Suchergebnisse

Bu çalışmada, Türkiye'de merkez siyasetin sağında ve solunda yer alan iki büyük partinin (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi ve Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) çatısı altında bulunan, değişik siyasi görevler üstlenen parti üyelerinin siyasi katılım düzeyleri incelenmiştir. Robert Dahl'ın katılımla ilgili geliştirdiği dörtlü kıstas olan ilgilenme, bilgilenme, önemseme ve eyleme geçme süreçleri esas alınarak parti üyelerinin performansı araştırılmıştır. Üyelerin, siyasete karşı hangi düzeyde ilgili oldukları ve partilerinin karar mekanizmasına hangi ölçüde etki ettikleri üyelerden alınan bilgiler üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Parti kararları üzerindeki etkilerinin parti içi demokrasiyi yansıttığı varsayımından hareketle, üyelerin eyleme geçme düzeyi ile siyasi partilerin karar mekanizmalarına etkileri arasındaki ilişki, araştırmada elde edilen istatistiksel veriler üzerinden tahlil edilmiştir. Tez çalışması, İstanbul'un üç ilçesinde gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bu ilçeler İstanbul'daki üç seçim çevresi dikkate alınarak seçilmiş ve her birinin bir seçim çevresini temsil ettiği varsayılmıştır. Bu ilçeler Avcılar, Fatih ve Kartal ilçeleridir. Tez çalışmasında araştırma yöntemleri olarak, anket ve derinlemesine mülakat yöntemleri kullanılmıştır. Araştırmanın anket formuna, ilgili üç ilçeden 537 geçerli cevap alınmıştır. Ayrıca, ilgili partilerde, değişik kademelerde görev yapan 21 kişi ile derinlemesine mülakatlar yapılmıştır. Anket çalışması ve mülakatlar partilerin üyelerine, il ve ilçe teşkilatlarında üst düzey görevlerde bulunanlara, aktif olarak temsil mekanizmalarının herhangi birinde yer alanlara ve daha önce buralarda görev yapan kişilere uygulanmıştır. Araştırmanın bulguları ışığında ulaşılan sonuca göre, parti üyeleri, siyasete karşı oldukça yüksek ilgi düzeyinde ve siyasette aktif yer alma konusunda heveslidirler; ancak birtakım engellerden dolayı üyeler, partilerinin felsefe ve karar mekanizmalarını yeterli düzeyde etkileme hususunda zayıftırlar. Partilerin, karar süreçlerini etkileyen mekanizmaların; parti tüzüğünün partilerde yol açtığı oligarşik yapı, parti yöneticilerinin merkeziyetçi tutumları, partilerdeki hemşericilik ve kimlik politikaları, genç ve dinamik üyelerin fazla önemsenmeyişi gibi faktörler olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Siyasetin farklı cephelerinde yer almalarına rağmen Ak Parti ile CHP arasında bu konularda anlamlı bir farklılığın bulunmadığı tez çalışmasının bir bulgusudur. ; In this study, political participation level of party members served in different levels of political positions within the two main parties (JDP, Justice and Development Party and RPP, Republican People Party) one from the center right and the other from the center left in Turkey is examined. The performance of the members was investigated according to the processes of interest, concern, information and activity, the four criteria developed by Robert Dahl about participation. To what extent members are interested in politics and to what extent they influence their parties decision-making mechanism are analyzed based on the information received from the members. Based on the assumption that the effects on party decisions reflect intra-party democracy, the relationship between the members' level of activity and their effects on decision-making mechanisms of political parties was analyzed with the help of the statistical data obtained in the research. This study was carried out in three districts of Istanbul. These districts were selected from the three electoral districts in Istanbul and each one of them was assumed to represent one election district. These districts are Avcılar, Fatih and Kartal. In our study, a mixed research method based on questionnaire and interview was used. 537 individuals were surveyed in total and in-depth interviews were carried out with 21 individuals working at different levels in the parties in these three districts. Both the survey and the interviews were applied in a wide range of party members including ordinary members, members who have senior positions in the party's provincial and township organization, members who actively taking part in any of the representative positions and members who previously worked in those positions. In conclusion, although party members have a high level of interest in politics and are eager to take part in politics, they lack the opportunity to sufficiently affect their party's decision mechanism and philosophy due to some obstacles. It has been determined that there are factors such as mechanisms affecting the decision-making process, the oligarchic structure caused by the party rules, the centralist attitudes of the party elites, the clientelism and identity politics in the parties, and the underestimation of the young and dynamic members. It is concluded that although both parties are located on different sides of politics, there is no significant difference between Ak Party (JDP, Justice and Development Party) and CHP (RPP, Republican People Party) on these issues.

Problem settingw It has always been recognized by different scholars of social sciences that concepts are essential both to theory construction in different scientific realms as well as to applied research. A practical approach to concepts suggests that concepts, however complicated they might be, should be, in essence, boiled down to measurable indicators that, in turn, can be thoroughly studied by applying qualitative or quantitative approaches. Discussion around the nature of the concepts in social science in general and particularly in the political science brought about a number of terms to denote the concepts like «essentially contested concepts» or «nomadic concepts». In order to avoid the bothersome discussion of the meaning of concepts, a prominent American scholar of social science research methodology and international relations G. Goertz said that he preferred to define concepts implicitly through a discussion of how they could be constructed. He coined the term «semantic approach» to denote the traditional approach to concepts and his alternative approach is what this article critically analyzes in comparison to other approaches to concepts ' studies, including the traditional ones.Recent research and publications analysis. A great number of scholars contributed to the studies of concepts, among them G. Sartori, J. Gerring, Ch. Ragin, D. Collier, M. Richter and others. After W. B. Gallie coined the expression «essentially contested concepts» in 1956, a discussion on the phenomenon of «contestedness» of social and political concepts has commenced and never stopped. Among the very recent contributions to analysis of concepts the papers of M. W. Spicer, F. Berenskoetter and C. Greene should be mentioned.Paper objective is to identify both advantages and disadvantages of applied approaches to political concepts' construction that go beyond the traditional semantic approach and that, in turn, implies a closer examination of a causal, ontological, and realist view of concepts, suggested by G. Goertz, followed by a comparison with other perceptions of concepts, and supplemented by illustrations of why it is very difficult to provide a strict technical definition for the most important political science concepts.Paper main body. The approach of G. Goertz is analysed, contrasted and compared to other approaches to defining social and political concepts, including those that are not as pragmatic and utilitarian as the one suggested by Goertz. A number of illustrations are drawn from very recent (published 2017 and after) papers with examples of different concepts: 'authenticity', 'friendship', 'autogolpe', 'modern politics', 'reversibility', 'culture ', 'depoliticisation', 'post-truth politics ' and others. Some examples are taken from a clearly qualitative research traditions like an ethnographic approach to the study of 'clientelism ' as 'everyday political practice ' in order to demonstrate that not only a quantitative approach (G. Goertz is famous for using fuzzy-sets to deconstruct the concepts) can be pragmatic and utilitarian.Conclusions of the research A causal, ontological, and realist view of concepts, suggested by G. Goertz, has its advantages since it enables a practical empirical study of a concept after it is boiled down to a level of indicators that can be studied primarily by quantitative methods. The limitation of such a view is caused by refusal to go deeper into the theoretical and methodological discussions of the nature of a given political concept. Many concepts in political science cannot be defined in straightforward manner suggested by G. Goertz because they are «essentially contested» to use the terms of W. B. Gallie, but also because such contestedness is caused by the nature of the concept that has to be constantly redefined and re-evaluated through different ideological lenses. To provide a clear and ultimate definition for a political science would mean to stop the methodological and theoretical debate about such a concept and that would basically mean to halt the development of political science. ; Методологические дискуссии касательно конструирования концептов политической науки для прикладного количественного и качественного эмпирического анализа, выходящие за рамки традиционного семантического подхода к концептам как к терминам или теоретическим конструктам, рассматриваются в сравнительной перспективе на основе деконструкции причинно-следственного, онтологического и реалистского видения концептов, предложенного американским исследователем Г. Гертцем. ; Методологічні дискусії щодо конструювання концептів політичної науки для прикладного кількісного та якісного емпіричного аналізу, що виходять за межі традиційного семантичного підходу до концептів як до термінів чи теоретичних конструктів, розглядаються у порівняльній перспективі но основі деконструкції причинно-наслідкового, онтологічного та реалістського бачення концептів, запро­понованого американським дослідником Ґ. Ґертцем.

The article reveals the legal principles of eliminating corruption risks from public administration's executive work in the context of the legal system transformation of an open society. It is established that corruption risks in the sphere of public administration are factors (prerequi-sites) of an ontologically objective and subjective charac-ter, which, under unfavorable circumstances of virtue of officials, turn into conditions for corruption. At the same time, the virtuous performance by public administration of functions in an open society implies its compliance with the natural and legal dimension of governance and law-making, control and coercion; conditionality of work for human needs and social progress; balancing the power of parliament and the courts; the independence of internal structures from one another in matters of meaningful fulfillment of their activity, in accordance with legal-ly determined competence; unity of the organ system; anticorruption stress; the universality of all subordin-ate matters within and outside the country with respect to one's own citizens and other values; professional and decent efficiency. It is emphasized that the very avail-ability of knowledge and high quality legislation, which corresponds to the legal standards of open societies, must necessarily be accompanied by the implementation of this knowledge and norms in the actions of all executive bod-ies of the state power, otherwise the nation will inevitably weaken until it disappears as a whole social formation.It is emphasized that the preconditions of ensuring human freedom and prevention of corruption risks in the sphere of public administration are seen in the formation of the middle class. This is important for the nationaliz-ation and economic foundations of the rule of law. These values are implemented through fiscal policy mechan-isms and a fair distribution of public budgets and funds; system of education and other spiritual and cultural de-velopment of people. Under these conditions, employment opportunities in the public administration and other pub-lic authorities are increased by highly educated and vir-tuous professionals, eliminating the corrupt practices of nepotism, clientelism and the like.It is concluded that the avoidance of corruption risks and the reduction of their potential is facilitated by the use of those constitutional models of public administra-tion that are most effective for a particular historical moment and based on the idea of the rule of law, in par-ticular, the fundamental principles of human rights and general law are unchanged. At the same time, the specif-ic features of such models that determine the integrity, professional and ultimately effective work of the public administration are the constitutional provisions of the details of competence, the appointment of members of the government, heads of local executive branches of state power, the ratio of powers of central and local public authorities, and accountability) and other norms whose transformations are objectively conditioned by the need for human rights and the sustainable development of so-ciety. They may be most acceptable for use in one period of society and absolutely unacceptable in other periods of development. ; У статті досліджено правові засади елімінації ко-рупційних ризиків із виконавчо-розпорядчої роботи публічної адміністрації в умовах трансформації правової системи відкритого суспільства. Встановлено, що доброчесне виконання публічною адміністрацією функцій у відкритому суспільстві передбачає її від-повідність природно-правовій вимірності управління й правотворення, контролю і примусу, зумовленість роботи потребами людини і соціального прогресу, збалансованість владою парламенту і судів, незалежність внутрішніх структур одна від одної у питаннях змістовного наповнення своєї діяльності, відповідно до законодавчо визначеної компетенції, єдність систе-ми органів, антикорупційну стресостійкість, універ-сальність вирішення усіх підвідомчих питань у рамках країни та поза нею щодо власних громадян та інших цінностей, професійну та добропорядну ефективність. Підкреслено, що сама наявність знань і високоякісно-го законодавства, яке відповідає правовим стандартам відкритих суспільств, має обов'язково супроводжуватись реалізацією цих знань і норм у діях всіх органів виконавчої гілки влади держави, інакше нація буде не-минуче слабшати до тих пір, поки не зникне як єдине ціле соціальне утворення. Підсумовано, що уникненню корупційних ризиків та зменшенню їхнього потенціа-лу сприяє використання тих конституційних моделей публічного адміністрування, що найбільш ефективні для конкретного історичного моменту часу та засновані на ідеї верховенства права, зокрема й незмінності фун-даментальних положень, які стосуються прав людини і загальноправових питань устрою публічної влади.

Problem settingw It has always been recognized by different scholars of social sciences that concepts are essential both to theory construction in different scientific realms as well as to applied research. A practical approach to concepts suggests that concepts, however complicated they might be, should be, in essence, boiled down to measurable indicators that, in turn, can be thoroughly studied by applying qualitative or quantitative approaches. Discussion around the nature of the concepts in social science in general and particularly in the political science brought about a number of terms to denote the concepts like «essentially contested concepts» or «nomadic concepts». In order to avoid the bothersome discussion of the meaning of concepts, a prominent American scholar of social science research methodology and international relations G. Goertz said that he preferred to define concepts implicitly through a discussion of how they could be constructed. He coined the term «semantic approach» to denote the traditional approach to concepts and his alternative approach is what this article critically analyzes in comparison to other approaches to concepts ' studies, including the traditional ones.Recent research and publications analysis. A great number of scholars contributed to the studies of concepts, among them G. Sartori, J. Gerring, Ch. Ragin, D. Collier, M. Richter and others. After W. B. Gallie coined the expression «essentially contested concepts» in 1956, a discussion on the phenomenon of «contestedness» of social and political concepts has commenced and never stopped. Among the very recent contributions to analysis of concepts the papers of M. W. Spicer, F. Berenskoetter and C. Greene should be mentioned.Paper objective is to identify both advantages and disadvantages of applied approaches to political concepts' construction that go beyond the traditional semantic approach and that, in turn, implies a closer examination of a causal, ontological, and realist view of concepts, suggested by G. Goertz, followed by a comparison with other perceptions of concepts, and supplemented by illustrations of why it is very difficult to provide a strict technical definition for the most important political science concepts.Paper main body. The approach of G. Goertz is analysed, contrasted and compared to other approaches to defining social and political concepts, including those that are not as pragmatic and utilitarian as the one suggested by Goertz. A number of illustrations are drawn from very recent (published 2017 and after) papers with examples of different concepts: 'authenticity', 'friendship', 'autogolpe', 'modern politics', 'reversibility', 'culture ', 'depoliticisation', 'post-truth politics ' and others. Some examples are taken from a clearly qualitative research traditions like an ethnographic approach to the study of 'clientelism ' as 'everyday political practice ' in order to demonstrate that not only a quantitative approach (G. Goertz is famous for using fuzzy-sets to deconstruct the concepts) can be pragmatic and utilitarian.Conclusions of the research A causal, ontological, and realist view of concepts, suggested by G. Goertz, has its advantages since it enables a practical empirical study of a concept after it is boiled down to a level of indicators that can be studied primarily by quantitative methods. The limitation of such a view is caused by refusal to go deeper into the theoretical and methodological discussions of the nature of a given political concept. Many concepts in political science cannot be defined in straightforward manner suggested by G. Goertz because they are «essentially contested» to use the terms of W. B. Gallie, but also because such contestedness is caused by the nature of the concept that has to be constantly redefined and re-evaluated through different ideological lenses. To provide a clear and ultimate definition for a political science would mean to stop the methodological and theoretical debate about such a concept and that would basically mean to halt the development of political science. ; Методологические дискуссии касательно конструирования концептов политической науки для прикладного количественного и качественного эмпирического анализа, выходящие за рамки традиционного семантического подхода к концептам как к терминам или теоретическим конструктам, рассматриваются в сравнительной перспективе на основе деконструкции причинно-следственного, онтологического и реалистского видения концептов, предложенного американским исследователем Г. Гертцем. ; Методологічні дискусії щодо конструювання концептів політичної науки для прикладного кількісного та якісного емпіричного аналізу, що виходять за межі традиційного семантичного підходу до концептів як до термінів чи теоретичних конструктів, розглядаються у порівняльній перспективі но основі деконструкції причинно-наслідкового, онтологічного та реалістського бачення концептів, запро­понованого американським дослідником Ґ. Ґертцем.

The University of Cordoba in Colombia has been declared as a beneficiary of collective reparation, a unique sui generis case in the world. The plan contemplates 48 measures, among them providing the alma mater with a new university statute to replace the one that the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) implemented between the 1990s and the beginning of 2000, by what was called "the bloody and merciless occupation" in which sixteen members of this institution were assassinated, and another group of at least six professors had to go into exile. In the department of Cordoba, two phenomena of opposite sign have been mixed; they facilitated genocidal practices. On the one hand, the political clientelism that traps an electorate in extreme poverty captivated a cacique who concentrated a territorial power. On the other hand, a group that acted under the following triad: landowners, livestock and drug trafficking. Thus, one of the most impressive concentrations of land in the contemporary history of the country was consolidated. At the end of the last decade, newspapers headlined that being an educator in Cordoba was "the most dangerous profession." This paper is part of a wider investigation that gives an account of the strategies of paramilitary groups to take over State universities as a war maneuver, using academic control of unions and student movements. Methodologically, we proceed through an analysis of prescriptive, testimonial, journalistic (such as investigations, reports, opinion columns), and academic (research articles, books, reports of undergraduate and graduate studies) documents, as well as in-depth interviews. ; La Universidad de Córdoba en Colombia ha sido declarada objeto de reparación colectiva, un caso único sui géneris en el mundo. El plan contempla 48 medidas, entre ellas dotar al alma máter de un nuevo estatuto universitario, para remplazar al implementado por las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia AUC entre los 90 y comienzos del 2000, por lo que se denominó "la toma a sangre y fuego", en la que fueron asesinados dieciséis integrantes de esta institución y otro grupo, de al menos seis profesores, tuvo que exiliarse. En el departamento de Córdoba se han mezclado dos fenómenos de signo opuesto que facilitaron las prácticas genocidas. Por un lado, el clientelismo político que atrapa un electorado en extrema pobreza cautivo a un cacique que concentra un poder territorial, por otro lado, un grupo que actúa bajo una triada: terratenientes-ganadería y narcotráfico. Es así que se consolida una de las más impactantes concentraciones de tierra en la historia contemporánea del país. Al finalizar la década pasada, los periódicos titulaban que ser educador en Córdoba es "la profesión más peligrosa". Este documento hace parte de una investigación más amplia que da cuenta de las estrategias de los grupos paramilitares para tomarse las universidades del estado, como una maniobra de guerra, recurriendo al control académico, de los sindicatos y del movimiento estudiantil. Metodológicamente, se procede a través de un análisis de documentos prescriptivos, testimoniales, periodísticos (investigaciones, reportajes, columnas de opinión, etc.), y académicos (artículos de investigación, libros, informes de estudios de pregrado y posgrado) entrevistas a profundidad. ; A Universidade de Córdoba, Colômbia, foi declarada objeto de reparação coletiva, um caso único sui generis no mundo. O plano inclui 48 medidas, incluindo o fornecimento da alma mater com um novo estatuto universitário, para substituir a implementação pela AUC das Forças de Autodefesa da Colômbia entre os anos 90 e o início de 2000, para o que foi chamado de "pegar sangue e fogo", em que dezesseis membros desta instituição foram assassinados e outro grupo, de pelo menos seis professores, teve que se exilar. No departamento de Córdoba misturaram-se dois fenômenos de sinal oposto que facilitaram as práticas genocidas. Por um lado, o clientelismo político que captura um eleitorado em extrema pobreza preso a um cacique que concentra um poder territorial, por outro lado, um grupo que age sob uma tríade: proprietários de terras, gado e tráfico de drogas. É assim que uma das concentrações mais impressionantes de terra na história contemporânea do país está consolidada. No final da última década, os jornais disseram que ser educador em Córdoba é "a profissão mais perigosa". Este documento é parte de uma investigação mais ampla que dá conta das estratégias dos grupos paramilitares para levar as universidades do estado, como uma manobra de guerra, recorrendo ao controle acadêmico, aos sindicatos e ao movimento estudantil. Metodologicamente, passamos por uma análise de documentos jornalísticos prescritivos, testemunhais (investigações, relatórios, colunas de opinião, etc.) e acadêmicos (artigos de pesquisa, livros, relatórios de estudos de graduação e pós-graduação) em entrevistas aprofundadas.