Suchergebnisse

During the last months of 1918 profound political and social changes took place throughout the Austro-Hungarian Empire. After the dissolution of Habsburg administrative authority in late October, Poles, Ukrainians, Czechs, Slovaks, Serbs, Croats, and Rumanians organized national councils that eventually were to determine the political future of these former subject peoples. Ruthenians living in the northeastern counties of Hungary also participated in this process, and from November 1918 to May 1919 they formed many councils which proposed various political alternatives: autonomy within Hungary, complete independence, or union with Russia, the Ukraine, or the new state of Czechoslovakia. Although these choices reflected the political and cultural allegiances that were traditionally attractive to Ruthenian leaders, the particular international situation in 1919 proved favorable to only one—union with Czechoslovakia.

The Ruthenian Council as a political society, having united individuals with double-stage Ukrainian/Ruthenian-Polish identity in Halychyna under the Austrian rule in 1848, has no elaborated historiographic tradition. Within the categories of modern national consciousness the Ruthenian Council was a marginal formation harmonizing with neither Ukrainian nor Polish national historical metanarrative. Whereas Ukrainian historians used to interpret the society as a tool in the hands of Poles for the restriction of national rights of Ukrainians from Halychyna, Polish authors preferred to overlook the latter, viewing it as an example of unsuccessful Polish politics in the Ukrainian matter. The interpretations were slightly altered only within the last decade when the historians included the Ruthenian Council into the chain of national and political orientations that determined the development of Galician Ruthenian community in the middle of the 19 th century. The Ruthenian Council has no marked and complete source database. It is intertwined with a wider range of texts – act materials, press publications, reminiscences, correspondence that are mainly known to the historians but which are used just in the context of the activity of the Principal Ruthenian Council and the Polish People's Central Council – national and representative organizations that became the symbols of main tendencies in the national development. Key words: Halychyna, revolution of 1848, the Ruthenian Council, "Ruthenians of Polish nation" (gente Rutheni, natione Poloni), Ukrainian-Polish relations. ; Руський собор, як політичне товариство, яке в 1848 р. об'єднало в під-австрійській Галичині осіб з двоступеневою українсько/русько-польською ідентичністю, не має розвиненої історіографічної традиції. У категоріях модерної національної свідомості Руський собор був маргінальним утворен-ням і не вписувався ні в український, ні в польський національний історич-ний метанаратив. Якщо українські історики трактували товариство як зна-ряддя в польських руках для обмеження національних прав галицьких українців, то польські автори взагалі воліли обминати його увагою, позаяк бачили в ньому приклад невдалої польської політики в українському питанні. Деякі зміни в інтерпретаціях з'явилися щойно в останнє десятиліття, коли історики включили Руський собор в мережу національно-політичних орієн-тацій, які визначали розвиток галицько-руської спільноти в середині ХІХ ст. Вираженої та цілісної джерельної бази Руський собор не має. Вона вплетена в ширші тексти – актові матеріали, публікації в пресі, спогадові пам'ятки, листування, які історикам переважно відомі, але використовуються ними переважно в контексті діяльності Головної руської ради та польської Цент-ральної ради народової – національно-представницьких організацій, що стали символами магістральних напрямів національного розвитку. Ключові слова: Галичина, революція 1848 р., Руський собор, "русини польської нації" (gente Rutheni, natione Poloni), українсько-польські від-носини.

Ukrainianists and Belarusianists traditionally assumed that "Ukrainian" and "Belarusian" authors of the middle period of the East Slavic language history wrote essentially in their own respective mother tongues or even native dialects; linguistic features belonging to dialects of the other of the two modern nations were regarded as "foreign" influences due to the close political and cultural ties between "Ukrainians" and "Belarusians". Nowadays more and more scholars come to acknowledge the existence at that time of a common Ruthenian literary standard. However, the relationship between this standard variety and the diversity of the Ruthenian dialects is still rather unclear. As the Ruthenian questione della lingua, i.e. the problem of choosing a dialect basis for the standard variety, was never discussed explicitly (mainly because of the overwhelming importance of Polish and Church Slavonic in the Ruthenian metalinguistic discourse), the role of intermediate dialects (e.g. Polissian), dialect mixing (e.g. Vilna and Galicia), the acceptability of individual dialect features, and linguistic conservatism (e.g. in orthography) for the standardization of Ruthenian remain to be thoroughly evaluated. This is what this paper tries to do.

In parallel, broadcasting has changed rapidly with the changing of the world at the same area. Broadcasting is also influenced and reshaped in terms of the emergence of new communication technologies. These developments have resulted a lot of economic and social consequences. The most important consequences of these results are those of the powers of the governments to control over the means of communication and control mechanisms related to the descriptions of the new issues. For this purpose, autonomous and independent regulatory bodies have been established by the state. One of these regulatory bodies is the Radio and Television Supreme Council, which to be established in 1994, with the Code no 3984. Today's Radio and Television Supreme Council which is responsible for the regulation of the radio and television broadcasts all across Turkey has an important and effective position as autonomous and independent regulatory body. The Radio and Television Supreme Council acts as being a remarkable organizer for a sensitive area of radio and television broadcasting on one hand, and the area of democratic, liberal and keep in mind the concept of the public interest by putting certain principles for the functioning of the Board control, in the context of media policy as one of the central organs, on the other hand. In this study, the role of the Radio and Television Supreme Council is examined in accordance with the Code no 3894 in order to control over the communication and control mechanisms as well as the examination of the changes in the duties of the Code No. 6112, dated 2011.

Concerns about the place of Islam in Palestinian politics are familiar to those studying the history of the modern Middle East. A vital part of this history is the rise of Islamic opposition to the British in Mandate Palestine during the 1920s and 30s. Colonial officials had wrestled with the question of how to rule over a Muslim-majority country and considered traditional Islamic institutions essential for maintaining order. Islam under the Palestine Mandate tells the story of the search for a viable Islamic institution in Palestine and the subsequent invention of the Supreme Muslim Council. As a body with political recognition, institutional autonomy and financial power, the council was intended to act as a counterweight to the growing popularity of nationalism among Palestinians. However, rather than diminishing the revolutionary capacity of the colonized, the council became one of the most significant of the opposition groups to British rule, especially under its highly controversial president, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin al-Husayni. Making extensive use of primary sources from British and Israeli archives, this book offers an account of the establishment of the Supreme Muslim Council and the policing of Arab nationalist sympathizers. Roberts argues against the view that the council's creation was an act of appeasement towards Muslim opinion, showing how British actions were guided by techniques of imperial administration used elsewhere in the empire

This article analyzes the factors which contribute to the existence of a
small population of conscious Ruthenians in Serbia. According to the author,
the factors that undoubtly influence and improve the life conditions of the
Ruthenian national community in Serbia / Vojvodina at the beginning of the
21st century are: Ruthenian language educational vertical; Apostolic
Exarchate for Greek Catholics in Serbia and Montenegro; National Council of
the Rusyn National Minority; Institute for Culture of the Vojvodinian
Ruthenians; Ruthenian National Theatre Petro Riznic Djadja; diverse
publishing activity; electronic media; new cultural organizations and
manifestations; revolutionary changes in the Carpathian area; favourable
international conditions. The Backa-Srem Ruthenians present a kind of proof
that long-lasting existence of a community small in number is quite possible
only if a state creates suitable conditions. Since the Serbian / Vojvodinian
authorities do their best to implement international conventions it may be
said that there is much hope for the Ruthenians in Serbia to preserve their
culture and national identity in the future, especially in Europe without
borders.