Morozov is absolutely right to point out that other countries—not in the set analyzed in Digital Origins—might reveal different paths toward or away from democratic government. But a quick look at some of the examples shows that they do not directly conflict with my argument that the proliferation of consumer electronics in countries with an active civil society and limited resource wealth seems to come with democratic consequences. China, Cuba, North Korea, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela are often offered as examples of how a tough regime can use digital media to oppress their citizens.
I am therefore I have rights," argues this paper. Mere existence qualifies a human being for universal human rights. Yet human beings do not live in solitude; they are always embedded in a network of social relations which determines their rights and duties in its own terms. Consequently, the debate about the universality and relativism of human rights can be best understood by combining legal and sociological perspectives. Such an approach is used in this article to explore the tensions and contests around the universality of human rights in Islamic law. Whether all human beings or just citizens are qualified for the inviolability of human rights is a question which divided Muslim jurists into two schools: Universalistic School, emanating from Abu Hanifa, advocated for the universality of human rights, while Communalistic School, originating from Malik, Shafii and Ibn Hanbal, advocated for civil rights. Universalistic School was adopted by such great cosmopolitan empires as Umayyads, Abbasids, Mughals and Ottomans. It was also reformed by the Ottomans during the nineteenth century in the light of the new notions of universal human rights in Europe to purge remaining discriminatory practices against non-Muslim citizens and to justify constitutionalism and democracy. Yet the universalistic tradition in Islamic law has been forgotten as the chain of memory was broken after the collapse of Ottoman Empire. This article briefly unearths the forgotten universalistic approach in Islamic law to build upon it a modern universalistic human rights theory for which there is a pressing need at this age of globalization.
MY STARTING POINT IS THE RATHER PLATITUDINOUS PROPOSITION that political science is a branch of scholarship which can be defined in terms of the activity studied but not in terms of the method adopted, which is to say that it is not a discipline like history or physics. To say that these subjects are disciplines is to indicate that historians and physicists are committed both to a certain method of acquiring data and to a certain mode of explanation. Because political scientists are not so committed they are inevitably involved in controversies about method and explanation, and the view I propose to discuss here is the view that, although several modes of explanation are open to students of politics, only the historical mode, and on a different level the philosophical mode, are appropriate. Those who hold this view lean heavily on the writings of Professor Michael Oakeshott and I shall begin with a very brief reference to Oakeshott's account of the main modes of experience and explanation. Subsequent sections will discuss the relevance of this account to students of politics, the nature of historical explanation, and the possibility of alternatives such as sociological explanation.
"For most of the nation's history, periods of growing indebtedness in the United States-a product of wars and economic crises-were followed by reductions in the debt-to-GDP ratio. But why have the last several decades failed to follow this pattern, leaving the national debt at its highest level since World War II? In this groundbreaking new book, author Marc Allen Eisner, who has devoted most of his scholarly career to studying the evolution of the US political economy, explores the significant changes in the fiscal conditions of the United States during the postwar period, embedding the discussion in a broader historical context. He demonstrates that the national debt is in part a product of reduced revenues and the growing costs of the largest entitlement programs, but it also reflects a long series of shocks, including two wars, the financial crisis and Great Recession, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Deficits, Debt, and American Politics chronicles the history of the US debt in the postwar period, placed in the context of broader changes in the political economy and partisan politics. But it grounds this exploration in reader-friendly, chapter-length discussions of public finance, taxation, mandatory spending, and the budgetary process from a policy perspective. The volume concludes with a discussion of the challenges of comprehensive tax and program reform in the current political climate. Deficits, Debt, and American Politics assumes little prior knowledge on the part of the reader, making it an ideal book for courses on public policy and political economy taught at both the upper-level undergraduate and graduate level. The material on public finance, long-term trends in taxation and spending, and the budgetary process, often relegated to descriptive texts, will be invaluable in courses engaging the deficit and debt"--
Paper ini menyoroti hubungan antara Islam dan Negara setelah runtuhnya rejim soeharto. Masa transisiini ditandai dengan menguatnya kembali islam politik.kelompok-kelompok muslim radikal bermunculan seperti lasykar jihad, front pembela islam, hizb al-tahrir, angkatan muhajidin Indonesia dsb yang mendukung diberlakukannya system kekhalifahan islam di Indonesia. Gerakan-gerakan ini menuntut perubahan system pemerintahan sekuler dan bentuk Negara-bangsa menjadi "negara Islam" yang lebih dikenal dengan khilafah. Meski demikian, menurut penulis para pendukung system kekhalifahan ini telah gagal untuk membedakan antara kekhalifahan yang murni dan asli pada masa kekhalifahan khulafa' al-rasyidin dan kerajaan despotic Umayyah, abbasiyah, dan Turki Usmani. Para intelektual muslim sendiri seperti Rasyid Rida dan al-Maududi berbeda pandangan mengenai system kekhalifahan. Lebih janjut, penulis menelusuri jejak sejarah hubungan islam dan Negara. Perdebatan mengenai dasar Negara Indonesia sudah diperdebatkan secara akademis menjelang dan setelah proklamasi kemerdekaan Indonesia. Pertentangan antara kubu islam dan nasionalis sekuler mengenai hal ini berakhir dengan suatu kompromi bahwa Negara Indonesia bukanlah Negara sekuler dan juga bukan Negara agama (tidak hanya Islam) dalam kedudukan yang terhormat. Namun, kelompok muslim yang tidak puas dengan kompromi ini memanggul senjata untuk mendirikan Negara Islam. Salah satu kelompok tersebut adalah gerakan DI/TII (darul Islam/ Tentara Islam Indonesia) yang bergerilya di daerah jawa barat, Aceh dan Sulawesi selatan. Gerakan ini dapat dipadamkan oleh rejim soekarno. Sejak saat itu sampai masa rejim soeharto politik islam sangat ditekan dan dimusuhi dan tidak diberi ruang dan kesempatan untuk bangkit kembali. Kini, sering dengan keterbukaan dan kebebasan yang diperoleh bangsa Indonesia untuk melontarkan ide dan gagasannya, muncul partai-partai dan gerakan militant islam. Namun, partai islam juga telah gagal karena secara keseluruhan memperoleh kurang dari 50%, bahkan lebih kecil dari ...
This article critically reviews contemporary understandings of the drivers, objectives, and the social and political distinctions of far right and Islamist extremism as reciprocal and correlative threats. While social structure and identity politics are important themes in the social science literature on the radicalisation of far right and Islamist extremist individuals and groups, there remain significant knowledge and policy gaps. Based on a discourse analysis of two related concepts, this article seeks to explain the nature of similarities and differences. As exclusivist and self-reinforcing narratives, the actions and perspectives of one group embolden the other. Policymakers need to understand far right and Islamist extremism as phenomena with shared local driving forces and impacts. This approach would also avoid duplication of effort, as well as misrecognition and insensitivity, in counterterrorism efforts. It also generates valuable political inroads into grounded notions of social cohesion.
Democratic governance constitutes an enduring challenge for Africa's most populous country, Nigeria. The book reflects on the form, trajectory and content of democratic governance in post/military Nigeria from 1999. Nigeria's democracy remains fragile, conflict sensitive and possibly reversible as the legacy of praetorianism and illiberal political culture constrain the progress and opportunities for democratic growth and consolidation in the country. Progress and expectations are widely disconnected. The policy recommendations contained in the book provides invaluable pathway for reconstituting institutions, politics, power and governance essential for promoting democratic stability and growth in Nigeria.
Di dalam GBHN sepanjang Orde Baru Hukum Islam tidak pernah memiliki kebijaksanaantersendiri secara khusus. Tak ada satu pointer pun dalam teks-teks politik hukum Orde Baruyang berkenaan dengan eksistensi Hukum Islam, namun begitu, tidak berarti Hukum Islam tidakmendapatkan perhatian, dalam kenyataan praktis empiries Hukum Islam mempunyai tempatdalam tata hukum Nasional, bahkan secara formal posisinya lebih baik dari masa sebelumnya.Kata kunci : Hukum Islam dan politik hukum Orde Baru
