twitteros supuestamente más activos y urgentes por publicar sus apreciaciones más inmediatas frente a su monarca. Las conclusiones confirman que ambas monarquías hacen uso de una estrategia de comunicación propia de instituciones públicas que aspiran a lograr una buena imagen ante los ciudadanos, los cuales exigen una mayor transparencia informativa. Sin embargo, los resultados del análisis manifiestan que Twitter no desarrolla la bidireccionalidad ni la interactuación propia de su naturaleza de red social. Tampoco es un aliado de la Casa Real española frente a la opinión pública, al contrario que lo que ocurre en la corona británica. Esta plataforma se convierte en un canal de elogio hacia la institución. ; [Resumo] A maneira de comunicar da monarquía, percibida como un órgano político histórico e tradicional, viuse condicionada pola irrupción de novas canles de comunicación da era dixital. As novas tecnoloxías supuxeron unha fonte de inquedanzas que veñen da capacidade que ofrecen estas ferramentas para interactuar coa institución. Non cabe dúbida de que os medios son un dos principais creadores de opinión pública, polo que Twitter convértese nun factor crítico para influír na opinión pública. O propósito desta investigación foi: coñecer os efectos das accións comunicativas da monarquía española e británica para os usuarios de Twitter, pescudar se a súa estratexia de comunicación beneficia ou prexudica a súa imaxe como institución do Estado e, determinar se fomenta a bidireccionalidade das mensaxes co público. Elíxese Twitter por ser unha rede social clara e transparente con igualdade de acceso. Optouse por seleccionar actos que tivesen un nivel de impacto suficiente na sociedade para obter conclusións que achegasen contido á investigación. Elixíronse publicacións (2018 - 2020) protagonizadas por Felipe VI e Isabel II e realizouse un estudo comparativo. A metodoloxía apoiouse na etnografía virtual desde enfoques cuantitativos e cualitativos cun compoñente observacional e interpretativo centrado na análise de contidos. Co obxecto de comparar a interacción comunicativa a través de Twitter nestas dúas monarquías contemporáneas, optouse por seleccionar en ambas as dúas monarquías eventos de referencia sobre os cales ambas comezaron o seu discurso en Twitter nos últimos anos: o día dos aniversarios (acontecer que, aínda en diferente data, repítese cada ano e ten un carácter biográfico); a felicitación de Nadal (tamén é unha cita anual habitual pero de carácter festivo e social); e un acontecer de crise e evento socialmente catastrófico como a invasión de contaxios pola Covid-19. Seleccionáronse estes 3 eventos dun mesmo ámbito temático en cada unha das monarquías. En concreto, a selección foi a seguinte: a celebración do aniversario de Isabel II e Felipe VI en ambos casos representativa dun acto biográfico privado, o pregón de Nadal de ambos monarcas por tratarse dun acto tradicional de carácter institucional, e o discurso extraordinario institucional con motivo da pandemia mundial Covid-19. 7 O estudo céntrase na publicación de vídeos en Twitter protagonizados por Felipe VI e Isabel II, coa excepción do aniversario do monarca español, que non publica vídeo. Para abordar este obxecto de estudo ademáis optouse pola estratexia de seleccionar e rexistrar o máis aproximadamente posible as reaccións en Twitter para cada evento no último ano: concretamente, os 100 primeiros chíos de resposta o mesmo día de cada evento cuxa publicación aparece nas contas oficiais que cada monarquía ten en Twitter. No caso da mostra do Discurso de Nadal de Felipe VI son 61 tweets e no acto do aniversario de Isabel II as cifras absolutas son 104, sendo obrigado respectar que sexa o mesmo día da publicación que cada monarquía fai nas súas contas de Twitter. Esta selección de aproximadamente 100 mensaxes por publicación e evento non só habería de permitir un maior rigor para establecer a comparación senón ademais, e sobre todo, percibir os perfís procedentes daqueles usuarios de Twitter supostamente máis activos e urxentes para publicar as súas apreciacións máis inmediatas respecto ao seu monarca. As conclusións confirman que ambas monarquías fan uso dunha estratexia de comunicación propia das institucións públicas que aspiran a acadar unha boa imaxe ante os cidadáns, que demandan unha maior transparencia informativa. Porén, os resultados da análise mostran que Twitter non desenvolve a bidireccionalidade nin a interacción propia da súa natureza como rede social. Tampouco é un aliado da Casa Real española fronte a opinión pública, a diferenza do que acontece na coroa británica. Esta plataforma convértese nunha canle de eloxios cara á institución. ; [Abstract] The way of communicating of the monarchy perceived by the public as a historical, traditional and political body, has been shifting the emergence of new channels of communication of the digital age. The new technologies have been a source of unrest, stemming from the new ways those tools can interact with the royal institution. There is no doubt that the media is one of the main communication tools to create and influence public opinion. Accordingly, Twitter becomes a critical factor of influence over public opinion. The purpose of this research was: to get an understanding for the communications actions of the Spanish and British monarchy and their effects on Twitter users, to find out if their respective communication strategy benefits or is harmful to their image as an institution of the State and to determine whether the bidirectionality of messages with the public is encouraged. Twitter is chosen because it is a clear and transparent social network with equal access. It has been chosen to select acts that had a sufficient level of impact on society to obtain conclusions that would contribute to the content of the investigation. Some publications from Felipe VI and Elizabeth II (2018 - 2020) have been chosen for this comparative study. The methodology was based on virtual ethnography using quantitative and qualitative approaches with an observational and interpretative component focused on the content of the analysis. In order to compare the communicative interaction via Twitter for those two contemporary monarchies, I chose in both monarchies reference events for which both began their speech on Twitter in the recent years: The Monarch's birthday (it happened that, even on different date, it is repeated every year and of a biographical nature); Christmas greeting (also happens annually but festive and social in nature); Covid-19: a case of social crisis. Those 3 events were selected specifically with the same themes: a news event for each monarchy in a period of 3 calendar years: 2018, 2019 and 2020. In addition, the strategy of selecting and recording as closely as possible the reactions on Twitter for each event in the last year has been chosen specifically, as was the celebration of the birthday of Elizabeth II and Felipe VI: a private biographical event); another, the Christmas speech of both monarchs as it is 9 a traditional act of an institutional nature; and the extraordinary institutional discourse on the occasion of the Covid-19 global pandemic. The study focuses on the publication of videos on Twitter featuring Felipe VI and Isabel II, with the exception of the birthday of the Spanish monarch, who does not publish a video. In order to address this object of study, I have chosen the strategy of selecting and registering each event, as approximately as possible, the first 100 tweets of response on the same day of each event whose publication appears on the official accounts that each monarchy has on Twitter. In the case in the Christmas Speech from Felipe VI, there are 61 tweets and in the act of the anniversary of Elizabeth II the absolute numbers are 104, being obliged to respect that it is the same day of the publication that each monarchy makes on their Twitter accounts. This selection of approximately 100 messages per publication and event should not only allow greater precision for the comparison, but also, and above all, to perceive the profiles coming from the initiative of those who supposedly twitter more actively and urgently in order to publish their most immediate assessments in front of their monarch. The conclusions confirm that both monarchies make use of a communication strategy of public institutions that aim to achieve a good image for their citizens, which require greater transparency of information. However, the results of the analysis show that Twitter does not develop the bidirectionality or interaction of its nature as a social network, it is not favorable of the Spanish Royal Family in the face of public opinion, the opposite case happens to the British crown which becomes a channel of praise towards the institution.

Si observamos la cronología del conflicto sirio, desde las protestas pacíficas en 2011 hasta la guerra abierta que vivió el país hasta finales de 2018, llama la atención la gran cantidad de información producida en este período, que contrasta con las décadas anteriores de silencio informativo. Durante décadas de dictadura de los Asad en Siria, poco se supo de este país ubicado en el epicentro de una región estratégica y sacudida por guerras, ocupaciones y golpes de estado. La represión ejercida por la familia que ostentaba el poder había resultado en un país hermético que aislaba a su ciudadanía y que apenas recibía cobertura, con la excepción de cuestiones puntuales vinculadas a la geoestrategia internacional. A partir de marzo de 2011, en el contexto de las movilizaciones bautizadas como "Primavera Árabe" que se extendieron por Oriente Próximo y el norte de África y que encontraron en Siria una de sus máximas expresiones, tanto la propia población siria como el resto del mundo pudieron asomarse a la realidad de lo que hasta entonces había sido un país en el que todas las instituciones sufrían un fuerte control y que reprimía con brutalidad cualquier forma de disidencia. La dificultad de comprender las claves del conflicto sirio que se desarrolló en los años posteriores remite en a medida a esas largas décadas de silencio casi absoluto en torno a Siria. En 2011, el país pasó en pocos meses de ser un agujero negro informativo a ser "el conflicto más mediado de la historia" (O'Callaghan et al., 2014), con un flujo incesante de contenidos producido en su mayoría por la propia ciudadanía, ansiosa de canalizar unas necesidades expresivas reprimidas durante décadas. Sin embargo, estos contenidos no siempre contaban con un contexto que permitiera su comprensión al resto del mundo. Frente a una cantidad ingente de mensajes, vídeos e imágenes, muchos de ellos muy gráficos y violentos, difíciles de procesar y contextualizar, se impusieron discursos centrados en aspectos militares y geoestratégicos. A medida que las manifestaciones pacíficas devenían en un levantamiento armado tras la brutal represión del régimen, avanzaba una batalla por la hegemonía del país condicionada por la influencia de las distintas potencias –estadounidense, rusa, iraní, saudí, turca–, una influencia que se impuso también en el ámbito mediático eclipsando las cuestiones internas y las motivaciones, avances e iniciativas de la propia ciudadanía siria. A la ausencia de contexto para comprender un país aislado durante décadas se sumó la propaganda desplegada tanto por el régimen como por distintos grupos de la oposición, en una batalla por la legitimidad recrudecida en paralelo a los enfrentamientos sobre el terreno. Ante el ruido y la propaganda mediática, y sin corresponsales internacionales que pudieran retransmitir la realidad sobre el terreno, las voces de la población siria continuaron narrando su propia realidad, pero con un eco mediático e internacional que se mitigaba a medida que el conflicto se enquistaba. A pesar de los discursos oficiales y de la tendencia a la militarización que copaba la cobertura mediática, proliferaron los proyectos de construcción y reconstrucción sobre el terreno. Se sucedieron las campañas que denunciaban tanto los abusos del régimen como de los distintos grupos extremistas que buscaban imponer sus propias agendas sobre la población local. Surgieron un gran número de iniciativas ciudadanas impregnadas de creatividad y florecimiento artístico que rompieron con las largas décadas de represión y censura. Entre estos esfuerzos destaca la comunicación, sostenida desde el inicio del levantamiento, de un pequeño pueblo del norte de Siria, en la provincia de Idlib: Kafranbel. Un pueblo cuya actividad lo colocó en el centro de la diana de los ataques, primero del régimen y, una vez liberado de este, de distintos grupos extremistas que buscaron ocupar su lugar. Este trabajo de investigación se centra en un aspecto no explorado que creemos de gran importancia en el contexto mediático actual: partiendo de la relevancia de Kafranbel, realizamos una cronología a través de la recopilación y organización de los carteles existentes, o de los que hemos podido identificar en el largo proceso de búsqueda por distintos canales y plataformas de internet, y analizamos las claves y rasgos característicos del "storytelling digital" de este pueblo, paradigmático del contexto sirio. O, dicho de otro modo, de la comunicación sostenida en el tiempo a través de la voz colectiva, y "desde abajo", del pueblo de Kafranbel. Partimos en esta investigación de la importancia del acercamiento a la guerra "desde abajo", tal como lo plantea Joshka Wessels en Syrian masquerades of war (Wessels, 2015), donde analiza cómo los habitantes de Kafranbel proporcionan un análisis desde la base de cuestiones que a menudo se analizan sin contar con la relevancia de las dinámicas internas y sus consecuencias en quienes las sufren. También del trabajo desarrollado por Christine Sylvester, cuyo libro War as experience (La guerra como experiencia) ha sido un gran hallazgo a la hora de encauzar esta investigación. Sylvester enfatiza la necesidad empírica de promover acercamientos a la guerra que partan de las personas que la sufren ("study up"), en lugar de los acercamientos dominados por las élites, los estados y las estructuras de poder ("study down") (Sylvester, 2013, p. 109). Esta visión "desde abajo" ha sido, según la autora, tradicionalmente descuidada en su ámbito de especialización, las Relaciones Internacionales, y consideramos de gran importancia, para una mejor comprensión del mundo y en particular de los conflictos, ponerla en valor también el ámbito que ocupa esta investigación. El asesinato a finales de 2018 de Raed Fares y Hammod Junaid, dos de los artífices de los carteles elaborados desde Kafranbel, a la vez que el anuncio de las autoridades locales y geopolíticas del "fin de la guerra", marcaron el fin de un ciclo y dieron paso a otro en el que destaca la recuperación del territorio por parte del régimen sirio y sus aliados geoestratégicos. Desde este contexto de re-normalización del régimen, y de creciente incomprensión o indiferencia hacia la realidad de la población siria, ofrecemos un análisis del comienzo del proceso revolucionario y de su evolución a través de la voz colectiva y "desde abajo", del pueblo de Kafranbel. ; If we look at the chronology of the Syrian conflict, from the peaceful protests in 2011 until the open war the country suffered until late 2018, we notice the huge amount of information produced during this period, which contrasts with the fifty previous years of information vacuum. For decades under the Assad regime, little was known about this country located in the epicenter of a strategic region, shaken by wars, occupations and coups. The repression exercised by the ruling family resulted in the country being shut off from the rest of the world and rarely got any media coverage, with the exception of issues related to international geopolitics. After March 2011, in the context of the mobilisations named by media as the "Arab Spring" which spread throughout the Middle East and North Africa region and reached Syria, both the Syrian people and the rest of the world could get a glimpse at the reality of a country that suffered severecontrol and where any form of dissident was brutally repressed. The fact that Syria was, and continues to be, a difficult conflict to understand is linked to those long decades of nearly absolute silence. In 2011, the country went from being an information black hole to "the most mediatized conflict in history" in just a few months (O'Callaghan et al., 2014), providing a constant flow of content produced mostly by citizens, eager to channel expressive needs that had been long repressed. However, this content didn't always include context that allowed the rest of the world to understanding it. As a huge number of messages, videos, images, many of them extremely graphic and difficult to process and contextualize, continued to be produced, discourses focused on military and geopolitical aspects started gaining ground. As the peaceful demonstrations became an armed uprising after the brutal repression unleashed against protesters, a battle for the control of the country continued to develop under the influence of major powers –US, Russia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey…, an influence that was captured by media, eclipsing internal dynamics and motivations, advances and initiatives by Syrian civil society. In addition to the absence of context to understand a country isolated for fifty years, the propaganda displayed by the regime and by different opposition groups escalated, feeding a media battle in parallel to the confrontations on the ground. With so much noise and propaganda, and with few foreign correspondents to share the reality from the ground, a diversity of voices from the Syrian people continued to share their own reality, but with less and less international and media amplification. Despite official discourses and the tendency to militarization that captured media attention, projects of building and rebuilding continued to happen on the ground. Campaigns were launched xi by activists denouncing both abuses by the regime and by different extremist groups that tried to impose their agendas on the local population. A great number of citizen initiatives were born, full of creativity and artistic flourishing that broke with the long decades of censorship. Among these efforts there is the communication, sustained from the beginning of the uprising, of a small town in northern Syria, in the Idlib province: Kafranbel, a town that became the target of attacks, first by the Syrian regime and, after the town liberated itself from the regime, by extremist groups trying to fill its place. This research focuses on an unexplored aspect that we consider of key relevance in the current media context: the "digital storytelling" of the town of Kafranbel. We offer a chronology of the existing banners through different internet channels and platforms and analyze the characteristics of the town's "digital storytelling". In other words, we focus on the sustained communication of the war "from below" through the collective voice of a small Syrian town. A key idea that our research revolves around stems from the approach to war studies "from below", as Joshka Wessels poses on Syrian masquerades of war (Wessels, 2015), where she analyses how the people of Kafranbel offer insights on internal dynamics and the consequences of the war on those who suffer it. Equally relevant is the work of Christine Sylvester, whose book War as experience has been key in channeling this research in a fruitful direction. Sylvester emphasizes the empirical need to promote approaches to war that stem from those who suffer it ("study up") as opposed to those dominated by the elites, states and power structures ("study down") (Sylvester, 2013, p. 109). This view "from below" has been traditionally dismissed in the author's area of work, International Relations. We consider it key to a better understanding of the world, and of conflicts in particularly, and have chosen to apply it in our research area: Communications. The assassination of Raed Fares and Hammod Junaid, two of the most relevant actors in Kafranbel's storytelling process, at the end of 2018, coincided with the announcement by the Syrian regime and its allies of the "end of the war". This marked the end of a cycle and gave way to another period, marked by the regime recovering most of the territory it had lost, including the town of Kafranbel. From this context of re-normalization of the regime, and increasing misunderstanding or indifference to the reality suffered by the Syrian population, we offer an analysis of the beginning of the revolutionary process and its evolution through a powerful collective voice from "below". ; Programa de Doctorado en Investigación en Medios de Comunicación por la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid ; Presidente: Ignacio Álvarez-Ossorio Alvariño.- Secretario: Eduardo Francisco Rodríguez Gómez.- Vocal: María Ángeles Blanco Ruiz

Buildings, techniques and materials with which spaces and volumes have been created and defined are part of the architectural heritage, considered as material heritage. However, a more careful analysis allows us to grasp that it is much more than material heritage since it is actually the petrification of a cultural moment. One of the keys to fundamental understanding is the meaning of material heritage as a result of a social structure that organizes and guides the modes of production, daily practices, lifestyles, and their meanings. But the existing separation between different types of heritage resulting from the Western mental structures marked by a strong dichotomy that governs the analysis of any matter can force a classification that avoids polyhedral analysis that the material heritage could offer. The dualism of "object" and "subject" requires re-consideration, in order to visualize the deep interrelationship between these two concepts. The material heritage is inscribed in a specific space-time framework materialized in a certain place and situation. That is, the subset of differences was selected that more strongly reflect the borders of the difference of one culture over another in its multiple dimensions. Therefore, in the analysis of material heritage, socially structured and specific historical contexts and processes must be taken into account as they affect the production and transmission of symbolic forms. The aim of this paper is to concentrate particularly on attributing meanings to materials. It is crucial to realize that several aspects (function, use, context, user, etc.) can be effective in attributing meanings to materials and they should be taken into consideration for understanding the selection process since it is paramount to focus towards the intangible aspects in materials selection activity as well. So, materials' uses demand a holistic analyze from multiple dimensions to be understood in deep. One of them is symbolic analyze. This article aims to address the study of the symbolic meaning of glass throughout time in architectures through the revision of literature. Delving beyond the visual level, we are able to discern the "embedding "of constructive action in networks of interpersonal connections and particularly, cultural conditions. Through the analysis of a material, it is possible is to analyze society itself with changing roles in its reciprocal relationship with the environment in a face-to-face community and with a complex social organization, a long past, an uncertain future and a cultural heritage that unfolds (Alcindor, Lima & Alcindor-Huelva). The symbolic perspective in analysis offers a way of understanding materials and their life stories; economies and their networks of trust and obligation; the co-production of people with their environments. The intention of opening the lens through which all these material issues are seeking to incorporate a holistic point of view, namely, the way of thinking that reconstructs a totality of relationships between people and their products since any designer creates and constructs his objects imbued by the forms of social actions existing in daily practices that are always located in a space and time and therefore within a framework of political, social and economic conditions. Therefore, they do not act "freely" since the structures of action enter within the individual through rules and principles that guide us in our practices in an unconscious way. ; Los edificios, técnicas y materiales con los que se han creado y definido espacios y volúmenes forman parte del patrimonio arquitectónico, considerándose patrimonio material. Sin embargo, un análisis más detenido permite captar que se trata de mucho más que patrimonio material ya que en realidad es la petrificación de un momento cultural. Una de las claves de comprensión es el significado del patrimonio material como resultado de una estructura social que organiza y orienta los modos de producción, las prácticas cotidianas, los estilos de vida y sus significados. Pero la separación existente entre diferentes tipos de patrimonio resultante de las estructuras mentales occidentales está marcada por una fuerte dicotomía que rige el análisis de cualquier materia. Ello fuerza una clasificación que evita el análisis poliédrico que el patrimonio material podría ofrecer. El dualismo de "objeto" y "sujeto" requiere una reconsideración, a fin de visualizar la profunda interrelación entre estos dos conceptos. El patrimonio material está inscrito en un marco espacio-temporal específico materializado en un lugar y situación determinados. Es decir, se produjo una selección del subconjunto de diferencias reflejando con fuerza los límites de la diferencia de una cultura sobre otra en sus múltiples dimensiones. Por lo tanto, en el análisis del patrimonio material deben tenerse en cuenta los contextos y procesos históricos socialmente estructurados y específicos que afectan a la producción y transmisión de formas simbólicas. En este artículo, pretende concentrarse en la atribución de significados a los materiales. Es crucial darse cuenta de que varios aspectos (función, uso, contexto, usuario, etc.) pueden ser efectivos para atribuir significados a los materiales y deben ser tomados en consideración durante el proceso de selección, por lo que es primordial enfocarse en los aspectos intangibles que gobiernan la selección de materiales también. Por lo tanto, los usos de los materiales exigen un análisis holístico desde múltiples dimensiones para ser comprendidos en profundidad. Uno de ellos es el análisis simbólico.Este artículo tiene como objetivo abordar el estudio del significado simbólico del vidrio a lo largo del tiempo en arquitectura a través de una revisión de la literatura. Profundizando más allá del nivel visual, somos capaces de discernir la "incrustación" de la acción constructiva en redes de conexiones interpersonales y concretamente, de condiciones culturales. A través del análisis de un material, es posible analizar la propia sociedad con roles cambiantes en su relación recíproca con el medio ambiente en una comunidad cara a cara y con una organización social compleja, un pasado lejano, un futuro incierto y un patrimonio cultural que se despliega (Alcindor, Lima & Alcindor-Huelva). La perspectiva simbólica en el análisis ofrece una forma de entender los materiales y sus historias de vida; economías y sus redes de confianza y obligación; la coproducción de las personas con sus entornos. La intención es abrir la lente a través de la cual todas estas cuestiones materiales buscan incorporar un punto de vista holístico, es decir, una forma de analizar que permita reconstruir la totalidad de relaciones entre las personas y sus productos ya que cualquier diseñador crea y construye sus objetos imbuidos de la formas de acciones sociales existentes en las prácticas cotidianas que se ubican siempre en un espacio y tiempo y por tanto en un marco de condiciones políticas, sociales y económicas. Por tanto, no actúan "libremente" ya que las estructuras de acción se introducen dentro del individuo a través de reglas y principios que nos guían en nuestras prácticas de manera inconsciente. ; Les bâtiments, les techniques et les matériaux avec lesquels les espaces et les volumes ont été créés et définis font partie du patrimoine architectural, considéré comme patrimoine matériel. Cependant, une analyse plus approfondie nous permet de saisir qu'il s'agit de bien plus que du patrimoine matériel puisqu'il s'agit en fait de la pétrification d'un moment culturel. Une des clés de la compréhension.Ainsi, les utilisations des matériaux exigent une analyse holistique à partir de multiples dimensions à comprendre en profondeur. L'une d'elles est l'analyse symbolique. Cet article vise à aborder l'étude de la signification symbolique du verre à travers le temps dans les architectures par la révision de la littérature. En allant au-delà du niveau visuel, nous sommes en mesure de discerner "l'enchâssement" de l'action constructive dans les réseaux de relations interpersonnelles et, en particulier, les conditions culturelles. Par l'analyse d'un matériau, il est possible d'analyser la société elle-même avec des rôles changeants dans sa relation réciproque avec l'environnement dans une communauté face à face et avec une organisation sociale complexe, un long passé, un avenir incertain et un héritage culturel qui se déploie (Alcindor, Lima & Alcindor-Huelva). La perspective symbolique dans l'analyse offre une façon de comprendre les matériaux et leurs histoires de vie ; les économies et leurs réseaux de confiance et d'obligation ; la co-production des personnes avec leurs environnements. L'intention d'ouvrir la lentille à travers laquelle toutes ces questions matérielles cherchent à incorporer un point de vue holistique, à savoir, la façon de penser qui reconstruit une totalité de relations entre les personnes et leurs produits puisque tout designer crée et construit ses objets imprégnés des formes d'actions sociales existant dans les pratiques quotidiennes qui sont toujours situées dans un espace et un temps et donc dans un cadre de conditions politiques, sociales et économiques. Par conséquent, ils n'agissent pas "librement" puisque les structures d'action entrent dans l'individu par le biais de règles et de principes qui nous guident inconsciemment dans nos pratiques. fondamentale est la signification du patrimoine matériel en tant que résultat d'une structure sociale qui organise et guide les modes de production, les pratiques quotidiennes, les modes de vie et leurs significations. Mais la séparation existante entre les différents types de patrimoine résultant des structures mentales occidentales marquées par une forte dichotomie qui régit l'analyse de toute matière peut forcer une classification qui évite l'analyse polyédrique que le patrimoine matériel pourrait offrir. Le dualisme entre "objet" et "sujet" doit être reconsidéré, afin de visualiser la profonde interrelation entre ces deux concepts. Le patrimoine matériel est inscrit dans un cadre spatio-temporel spécifique matérialisé dans un certain lieu et une certaine situation. Autrement dit, on a choisi le sous-ensemble de différences qui reflète plus fortement les frontières de la différence d'une culture par rapport à une autre dans ses multiples dimensions. Par conséquent, dans l'analyse du patrimoine matériel, les contextes et processus historiques spécifiques et socialement structurés doivent être pris en compte car ils affectent la production et la transmission de formes symboliques. L'objectif de ce document est de se concentrer particulièrement sur l'attribution de significations aux matériaux. Il est essentiel de réaliser que plusieurs aspects (fonction, utilisation, contexte, utilisateur, etc.) peuvent être efficaces pour attribuer des significations aux matériaux et qu'ils doivent être pris en considération pour comprendre le processus de sélection, car il est primordial de se concentrer également sur les aspects immatériels dans l'activité de sélection des matériaux. Ainsi, les utilisations des matériaux exigent une analyse holistique à partir de multiples dimensions à comprendre en profondeur. L'une d'elles est l'analyse symbolique. Cet article vise à aborder l'étude de la signification symbolique du verre à travers le temps dans les architectures par la révision de la littérature. En allant au-delà du niveau visuel, nous sommes en mesure de discerner "l'enchâssement" de l'action constructive dans les réseaux de relations interpersonnelles et, en particulier, les conditions culturelles. Par l'analyse d'un matériau, il est possible d'analyser la société elle-même avec des rôles changeants dans sa relation réciproque avec l'environnement dans une communauté face à face et avec une organisation sociale complexe, un long passé, un avenir incertain et un héritage culturel qui se déploie (Alcindor, Lima & Alcindor-Huelva). La perspective symbolique dans l'analyse offre une façon de comprendre les matériaux et leurs histoires de vie ; les économies et leurs réseaux de confiance et d'obligation ; la co-production des personnes avec leurs environnements. L'intention d'ouvrir la lentille à travers laquelle toutes ces questions matérielles cherchent à incorporer un point de vue holistique, à savoir, la façon de penser qui reconstruit une totalité de relations entre les personnes et leurs produits puisque tout designer crée et construit ses objets imprégnés des formes d'actions sociales existant dans les pratiques quotidiennes qui sont toujours situées dans un espace et un temps et donc dans un cadre de conditions politiques, sociales et économiques. Par conséquent, ils n'agissent pas "librement" puisque les structures d'action entrent dans l'individu par le biais de règles et de principes qui nous guident inconsciemment dans nos pratiques.

Tesi en modalitat de cotutela: Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya i Politècnico di Torino ; The main theme of this work revolves around the CO2 molecule, a stable waste gas of low value, low energy and often available in large quantities in different places. This work examines some viable avenues for capturing, using, and storing CO2 (CCUS), with the ultimate goal of reducing GHG emissions and global warming. In addition, the study also examines several ways to accelerate the commercialization of carbon-based products and their technologies. Various technologies that show promising features of commercial scalability and advanced mobility. In addition, the rapid decline in the costs of many renewable sources (mainly solar and wind) has made low-cost, almost zero-carbon electricity abundant in terms of capacity and location. Consequently, this has driven some markets to offer electricity at an affordable cost and in some cases even at negative prices. As renewable electricity gradually decreases in price, there has been a greater knowledge of possible new applications (e.g. CCU and CCUS) considering turning this trend into a profitable business. This work focuses on six main aspects related to emerging CCUS processes and technologies based on renewable energies: 1. A comprehensive investigation of three emerging renewable energy technologies and processes (RETPs) (i.e., biogas and fuel cells, synthetic fuels, mineral carbonation of fly ash) that fall into the CCUS paradigm and are special forms , relatively new or advanced from major energy sources. All explanations of RETP CCUS are followed by its market share, challenges, implications for further adoption, prospects and drawbacks. 2. Analysis of experimental work related to the direct use of fuel containing CO2 of biological origin to supply an electrochemical process dedicated to the production of energy at high efficiency. In addition, the work analyzes a case study called DEMOSOFC located at a wastewater treatment plant (WWTP) in Turin, Italy. It analyzes energy production through the use of biogas produced in WWTPs and reports the results of the use of carbon (CO2 content), as it produces energy and heat (in CHP configuration) using fuel cells; specifically, solid oxide fuel cells. 3. Analysis of the experimental and modeling work carried out at the Turin Polytechnic, related to the use of the carbon molecule to produce synthetic fuels (e-methane (CH4) and e-methanol (CH3OH)) through two processes: electrolysis of the steam + methanation, and steam electrolysis + methanol production. 4. Analysis of the chemical process called mineral carbonation (MC), a carbon capture and storage (CCUS) technology that can capture large amounts of CO2 and turn it into stable carbonate products that can be easily used in the carbon market. cement and concrete. 5. Examining the potential commercialization of CCUS technologies by identifying four main markets and eight key product categories to drive new investment and innovation at an accelerated pace. The main markets and products discussed in this chapter are: (1) Markets: building materials, chemical intermediates, fuels, polymers (2) Products: carbonate aggregates, methanol, formic acid, syngas, liquid fuels, methane, polyols and polycarbonates. 6. Assess the continued increase in RETP CCUS despite the Covid-19 pandemic resulting from a mix of policies, regulations, incentives and past innovations embedded in the electricity sectors of many advanced countries. ; El tema principal d'aquest treball gira al voltant de la molècula de CO2, un gas residual estable de baix valor, poca energia i sovint disponible en gran quantitat en llocs diferents. Aquest treball examina algunes vies viables per capturar, utilitzar i emmagatzemar CO2 (CCUS), amb l'objectiu final de reduir les emissions de GEH i l'escalfament global. A més, l'estudi també examina diversos camins per accelerar la comercialització dels productes a base de carboni i les seves tecnologies. Diverses tecnologies que mostren funcions prometibles d'escalabilitat comercial i mobilitat avançada. A més, la ràpida disminució dels costos de moltes fonts renovables (principalment la solar i l'eòlica) ha fet que l'electricitat de baix cost i gairebé nul·la de carboni sigui abundant en termes de capacitat i localitat. En conseqüència, això ha impulsat alguns mercats a oferir electricitat a un cost assequible i, en alguns casos, fins i tot a preus negatius. Com que l'electricitat renovable disminueix gradualment en el preu, hi ha hagut un major coneixement de les possibles noves aplicacions (per exemple, CCU i CCUS) considerant convertir aquesta tendència en una empresa rendible. Aquest treball se centra en sis aspectes principals relacionats amb processos i tecnologies CCUS emergents basades en energies renovables: 1. Una investigació exhaustiva de tres tecnologies i processos emergents d'energies renovables (RETP) (és a dir, biogàs i cèl·lules de combustible, combustibles sintètics, carbonatació mineral de cendres voladores) que entren en el paradigma CCUS i són formes especials, relativament noves o avançades de les principals fonts d'energia. Totes les explicacions de RETP CCUS van seguides de la seva quota de mercat, els reptes, les implicacions per a una major adopció, les perspectives i els inconvenients. 2. Anàlisi de treballs experimentals relacionats amb l'ús directe de combustible que conté CO2 d'origen biològic per subministrar un procés electroquímic dedicat a la producció d'energia a alta eficiència. A més, el treball analitza un estudi de cas anomenat DEMOSOFC situat en una planta de tractament d¿aigües residuals (EDAR) a Torí, Itàlia. Analitza la producció d'energia mitjançant l'ús de biogàs produït a les EDAR i informa dels resultats de l'ús de carboni (contingut en CO2), ja que produeix energia i calor (en configuració CHP) mitjançant piles de combustible; concretament, les piles de combustible d'òxid sòlid. 3. Anàlisi del treball experimental i de modelització realitzat al Politècnic de Torí, relacionat amb l'ús de la molècula de carboni per produir combustibles sintètics (e-metà (CH4) i e-metanol (CH3OH)) mitjançant dos processos: electròlisi del vapor + metanació , i l'electròlisi del vapor + producció de metanol. 4. Anàlisi del procés químic anomenat carbonatació mineral (MC), una tecnologia d'utilització i emmagatzematge de captures de carboni (CCUS) que pot capturar grans quantitats de CO2 i convertir-lo en productes carbonats estables que es poden utilitzar fàcilment al mercat del ciment i el formigó. 5. L'examen de la comercialització potencial de les tecnologies CCUS mitjançant la identificació de quatre mercats principals i vuit categories de productes fonamentals per impulsar noves inversions i innovació a un ritme accelerat. Els principals mercats i productes discutits en aquest capítol són: (1) Mercats: materials de construcció, productes intermedis químics, combustibles, polímers (2) Productes: agregats de carbonat, metanol, àcid fòrmic, syngas, combustibles líquids, metà, poliols i policarbonats. 6. Avalua l'increment continuat de RETP CCUS malgrat la pandèmia Covid-19 resultant d'una barreja de polítiques, regulacions, incentius i innovacions passades incrustades en els sectors elèctrics de molts països avançats. ; Le preoccupazioni per il riscaldamento globale e il cambiamento climatico hanno innescato gli sforzi internazionali per ridurre la quantità e la concentrazione delle emissioni di CO2 per scongiurare enormi danni economici e ambientali. Negli ultimi anni, lo sviluppo di tecnologie efficienti e convenienti per ridurre le emissioni di CO2 antropogeniche ha preso piede in tutto il mondo. L'argomento principale di questo lavoro ruota intorno alla molecola di CO2, un gas di scarto a basso valore, a bassa energia e stabile, spesso disponibile in grandi quantità in singole località. Questo lavoro esamina alcune strade percorribili per catturare, utilizzare e immagazzinare la CO2 (CCUS), con l'obiettivo finale di ridurre le emissioni di gas serra e il riscaldamento globale. Inoltre, lo studio esamina anche vari percorsi per accelerare la commercializzazione dei prodotti a base di carbonio e delle loro tecnologie. Attualmente le tecnologie CCU stanno vivendo vari stadi di performance e maturità; tuttavia, ci sono progressi significativi nelle tecnologie CCU che hanno progredito negli ultimi dieci anni; varie tecnologie che mostrano una promettente scalabilità commerciale e caratteristiche di mobilità avanzate. Inoltre, il rapido declino dei costi di molte fonti rinnovabili (principalmente solare ed eolico) ha reso l'elettricità a basso costo e quasi a zero emissioni di carbonio abbondante in termini di capacità e località. Di conseguenza, questo ha spinto alcuni mercati a offrire elettricità a costi accessibili e, in alcuni casi, anche a prezzi negativi. Poiché l'elettricità rinnovabile sta gradualmente diminuendo di prezzo, c'è stato un aumento della conoscenza delle nuove applicazioni potenziali, (per esempio, CCU e CCUS) considerando di trasformare questa tendenza in un'impresa redditizia. Questo lavoro si concentra su sei aspetti principali relativi ai processi e alle tecnologie emergenti di CCUS basati sull'energia rinnovabile: 1. Un'indagine approfondita di tre tecnologie e processi emergenti di energia rinnovabile (RETP) (cioè, biogas e celle a combustibile, combustibili sintetici, carbonatazione minerale di ceneri volanti) che rientrano nel paradigma CCUS e sono speciali, relativamente nuovi, o forme avanzate delle fonti di energia tradizionali. La spiegazione di ogni RETP CCUS è seguita dalla sua quota di mercato, dalle sfide, dalle implicazioni per una maggiore adozione, dalle prospettive e dagli svantaggi. 2. Analisi del lavoro sperimentale relativo all'uso diretto del combustibile contenente CO2 di origine biologica per alimentare un processo elettrochimico dedicato alla produzione di energia ad alta efficienza. Inoltre, il lavoro analizza un caso di studio chiamato DEMOSOFC situato in un impianto di trattamento delle acque reflue (WWTP) a Torino, Italia. Esso esamina la produzione di energia utilizzando il biogas prodotto presso il WWTP e riporta i risultati dell'uso del carbonio (contenuto nella CO2) per produrre energia e calore (in configurazione CHP) utilizzando celle a combustibile; in particolare, celle a combustibile a ossido solido. 6 3. Analisi del lavoro sperimentale e modellistico svolto presso il Politecnico di Torino legato all'utilizzo della molecola del Carbonio per produrre combustibili sintetici (e-metano (CH4) ed e-metanolo (CH3OH)) attraverso due processi: elettrolisi a vapore + metanazione, ed elettrolisi a vapore + produzione di metanolo. 4. Analisi del processo chimico chiamato carbonatazione minerale (MC), una tecnologia di cattura, utilizzo e stoccaggio del carbonio (CCUS) che può catturare grandi quantità di CO2 e convertirla in prodotti carbonati stabili che possono essere facilmente utilizzati nel mercato del cemento e del calcestruzzo. Il lavoro porta avanti la prova pragmatica che la produzione MC ha il potenziale per fornire un reddito netto positivo e la sua fattibilità commerciale è un'impresa realistica. Tuttavia, la prospettiva di una nuova direzione di cementazione tramite la carbonatazione di FA è ancora in fase di maturazione ma con un grande potenziale di commercializzazione accelerata. L'intensificazione dei benefici ambientali ed economici generati da questo nuovo percorso per la cementazione sono sostanziali se paragonati agli attuali metodi di utilizzo dell'AF nell'industria delle costruzioni. Tuttavia, le politiche e i regolamenti esistenti sul carbonio, che limitano l'uso delle ceneri volanti (principalmente quelle ceneri che contengono maggiori quantità di calcio-HCFA) possono avere un impatto sul progresso delle tecnologie di cattura del carbonio e sulla commercializzazione dei prodotti a base di carbonio. 5. L'esame della potenziale commercializzazione delle tecnologie CCUS identificando quattro mercati principali e otto categorie di prodotti critici per guidare ulteriori investimenti e innovazione ad un ritmo accelerato. I finanziamenti e gli incentivi sono necessari per la maggior parte di questi prodotti per accelerare lo sviluppo e raggiungere una capacità di lancio commerciale su larga scala. I principali mercati e prodotti discussi in questo capitolo sono: (1) Mercati - materiali da costruzione, intermedi chimici, combustibili, polimeri (2) Prodotti - aggregati carbonati, metanolo, acido formico, syngas, combustibili liquidi, metano, polioli e policarbonati. 6. Valuta il continuo aumento di RETP CCUS nonostante la pandemia di Covid-19 derivante da una miscela di politiche passate, regolamenti, incentivi e innovazioni incorporati nei settori energetici di molti paesi lungimiranti. Inoltre, guarda al futuro di RETP CCUS dopo la pandemia. ; Postprint (published version)

La mondialisation, considérée comme un processus d'intégration internationale des ressources nationales sur les plans économique, culturel et démographique, exacerbe la concurrence entre les pays (OECD, 2005; Sahlberg, 2016). Cette concurrence amène d'ailleurs plusieurs d'entre elles à nouer des alliances stratégiques et à coopérer pour conserver ou améliorer leur positionnement dans ce marché globalisé (OECD, 2005). Pour faire face à cette concurrence mondialisée, un discours réclamant des réformes en profondeur en éducation s'est propagé à l'internationale par les représentants des organisations internationales durant les dernières décennies (Maroy, 2021). Ce discours s'inscrit dans ce que Sahlberg (2016) désigne de mouvement mondial de réforme de l'éducation (Global Education Reform Movement) influencé par ce que d'autres auteurs identifieront comme étant l'idéologie de la nouvelle gestion publique (Chappoz, 2012; Lane, 2000). La qualité des systèmes éducatifs représente pour ainsi dire le socle sur lequel repose l'avenir des pays. La formation continue des citoyens tout au long de la vie permet donc aux pays de s'adapter aux contingences de l'évolution permanente des connaissances et des compétences sur un marché du travail de plus en plus intégré (Brian, 2007). L'appel incessant des gouvernants et des organisations supranationales, comme l'Organisation de coopération et de développement économique (OCDE), à réformer les systèmes éducatifs de nombreux pays démocratiques est éloquent à cet égard (Charbonnier & Gouëdard, 2020; Maroy, 2021). La régulation des systèmes éducatifs par les résultats s'inscrit dans cette marche ascensionnelle de la mondialisation et des réformes en éducation. Cette régulation est marquée par une utilisation systématique des données chiffrées à des fins d'amélioration continue de la performance des systèmes éducatifs qui implique une amélioration du fonctionnement des centres de services scolaires (CSS) et des établissements scolaires (ÉS), notamment en matière de pratiques professionnelles, de taux de diplomation et de réduction des inégalités sociales (Maroy, 2013). Spécifiquement, on parle ici d'amélioration continue de l'enseignement et de l'apprentissage dont l'actualisation se réalise en définitive dans les ÉS. Aussi, l'on associe la régulation par les résultats à la promotion de l'autonomie des ÉS. Cette autonomie va de pair avec une augmentation de la responsabilisation des acteurs tels que les gestionnaires des CSS, les directions d'établissement (DÉ) et les enseignants. Cette autonomie va également de pair avec l'obligation de rendre des comptes typiquement aux parents, aux CSS et au ministère de l'Éducation quant aux résultats obtenus par rapport aux objectifs établis, aux indicateurs de performance fixés et aux moyens retenus pour les atteindre (Maroy, 2021). Dans ce contexte, la prise de décision appuyée sur les données en éducation représente dès lors un champ de recherche pertinent pour répondre au besoin d'amélioration continue de l'enseignement et de l'apprentissage à l'échelle des ÉS, des CSS et du système éducatif. Cette recherche doctorale s'inscrit dans cette quête d'amélioration continue de l'enseignement et de l'apprentissage dans le cadre du fonctionnement des équipes-écoles en communautés d'apprentissage professionnelles. La difficulté pour celles-ci d'utiliser les données accessibles ou produites dans les établissements scolaires (ÉS), particulièrement en ce qui concerne leur analyse (Bouchamma et al., 2019), dissimule en réalité des limites quant aux compétences professionnelles des acteurs locaux et à la capacité des outils technologiques existant à valoriser les données de sources et de types multiples (données quantitatives et qualitatives). Une communauté d'apprentissage professionnelle (CAP) d'une école secondaire de la région de la Chaudière-Appalaches s'est engagée à répondre à cette difficulté en implantant et en expérimentant un processus de la prise de décision pédagogique appuyé sur les données locales de sources multiples (PDPADLSM), à savoir sur les données qui sont accessibles ou produites dans les ÉS. Quatre enseignants¹ et un praticien-chercheur ont participé à cette recherche sur une base volontaire. Cette recherche appliquée repose sur un devis de type qualitatif qui se présente sous la forme d'une recherche-action suivant une perspective pragmatique et fonctionnaliste (Van der Maren, 2014). Dans la pratique, cette recherche vise l'amélioration du fonctionnement des ÉS et plus spécifiquement des CAP. Le corpus rassemble des données qualitatives provenant d'un questionnaire, d'entrevues semi-structurées, de comptes-rendus analytiques, d'extraits du journal de bord du praticien-chercheur et de la correspondance électronique entretenue entre les enseignants et le praticien-chercheur. L'analyse en mode écriture (Paillé & Mucchielli, 2016a) et thématique (Paillé & Mucchielli, 2016b) ainsi que la modélisation systémique (Buckley & Waring, 2013; Gendron & Richard, 2015) constituent les dispositifs de traitement des données. En guise d'amorce, le praticien-chercheur a effectué une analyse de sa pratique professionnelle relative à la PDPADLSM qui s'inscrit dans un enjeu ontogénique, soit le perfectionnement du praticien-chercheur à titre d'acteur central de la pratique (Van der Maren, 2014). Cette recherche se base sur les concepts de PDPADLSM et de CAP. Nous convoquons en sus la théorie C-K de la conception (Concept-Knowledge Theory) de Le Masson et al. (2018) et le modèle du changement social en milieu organisationnel de Lewin (1947). Les résultats de cette recherche révèlent que sept éléments participent à l'implantation du processus de la PDPADLSM : a) la mobilisation des acteurs autour d'un objectif commun ; b) l'acquisition d'un langage commun ; c) les compétences en relations interpersonnelles ; d) l'autoformation des participants ; e) la mise en œuvre différenciée ; f) le retour réflexif des acteurs ; g) le rapport paradoxal entretenu par les participants avec les outils technologiques. La démarche de conception innovante d'un outil d'aide à la décision pédagogique nous a permis de mettre au jour cinq catégories de connaissances associées à sa conception : a) le public cible ; b) les contextes dans lesquels il doit fonctionner ; c) la lourdeur de la tâche relative à la collecte et l'analyse des données ; d) les compétences requises pour concevoir et développer l'outil ; e) les ressources humaines nécessaires pour le réaliser. Le concept d'outil d'aide à la décision pédagogique renvoie à un outil qui collecte et analyse des données de sources et de types multiples (données quantitatives et qualitatives), offrant aux utilisateurs la possibilité d'interagir avec celui-ci pour répondre aux questions d'ordre descriptif (décrire une situation), diagnostique (expliquer la situation), prédictif (anticiper la situation) et prescriptif (recommander des actions). Enfin, dans sa dimension expérientielle, la recherche brosse un panorama d'un changement organisationnel planifié relatif à l'implantation du processus de la PDPADLSM et qui révèle que le gain en temps et en précision, en matière de collecte et d'analyse des données locales de sources multiples, améliore le fonctionnement des CAP et, ultimement, renforce la responsabilisation de leurs membres à l'égard de la réussite éducative de tous les élèves. ; Globalization, considered as a process of international integration of national resources on the economic, cultural and demographic levels, exacerbates competition between countries. This competition is leading many countries to form strategic alliances and cooperate to maintain or improve their position in this globalized market (OECD, 2005). In order to face this globalized competition, a discourse calling for in-depth reforms in education has been propagated internationally by representatives of international organizations over the last few decades (Maroy, 2021). This discourse is part of what (Sahlberg, 2016) refers to as the Global Education Reform Movement, influenced by what other authors have identified as the ideology of the New Public Management (Chappoz, 2012; Lane, 2000). The quality of education systems is, so to speak, the foundation on which the future of countries rests. Continuous lifelong learning of citizens thus allows countries to adapt to the contingencies of ever-changing knowledge and skills in an increasingly integrated labor market (Brian, 2007). The incessant call by governments and supranational organizations, such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), to reform the education systems of many democratic countries speaks volumes in this regard (Charbonnier & Gouëdard, 2020; Maroy, 2021). The regulation of education systems by results is part of this upward march of globalization and educational reforms. This regulation is marked by a systematic use of numerical data for the purpose of continuous improvement of the performance of education systems, which implies an improvement in the functioning of school service centres (SSCs) and schools, particularly in terms of professional practices, graduation rates and the reduction of social inequalities (Maroy, 2013). Specifically, we are talking about the continuous improvement of teaching and learning, which is ultimately achieved in the schools. Thus, regulation by results is associated with the promotion of autonomy in the schools. This autonomy goes hand in hand with an increase in the accountability of actors such as the CSS managers, the school principals (SP) and the teachers. This autonomy also goes hand in hand with the obligation to be accountable, typically to parents, CSSs and the Ministry of Education, for the results obtained in relation to the objectives set, the performance indicators set and the means used to achieve them (Maroy, 2021). In this context, data-based decision-making in education therefore represents a relevant field of research to address the need for continuous improvement of teaching and learning at the level of the schools, the SSCs and the education system. This doctoral research is part of this quest for continuous improvement of teaching and learning in the context of the operation of school teams in professional learning communities (PLCs). The difficulty for these teams to use the data accessible or produced in the schools, particularly with regard to their analysis (Bouchamma et al., 2019), actually conceals limitations with regard to the professional skills of local actors and the capacity of existing technological tools to make use of data from multi-source and types (quantitative and qualitative data). A PLC in a high school in the Chaudière-Appalaches region has committed to addressing this challenge by implementing and testing a pedagogical decision-making process using local multi-source data (PDMULMSD), i.e., on data that are accessible or produced in the schools. Four teachers and one practitioner-researcher participated in this research on a voluntary basis. This applied research is based on a qualitative design that takes the form of action research following a pragmatic and functionalist perspective (Van der Maren, 2014). In practice, this research aims to improve the functioning of schools and more specifically of PLCs. The corpus gathers qualitative data from a questionnaire, semi structured interviews, analytical accounts, excerpts from the practitioner-researcher's logbook, and electronic correspondence maintained between teachers and the practitioner researcher. Writing (Paillé & Mucchielli, 2016a) and thematic analysis (Paillé & Mucchielli, 2016b) as well as systemic modeling (Buckley & Waring, 2013; Gendron & Richard, 2015) constitute the data processing devices. As a primer, the practitioner-researcher conducted an analysis of his professional practice related to the PDMULMSD that is part of an ontogenic issue, the development of the practitioner-researcher as a central actor in practice (Van der Maren, 2014). This research is based on the concepts of PDMULMSD and PLC. We additionally convene Le Masson et al. (2018) Concept-Knowledge Theory (C-K) and Lewin's (1947) model of social change in organizational settings. The results of this research reveal that seven elements participate in the implementation of the PDMULMSD process: a) the mobilization of actors around a common objective; b) the acquisition of a common language; c) interpersonal skills; d) members' self training; e) differentiated implementation; f) the reflexive feedback of the actors; g) members' paradoxical relationship with technological tools. The innovative design process of a pedagogical decision support tool allowed us to identify five categories of knowledge associated with its design: a) the target audience; b) the contexts in which it must operate; c) the heaviness of the task related to data collection and analysis; d) the skills required to design and develop the tool; e) the human resources needed to implement it. The concept of an educational decision support tool refers to a tool that collects and analyzes data from multi-source and types (quantitative and qualitative data), offering users the possibility of interacting with it to answer questions of a descriptive (describing a situation), diagnostic (explaining the situation), predictive (anticipating the situation) and prescriptive (recommending actions) nature. Finally, in its experiential dimension, the research provides an overview of a planned organizational change related to the implementation of the PDMULMSD process and reveals that the gain in time and accuracy in collecting and analyzing local multi-source data improves the functioning of PLCs and ultimately strengthens the accountability of their members towards the educational success of all students.