Suchergebnisse

WHEN MANY COUNTRIES IN WESTERN EUROPE ARE EXPERIENCING A flux or even a teeming confusion in their party systems, West Germany stands out as a case of almost aberrant cohesion. The ageold yearning for 'the German synthesis' finds its apparent modern fulfilment in the party system. The uncomfortable extremes of left and right have for long hovered around virtual electoral extinction, and the rise of new movements – such as forms of neo-Poujadism in Scandinavia or the rediscovery of the territorial dimension of politics as in Britain – has left the Federal Republic untouched. The two major contenders for power, the SPD and the CDU, dominate the electoral scene, and in so doing seem to be locked in an embrace from which neither is able to escape.

A moral revolution at Mazorra, 1899-1902 -- Fragments of a journey to Mazorra: from a "state of ruin" to a second occupation, 1902-1909 -- The great divergence: psychiatry, race, and the age of the inferno, 1909-1933 -- The plague of politiquería: corruption and the experts, 1934-1958 -- Banishing the inferno: from Mazorra to Hospital Psiquiátrico de La Habana -- The world the Revolution made: political process and mental transformation -- The repeating madhouse, from Havana to Miami

This article is about the silences that often are registered but not so often highlighted and analysed with the anthropological tools of the ethnographer, referring as these do to the empirical world that can be captured. While there is abundant literature that helps the ethnographer refine the technical aspects of the writing of the narrative, it has been only recently that die political implications behind the epistemology and ontology of ethnography as a research strategy have been addressed in any depth. Rather than, therefore, looking at ways of improving the collection of data, this paper will consider an aspect that hitherto has been largely ignored in ethnography. The focus will be on what the ethnographic text leaves unsaid. A number of silences will be identified with reference to the process, content, and political effectiveness of ethnographic narratives, although it will be argued that these silences or gaps are not all of the same kind, and that some rather than others are more promising in the construction of radical educational theory and practice. ; peer-reviewed

The study of international relations has been considerably advanced in recent years by the application of findings from other areas of the social sciences. These have included decision-making, game theory, conflict, bargaining, communication, negotiation, systems, geography, attitudes, and simulation. International relations scholars such as Morton Kaplan, Charles McClelland, Richard C. Snyder, and Harold Sprout have built important bridges between international relations and other disciplines. It has been fortunate that such innovators have often found men from other disciplines, such as Kenneth Boulding, Harold Guetzkow, Charles Osgood, and Anatol Rapoport, in the middle of the bridge. The volumes of the Journal of Conflict Resolution offer one example of how far this remarkable effort at cross-fertilization has gone.

AbstractPension reforms undertaken by affluent OECD countries in recent decades have resulted in substantial changes in the balance of public and private pension provision, characterised as a growing privatisation of old‐age incomes. However, research on the political determinants of this trend remains limited. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the political determinants of pension privatisation, and to bring partisan politics back into the theoretical framework of pension reforms. The focus is on left government strength, and a distinction is made between left government historical legacy and contemporary left government strength. Time‐series cross‐sectional regressions of pension privatisation on left government strength are performed, analysing 17 OECD countries during the period 1980–2017. The results show that partisan politics matter for pension privatisation, despite structural constraints imposed by demographic and economic factors. Left government historical legacy is associated with less privatisation compared to right and/or centre government historical legacy. Left government legacy also shapes the role of contemporary politics, as contemporary left parties in government tend to privatise less in the context of historically strong left parties in government.

AbstractWho are the supporters of former rebel parties? Drawing on the classical party literature, we argue that the support base of former rebel parties consists predominantly of activists. These supporters are dissatisfied with intra-party politics because the benefits and costs of a rebel-to-party transformation are unequally distributed between them and the leadership. We test our arguments by examining the case of the novel FARC party (Comunes) in Colombia. Based on a unique sample of FARC supporters, we obtained unprecedented insight into the internal affairs of the FARC. Our survey design allowed us to generate an over-time comparison between FARC and other party supporters in the Colombian political system. The empirical analysis shows that in comparison, FARC supporters tend to be more politically active as well as more dissatisfied with internal politics. Furthermore, dissatisfaction with democracy and the peace agreement increased after their first electoral cycle.

This paper is composed of a series of reflections on some aspects of the relation between politics and opera. It focuses on Verdi and Wagner. This year marks the bicentenary of both composers and Mitchell Cohen, a professor of political science at the City University of New York compares the political ideas in operas (and in other writings) by both composers. Both men are identified with nationalism, but their nationalisms were radically different. ; Cet article est composé d'une série de réflexions concernant quelques aspects de la relation entre la politique et l'opéra. Il se focalise sur les compositeurs Verdi et Wagner dont on fête le bicentenaire cette année. Mitchell Cohen en tant que professeur de science politique à la CUNY, compare les idées politiques des opéras et d'autres écrits de deux compositeurs. Malgré le fait que les deux s'identifient au nationalisme, leur pensée représente des formes de nationalisme radicalement différentes.

This paper is composed of a series of reflections on some aspects of the relation between politics and opera. It focuses on Verdi and Wagner. This year marks the bicentenary of both composers and Mitchell Cohen, a professor of political science at the City University of New York compares the political ideas in operas (and in other writings) by both composers. Both men are identified with nationalism, but their nationalisms were radically different. ; Cet article est composé d'une série de réflexions concernant quelques aspects de la relation entre la politique et l'opéra. Il se focalise sur les compositeurs Verdi et Wagner dont on fête le bicentenaire cette année. Mitchell Cohen en tant que professeur de science politique à la CUNY, compare les idées politiques des opéras et d'autres écrits de deux compositeurs. Malgré le fait que les deux s'identifient au nationalisme, leur pensée représente des formes de nationalisme radicalement différentes.

The seizure of power in Cuba by Fulgencio Batista on March 10, 1952, is a classic example of a complex method of organizing and changing governments in Latin America known as the cuartelazo. The classic pattern is: (1) the treason of a single barracks; (2) the pronunciamiento, manifesto, or grito; (3) the march on centers of communication, sites of military supplies and government headquarters; (4) announcement to the public of the change of government; and (5) appointment of a patriotic junta to govern in the interim period. The cuartelazo requires great skill in execution. It depends upon the support of important segments of public opinion. Force and violence as instruments of political policy in Latin America are derived from the institutional traditions of Iberian culture. E. Scott.

Motivasi dari judul adalah karena hukum Islam di Indonesia telah fluks dan refluks sedangkan hukum politik yang diterapkan oleh kekuasaan negara. Selain dari mereka semua, ia berakar dari kekuatan sosial dan budaya berinteraksi dalam pengambilan keputusan kebijakan politik. Salah satu kondisi yang harus diperlukan dalam mentransformasikan nilai syariah dan norma dalam hukum Indonesia berdasarkan Pancasila dan UUD 1945 adalah filosofi dasar / islamic hukum phisosophy hukum Islam mengandung nilai moral dan etika. Diskusi ini adalah transformasi substansi hukum Islam dalam Qanun al-Duali bentuk dan qanun al-Dustu, proses transformasi hukum Islam dalam Qanun al-Duali dan qanun al-Dusturi. Perkembangan hukum Islam di Indonesia memiliki kesempatan yang cerah dalam membangun hukum nasional, socioantropologisly dan emosional hukum Islam sangat dekat dengan masyarakat Indonesia yang sebagian besar dari mereka adalah Muslim. Hukum Islam juga bahan dalam membuat hukum nasional. Secara kuantitatif itu mempengaruhi tatanan sosial-budaya, politik dan hukum dalam masyarakat. Prinsip dan aturan hukum Islam memiliki kesempatan untuk diubah ke hukum nasional (al-qanun al-Dusturi) Kata kunci: transformasi, Hukum Islam, qanun al-duali, qanun al-dusturi

The trend toward subnationalist autonomy—and away from the development of singular, state-centric political systems based on the Western model—is one of the most striking phenomena in Africa today. Joshua Forrest analyzes the expansion of ethnic subnationalist movements in the postcolonial period, the reasons behind their growth, and their implications for African politics.Forrest ranges across the continent to explore a variety of subnational movements. Without minimizing the crucial role played by manipulative ethnic elites in fomenting subnationalist movements, he points to the intercommunity and interethnic alliances that underpin the most successful movements. This trend, he suggests, may presage a gradual reconfiguration of the political map of Africa in a way that is more reflective of indigenously rooted political culture, a culture that embodies a distinctive respect for local and territorial autonomy