Suchergebnisse

Premières lignes : "The decades following the Second World War were ones of crucial social change in Turkey. By the end of the 1950s, the social and political landscape of the country was transformed by demographic growth, expansion of education, development of industry, and massive migration to the cities and foreign countries. Settled mainly in the countryside, Alevis experienced this process of social change, which was characterised by urbanisation, social differentiation, the breaking down of former communities, and, more specifically, by the weakening of religious practice. Thus, in the 1960s they established closer contact with the "broader country" and partly lost their specificity."

Seit Jahrzehnten dauern die Streitigkeiten zwischen Griechenland und der Türkei in der Ägäis an. Der Ägäiskonflikt äußert sich im Streit um den Festlandsockel der ägäischen Inseln. Nach einer Auseinandersetzung zwischen Griechenland und der Türkei im März 1987 kam es durch die Vermittlung der USA und der NATO zu einem Treffen der Ministerpräsidenten beider Läer in Davos. Dieses Treffen führte zu einer Entspannung der Konfliktsituation und zur Einleitung des griechisch türkischen Dialogs über die politischen Streitfragen. Damit die griechisch-türkische Verständigung von Dauer sein sollte, wäre es sehr hilfreich, wenn die Ministerpräsidenden beider Länder der Vertrauensbildung eine klare Zielrichtung geben würden. (BIOst-Ldg)

Paper also presented at: ANNUAL CONGRESS OF THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION, 21St, Vienna, Austria, 24-28 August, 2006; SPRING MEETING OF YOUNG ECONOMISTS (SMYE-2009), XIV, Istanbul, Turkey, 23-25 April, 2009

Der Autor - stellvertretender Generalsekretär des Internationalen Sekretariats der Schwarzmeer-Wirtschaftsregion (SMWR) - gibt einen Überblick über die historische und organisatorische Entwicklung dieser regionalen Wirtschaftsorganisation und erläutert die Bedeutung der Beschlüsse der einzelnen Treffen auf höchster Ebene für die weitere Arbeit der SMWR. Die vorgesehene Gründung einer Freihandelszone in dieser Region und konkrete regionale Kooperationsprojekte in den Bereichen Transport, Energiewirtschaft und Handel werden ebenfalls thematisiert. (BIOst-Mrk)

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES A SEQUENCE OF CRISES FOR THE ARMED FORCES AND A RANGE OF POSSIBLE RESPONSES DRAWING ON STUDIES OF THREE COUNTRIES: TURKEY, URUGUAY, AND PAKISTAN. MARTIAL LAW IS ANALYZED IN TERMS OF THREE SPECIFIC, PROCESSUAL CRISES: CRISIS OF CONSCIENCE; CRISIS OF IDENTITY; AND CRISIS OF IDEOLOGY.

Introduction : why Muslims need a secular state -- Islam, the state, and politics in historical perspective -- Constitutionalism, human rights, and citizenship -- India : state secularism and communal violence -- Turkey : contradictions of authoritarian secularism -- Indonesia : realities of diversity and prospects of pluralism -- Conclusion : negotiating the future of Shariʻa

Following the US decision to withdraw troops from Northeast Syria and upon sepa­rate agreements with the US and Russia, Ankara established what it calls a safe zone in the area between Tal Abyad and Ras al-Ayn. Even if spanning a smaller territory than envisaged, Turkey aims with its safe zone to impede Kurdish autonomy in North­ern Syria, on the one hand, and to return refugees who have increasingly become a domestic policy challenge for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP there­after), on the other hand. Turkey's plan for repatriation signals that its interests align with European interests in refugee return. Given concerns about the safety of refu­gees, voluntary nature of return, and Ankara's attempts at demographic engineering, Europeans should not support a Turkey-led repatriation to Syria without conditions. (author's abstract)

This paper analyses the perception of the EU as promoting rules for energy regulatory agencies in four southern Mediterranean countries: Algeria, Egypt, Turkey and Jordan. The restructuring of the energy sector, as promoted by the EU in the southern Mediterranean region, is considered to be the main criterion to evaluate the EU's modes of external governance. The EU's modes of governance are comparatively assessed through a perception survey. The case studies have been selected due to their relevance in terms of energy sector restructuring and energy exchanges. Among the modes of governance considered, the top-down approach appears to be the most promising for rules diffusion. Adapted from the source document.

This paper explores whether the evidence supports the Political Business Cycle (PBC) theory, Partisan Theory (PT), and Rational Partisan Theory (RPT) using stock market data from Turkey, a rapidly growing developing economy. The results indicate that the PBC hypothesis is not supported by the data. We find permanent partisan effects in the conditional variance but not in returns. The conditional volatility of the returns is higher during the periods in which a leftist party or a coalition government is in office. We also find that the stock market returns temporarily decreases (increases) at the beginning of a right-wing (left-wing) government, providing evidence in favor of RPT. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractBesides systemic changes that lead to the re-prioritization of foreign policy objectives, foreign policy change is also a result of domestic policy entrepreneurs' pursuit of a political return. Their potential to orchestrate change depends on the existing entry barriers that emanate from the political and institutional features of the domestic policy-making process. It is accentuated by system-wide developments and security crises that illustrate old policy failure. This article discusses the role of policy entrepreneurs in foreign policy change by reference to the Greek–Turkish rapprochement in the late 1990s that resulted in Turkey receiving the status of EU candidate country in 1999.

Since the end of World War I, a secular nationalism has gained ground in the Middle Eastern nation states. This essay argues that the common understanding that political Islam (or Islamic fundamentalism) has replaced nationalism needs to be qualified with a more fair description that secular nationalism has been greatly challenged by Islamic nationalism. A challenge is made against the notion that nationalism is nearly absent in the Middle East. This is done in two steps: A demonstration of the role of Islamic movements in articulating national interests through examples from Egypt, Iran and Turkey; an explanation of the reasons behind a close affiliation between Islamism and nationalism, avoiding essentialist answers. Tina Cabrera

This article examines Turkey's 'position' in the Iraq war of 2003 by focusing on a very important decision made by the Turkish Grand National Assembly on 1 March 2003. It argues that the decision was a product of several factors and pressures, producing both positive and negative consequences for Turkey. Its most important positive consequence is that the TGNA showed its influence over Turkish foreign policy making for the first time since the 1970s. However, it also generated some strategic changes regarding Turkey's relations with the US and the EU. While Turkish-US relations experienced a 'crisis of confidence', Turkish-EU relations recorded a rapprochement since 2003. Adapted from the source document.

Argues that NATO membership has not advanced democratization in Europe, based on the cases of Turkey, Spain, Portugal, and Greece, and will not do so in the case of Eastern Europe, and that costs and risks of further enlargement, including deterioration of relations with Russia, caution against pursuit of this policy.