Suchergebnisse

The strikes of the amazonian indigenous peoples in 2008 and 2009 revealed a kind of society little known in the rest of the country. These are egalitarian and acephalic peoples immersed in a bureaucratic State and surrounded by a stratified society. Some of the awajun leaders were interviewed and the history of this people was examined to understand the motivation and organizational principles of this movement. ; Los paros indígenas amazónicos de 2008 y 2009 han revelado un tipo de sociedad poco conocida en el resto del país. Se trata de sociedades igualitarias y acéfalas inmersas en un Estado burocrático y rodeadas de una sociedad estratificada. Para comprender las motivaciones y principios de organización del movimiento se realizaron entrevistas a algunos líderes awajún y se examinó la historia de este pueblo.

The understanding of state formation in Africa depends on the analysis of attempts by Africans to build political institutions which suit their needs in an era when they have been faced with many constraints. These efforts take place in a setting of two dimensions: in time, as part of a history of indigenous culture and political traditions, colonial domination, nationalist independence movements, and the trials of new nationhood; and in space, as the activities of members of a world system of integrated economies and political relations, with a well-defined and sometimes brutally administered pecking-order of power and status. There have been a number of attempts to explain how state institutions in Africa have been created and built up, or perhaps how they have collapsed and been supplanted by alternative structures.

J. Eugene Clay, God's People in the early eighteenth century. The Uglich affair of 1717.
The People of God (popularly known as the flagellants or khlysty) were, next to the Old Believers, the most important indigenous sectarian movement in Imperial Russia. This paper examines the documents of their first heresy trial which was held in Uglich in 1717. Using insights from comparative anthropology and the history of religions, the article considers the various theories about the origins of the People of God, reviews the historiography of the problem, and concludes, on the basis of these documents, that the sect arose from Old Belief. The article also examines the powerful influence of certain Orthodox mystical traditions of hesychasm and holy fools upon the development of the group.

Klappentext: Lateinamerika kennt zahlreiche Protestbewegungen seiner indigenen Bevölkerung. Einer der emblematischsten Fälle ist die soziale Bewegung gegen ein Prestige-Projekt der Morales-Regierung: den Bau einer Straße im Indigenen Territorium und Nationalpark Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) im bolivianischen Amazonasgebiet. Mit Blick auf die Perspektiven der heterogenen Protestakteur*innen rekonstruiert Maximilian Held diesen Widerstand in seinen komplexen Erscheinungsformen. Dabei stellt er heraus, wie Problematiken der geschwächten indigenen Selbstverwaltung, sozioökologische Bedrohungen, Defizite des neoextraktiven Entwicklungsmodells und mangelnde Rechtsumsetzung zusammenhängen.

Resumen: Luego de situar la perspectiva en el orden mundial, el artículo relata la resistencia del pueblo maya-kiché de Sipakapa a la pretensión de la empresa transnacional Goldcorp Inc. de instalar una mina en la localidad. A raíz de esto, son narradas las acciones de lucha política y legal de los sipakapenses, la respuesta del Estado guatemalteco en concordancia con la empresa y el modo en que la minería afecta al poblado vecino maya-mam de San Miguel Ixtahuacán Abstract: After setting the perspective at a worldwide level, the article tells the story of the Sipakapa's maya-kiché people's resistance to the attempt of Goldcorp Inc. transnational company to set up a mine in town. As a result of this, the actions of political and legal struggle of the Sipakapa people are narrated, as well as the Guatemalan State's response in accordance with the company and the way the mining industry sabotages the neighboring village, called maya-mam of San Miguel Ixtahuacán

Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. Doctorado en Filosofía ; The dissertation shows problems regarding the contradictions in the discourse that proposes that communication in Mexican indigenous communities represents a superior type of democracy and the evidence of inequity and gender violence in those same communities. This discourse, named "new communalism", is linked to an important movement of restoration of the indigenous community. Such movement is being produced by indigenous and not indigenous intellectuals from our country. The importance of the analysis is based in the necessity of knowing what this discourse refers to, regarding communication in indigenous communities with an aim to expose their possible contribution to the situation of domination that women suffer or, on the contrary, their liberation. Likewise, regarding the possibility of recognizing the presence of a traditional thought, from different places and origins, that can certainly contribute in building societies that are more equitable and participating. The work has a theoretical and normative framework based on the discursive ethics and the philosophy of liberation. One of its main objectives is to show arguments that support the idea that if violence in interpersonal communication is not surpassed, especially in erotic and pedagogical relationships, the possibility for building a true communication society does not exist. The analyzed corpus is learn to listening. Teaching maya-tojolabales, written by Carlos Lenkersdorf (2008). The methodology used for the critical analysis is the historical-discursive method. The results suggest the existence of a patriarchal ideology in the analyzed discourse. This, however does not invalidate its contribution for building a communication society; especially because the community communication described by this current thought, can be seen as a role model for other levels of the social system. ; La tesis problematiza en torno a las contradicciones entre un discurso que propone que la comunicación en las comunidades indígenas de México es representativa de un tipo de democracia superior y la evidencia sobre la inequidad y la violencia de género presente en dichas comunidades. Este discurso, llamado del "nuevo comunalismo", está articulado a un importante movimiento de restauración de la comunidad indígena y está siendo producido por intelectuales indígenas y no indígenas de nuestro país. La importancia del análisis se fundamenta en la necesidad de conocer qué dice dicho discurso respecto a la comunicación en las comunidades indígenas a fin de develar su posible contribución a la situación de dominación que viven las mujeres en ellas o, por el contrario, a su liberación; asimismo, a la posibilidad de reconocer en él la presencia de tradiciones de pensamiento que, desde diversos espacios y orígenes, pueden contribuir a la construcción de sociedades más igualitarias y participativas. El trabajo tiene como marco teórico y normativo a la ética discursiva y la filosofía de la liberación. Uno de sus objetivos centrales es allegar argumentos a favor de que si no se supera la violencia en las relaciones interpersonales, especialmente en la erótica y la pedagógica, no existe posibilidad de construir una verdadera sociedad de la comunicación. El corpus analizado es Aprender a escuchar. Enseñanzas maya-tojolabales de Carlos Lenkersdorf (2008) y la metodología utilizada para el análisis crítico del discurso, el método histórico-discursivo. Los resultados apuntan a la existencia de una ideología patriarcal en el discurso analizado, lo que no invalida sus aportaciones a la construcción de una sociedad de la comunicación, sobre todo debido a que la comunicación comunitaria descrita por esta corriente puede servir de modelo para el resto de los niveles del sistema social.

Tomo III. Pueblos indígenas, actores políticos. . 2013. 250 S. : Lit.Hinw. - 978-9929-585-19-5

Due to various historical, political, and theological reasons, the evangelical movement in Russia has never developed full-fledged, indigenous mission sending structures This factor has been seriously hindering the growth of the evangelical church and the productive use of available resources to advance the work of the gospel. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the reasons underlying the current situation and offer a constructive proposal that might contribute to the development of missionary sending structures in the Russian context. In order to accomplish this, the author first looks at the factors that contributed to the emergence and success of mission agencies within Western Protestant Christianity. Second, he outlines major historical periods in the history of Russian evangelical missions with special attention to the factors that contributed to, or hindered, the creation of missionary sending structures. Finally, the author suggests a possible course of action that might prove helpful in developing mission agencies in the contemporary social and political context in which Russian evangelical churches find themselves.

Este artigo aborda a visão de intelectuais indígenas sobre os conhecimentos e as práticas de ensino ocidentais. A escolarização imposta aos povos indígenas, calcada em concepções europeias de indivíduo, natureza e cultura, configurou um processo traumático e doloroso vivido na pele por alguns desses intelectuais, e que pode ser lido sob a chave do epistemicídio. Mesmo assim, a apropriação dos saberes não indígenas e das ferramentas educacionais pelos povos originários faz com que a escola seja aos poucos transformada de um elemento externo assimilacionista para um instrumento de emancipação – ao menos nos discursos de algumas lideranças e intelectuais. Trago, como análise de caso concreto, o exemplo da educação escolar indígena no estado de Roraima, extremo norte do Brasil, com o movimento em torno da escola que queremos, e da atual busca pelo ensino superior universitário, onde já se encontram alguns intelectuais indígenas, sobretudo dos povos Macuxi e Wapichana. A presença indígena na universidade – por meio desses acadêmicos e de cursos voltados para estudantes indígenas no Instituto Insikiran da Universidade Federal de Roraima – promove não apenas o encontro de diferentes saberes mas também amplia o leque de estratégias possíveis da política indígena em nível local, em consonância com o que ocorre em outros países.Palavras-chave: Formação; Intelectuais Indígenas; Universidade; Roraima.Indigenous Education and Intellectuals: from training to emancipationAbstractThis article addresses the vision of indigenous intellectuals about Western knowledge and teaching practices. The schooling imposed on indigenous peoples, based on European conceptions of individual, nature and culture, has set up a traumatic and painful process experienced by some of these intellectuals, that can be read under the key of epistemicide. Nonetheless, the appropriation of non-indigenous knowledges and educational tools by native peoples makes the school gradually transformed from an assimilationist external element into an instrument of emancipation – at least in the discourses of some leaders and intellectuals. As a concrete case study, I bring the example of indigenous school education in the state of Roraima, extreme north of Brazil, with the movement around the school we want, and the current search for higher education, where some indigenous intellectuals, especially Macuxi and Wapichana, already are. The indigenous presence at the university – through these academics and trought courses directed at indigenous students at the Insikiran Institute of the Federal University of Roraima – promotes not only the meeting of different knowledges but also broadens the range of possible strategies of indigenous politics at the local level, in consonance with what happens in other countries.Keywords: Formation; Indigenous Intellectuals; University; Roraima.Educación e intelectuales indígenas: formación para la emancipaciónResumenEste artículo aborda la visión de los intelectuales indígenas sobre los conocimientos y las prácticas de enseñanza occidentales. La escolarización impuesta a los pueblos indígenas, calcada en concepciones europeas de individuo, naturaleza y cultura, configuró un proceso traumático y doloroso vivido en la piel por algunos de esos intelectuales, y que puede ser leído bajo la clave del epistemicídio. Sin embargo, la apropiación de los saberes no indígenas y de las herramientas educativas por los pueblos originarios hace que la escuela sea poco a poco transformada de un elemento externo asimilacionista para un instrumento de emancipación – al menos en los discursos de algunos liderazgos e intelectuales. Traigo, como análisis de caso concreto, el ejemplo de la educación escolar indígena en el estado de Roraima, extremo norte de Brasil, con el movimiento en torno a la escuela que queremos, y de la actual búsqueda por la enseñanza superior universitaria, donde ya se encuentran algunos intelectuales indígenas, sobre todo de los pueblos Macuxi y Wapichana. La presencia indígena en la universidad – sea por medio de esos académicos o de cursos dirigidos a estudiantes indígenas en el Instituto Insikiran de la Universidad Federal de Roraima – promueve no sólo el encuentro de diferentes saberes, sino que también amplía el abanico de estrategias posibles de la política indígena a nivel local, en consonancia con lo que ocurre en otros países.Palabras clave: Formación; Intelectuales Indígenas; Universidad; Roraima.

Capitalism has imposed a dynamic of multiple forms of violence in the Global South, particularly since the last decades of the 20th century, with the onset of neoliberalism and as the Washington Consensus settled. This package of measures promoted mainly by the Bretton Woods institutions, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, was a turning point in economic policies and led the way to the consolidation of the current context of neoliberal globalisation. This article takes this macroeconomic panorama as a starting point to analyse the current violence that keeps the Latin American peoples subordinated in what Johan Galtung identifies as "the conjunction between the cultural violence of the mainstream economic theory and the structural violence of the mainstream economic practice" (2003, p. 211). Among these many forms of violence, perpetrated from an extractivist, Eurocentric, colonial and patriarchal point of view, this analysis will focus on the ones generated when accumulation by dispossession (Harvey, 2005) practices are involved and how these transform indigenous territories in Latin America. It is in this context where the transnational corporations' practices of accumulation by dispossession, reflected in megaprojects, and the indigenous world-views clash. Adopting Rocío Silva's concept, these are "ecoterritorial" conflicts: conflicts that arise from the use and management of territories, understanding territory as a holistic concept that covers the social, cultural, economic and spiritual relations that compose them (2017). In this sense, we aim to extract from the opposition of these two antagonistic world visions: on the one hand, the modernity paradigm, with an extractivist modus operandi based on the neoliberal discourse; and, on the other hand, the indigenous world-views, which fight on a daily basis to build different realities and forms of organisation. This approach takes into account perspectives like ecofeminism, which will shed light on the interdependence between territories and bodies as vulnerable spaces, and Jason W. Moore's world-ecology paradigm, which will allow reading megaprojects as yet another product of capitalism that systematically exploits human beings and nature at the service of accumulation. The historical debate on the concept of development also adheres itself to this clash of world views. The objective is to present alternatives to the current mainstream model of development, which is based on a Western approach and works as a new form of colonialism. In opposition to "the ghost of development" (Quijano, 2000), alternative notions to the conventional discourse pose different realities to build, like the Buen Vivir and Vivir Bien proposals. These epistemologies of the South assert that developmentalism has reached its limits and alert of the devastating consequences of driving indigenous territories into the market economy as exploited subjects: exactly what megaprojects usually intend to do in these lands. Against this background, ecoterritorial conflicts have become one of the main challenges for Latin America in the 21st century and, in them, it is possible to see the asymmetry between the actors engaged in struggle. This asymmetry is reflected, on the one hand, on transnational corporations' impunity and, on the other, in the criminalisation of the indigenous peoples' resistance. As Boaventura de Sousa Santos says, in the current neoliberal system, "the only option that doesn't exist is a way out of this market" (2014, p. 17). In front of what looks like a non-option, this article will approach those resistances woven from the social movements, from below, and it will do so by taking as an example the case of the Mayan Train: the flagship megaproject of the president of Mexico, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, for the southeast of the country. The aim is to highlight the promised false development that supposedly comes with this project within the framework of the so-called Fourth Transformation, which, in spite of the aura of its socially beneficial character, is perpetuating the neoliberal approach of former Mexican governments. The ecoterritorial conflict generated by the Mayan Train, which has aroused opposition from social and indigenous movements, will reflect the above-mentioned clash of visions and will demonstrate the advance of extractivist borders. This is due to, among other aspects, the violation of human rights like the right to consultation of the ILO Convention 169, which has constitutional status in Mexico. Opacity has characterised the Mayan Train's project from the beginning and it has sown the seeds of uncertainty before the indigenous communities. Mexico is obliged to consult them in accordance with international standards, although conditions have clearly have not brought this about. Lastly, the text will try to expand the focus to see the Mayan Train together with other larger projects. From this viewpoint, this train would only be a part of the ambitious plan of the Mexican Government for the territorial reorganisation of the southeast of the country, which has not been industrialised like other areas of Mexico. This perspective will be implemented with the help of critical cartographies, which will interrelate the Mayan Train with projects like the Trans-Isthmian corridor, the Sembrando Vida programme, or the Special Economic Zones, among others. These megaprojects, which in addition to the profits that are generated for transnational corporations who are awarded them, and to the dispossession processes that communities will suffer, are going to define human mobility in the South border of Mexico as a buffer in-between for migrations directed to the United States. What is more, they will show Mexico as a laboratory country of the international trade agreements ratified by the Government of Mexico that have enabled the expansion of megaprojects in the country. Indeed, transnational corporations have found Mexico to be a paradise for expansion since 1980, when the State's role in economic activity started to diminish -especially since the beginning of the millennium when the presence of transnational companies started to increase-. An increase that reflects the need of capitalism for the relentless appropriation of borders "in order for the wheel of accumulation to keep spinning" (Molinero and Avallone, 2016, p. 33). ; Al amparo de la globalización neoliberal, actualmente los procesos de despojo transforman de manera recurrente territorios indígenas en América Latina. En este artículo, se propone analizar la oposición que se da entre estas prácticas de acumulación por desposesión de las empresas transnacionales (ETN) y las cosmovisiones de los pueblos originarios a través del análisis de los conflictos ecoterritoriales. Tomando el concepto de Rocío Silva Santisteban, se trata de conflictos que nacen de la pugna por el uso y gestión del territorio, entendiendo territorio como concepto holístico, donde interaccionan múltiples violencias. El objetivo de este artículo será desgranar el choque entre estas dos visiones antagónicas del mundo de la mano de perspectivas como la ecología-mundo de Jason W. Moore, que permitirá leer los megaproyectos como un producto más del capitalismo que explota sistémicamente seres humanos y naturaleza al servicio de la acumulación, o el ecofeminismo, que aportará luz a la interdependencia entre territorios y cuerpos como espacios vulnerables. Asimismo, se tomará como ejemplo el caso del Tren Maya, el megaproyecto estrella del actual presidente de México, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, para evidenciar el falso desarrollo que promete la obra ferroviaria para el sureste del país en el marco de la llamada Cuarta Transformación. A través de este conflicto ecoterritorial, que ha despertado la oposición de movimientos sociales e indígenas, se plasmará este choque de visiones y se corroborará el avance de las fronteras extractivas gracias, entre otros aspectos, a la vulneración de derechos humanos como el derecho a consulta del Convenio 169 de la OIT. Por último, el artículo invitará a mirar el Tren Maya desde una mirada de las cartografías críticas, que lo interrelacionarán con proyectos mayores y que revelarán México como un país laboratorio de los tratados de comercio internacional que han propiciado la expansión de megaproyectos en el país.

This thesis compares the strategies deployed by two international solidarity networks - the neo-Zapatista movement, based in Chiapas, Mexico, and the Israel/Palestine anti-occupation movement - to publicly communicate the political causes they espouse in an activist context dominated by the development of global justice frameworks (1994-2006). It seeks to explain how two such politically dissimilar struggles - the rebellion of the indigenous people of Chiapas, the resistance against Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories - might have come to be considered, in some political and media arenas, in similar terms to those used to characterise the opposition to "neo-liberal globalisation"; it sets out also to explain how the neo-Zapatista struggle might have come to be more naturally framed as a symbol of the global justice movement rather than as one of resistance to occupation. This study adopts a constructivist approach, closely exploring the practical dynamics of the international circulation of global justice ideas and actors, and is particularly concerned with the role played by activist media in this process. It argues that the partial convergence of collective action frameworks is the result of a series of tactical choices and internalised constraints, which have together favoured the development of discourses of struggle which are relatively independent of their social contexts of production. In order to understand the conditions which have enabled the conferment of a 'performative' power on discourses critical of neoliberal globalisation, I undertook fieldwork comprising 76 semi-directive interviews with activists and journalists, a series of observations in "alternative media" centres, and archival work. The comparison of the media repertoires of each network enables the identification of the progressive specialisation of activists in the work of alternative mediatisation. Part I of the thesis focuses on the processes of internationalisation of movement political capital. Part II highlights the ...

In the wake of the Mexican-American War, competing narratives of religious conquest and re-conquest were employed by Anglo American and ethnic Mexican Californians to make sense of their place in North America. These ""invented traditions"" had a profound impact on North American religious and ethnic relations, serving to bring elements of Catholic history within the Protestant fold of the United States' national history as well as playing an integral role in the emergence of the early Chicano/a movement. Many Protestant Anglo Americans understood their settlement in the far Southwest as follo

"This book deals with climate change not only as a feature of the physical world but also as a milieu, a state of spirit. The climate is, in Tim Leduc's terms, "the context within which we mind all our relations." An ecology of mind is where ideas of mind-ecology relations emerged at the dawn of the environmental movement, and it's important for the author to explore those ideas in a specifically Canadian context. For example, he juxtaposes the Ontario biologist John Livingston and William Woodworth, an architect and a Mohawk from the Six Nations territory in southern Ontario; he also incorporates ideas from other Canadians, such as John Ralston Saul's vision of Canada as a metis nation. What Leduc calls "the braided metis strand of thought" allows him to "bring Livingston's ecology of mind into dialogue with Woodworth's Haudenosaunee Good Mind." The author's own summary of the book reads as follows: "We are living in a climate of great environmental and social changes. These global changes are central to A Canadian Climate of Mind, though they are situated in a Canadian colonial history that reveals the cultural challenge central to a sustainable future. The book begins by contemplating the Two Row Wampum treaty, which represents an Indigenous canoe and a settler ship traversing our common waters. Such a symbol has much to teach about missed historic opportunities and the respect that is central to renewing relations. In attempting to convert the Indigenous canoe to the ways of the ship, and our common waters (land, energy) to usable resources, great turbulence has ensued. Environmental disturbances like climate change are a sign of this; so were the residential schools. While the wampum's two rows are vital, the book is primarily concerned with imagining spaces from which to reweave Indigenous and settler approaches to land/water/climate."--