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1. Introduction: What is politicisation? Opening the debate (Claudia Wiesner) -- Section I: Conceptualising Politicisation -- 2. Politicisation, Politics, and Democracy (Claudia Wiesner) -- 3. Three Concepts of Politicisation: Republican, Deliberative, and Agonistic (Veith Selk) -- 4. Parliamentarisation as Policisation (Kari Palonen) -- Section II: Politicisation, Populism and (post-) democracy -- 5. Democracy, Post-Democracy and what came after (Meike Schmidt-Gleim) -- 6. Populism and Anti-Populism in the 2017 Dutch, French, and German Elections: A Re-Politicisation of Post-Politics? (Seongcheol Kim) -- 7. Voting and Non-Voting in Post-Democratic Times (Dirk Jörke) -- Section III: (De-) politicising Europe -- 8. (De)politicisation: Shifting Dynamics in an Emerging European Political Field and Public Sphere (Niilo Kauppi and Hans-Jörg Trenz) -- 9. Dissensus, Deadlock and Disintegration? Examining the Effects of EU Politicisation (Lisa Anders) -- 10. Depoliticisation at the European Level. Delegitimisation and Circumvention of Representative Democracy in Europe's Governance (Cécile Robert) -- Section IV: Politicisation from Global to Local -- 11. Political Authority, Expected Consequences and the Politicisation of International Institutions (Andreas von Staden) -- 12. In-Between Juridification and Politicisation: Zooming in on the Everyday Politics of Law (Philip Liste) -- 13. Conclusion. Rethinking Politicisation: what have we learned? (Claudia Wiesner). .

This article analyses local government politics in Africa using Zimbabwe as a case study. Drawing on the theory of participatory democracy, it argues that throughout Africa the politicisation of local government has often hamstrung the sector's ability to provide citizens with basic services. The political scene in Zimbabwe changed drastically in the year 2000 with the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The party threatened the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU PF)'s political dominance and this resulted in on-going conflict, with the ruling party using its power at central government level to frustrate the opposition that often dominated local government. Several events such as the clean-up operation in 2005 and the 2008 cholera outbreak in Zimbabwe were indicative of a governance system that had been politicised, with negative effects on citizens' lives. A watershed moment occurred in 2013 when a new constitution was introduced and for the first time since independence, local government was recognised. One of its key tenets is devolution of power to local communities. However, due to the polarised nature of politics in Zimbabwe, very little has been done to implement this principle, as the ruling party regards devolution as a threat to its political influence. The article argues that creating and fostering a democratic society in Zimbabwe will ensure that devolution is implemented, and that citizens will have a say in how their communities are governed.

Abstract
Football in India and Darjeeling, like in many parts of the world, was introduced during the colonial period. Darjeeling was "gifted" to the British by the king of Sikkim in 1835 to build a sanatorium. A military recruiting depot was also soon established. Along with the military came missionary schools. These two elements of the British social system facilitated the gradual growth of football in the region. Many tournaments were played and football soon became part of the social landscape. The Herlihy Cup which started in the year 1917, the same year, the Hillmen's Association submitted a refined version of the 1907 memorandum, demanding a "separate administrative unit" comprising the present-day Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts along with the Dooars areas, was the only tournament of that period to be played till today.
Until the 1980s, when violent agitation for the creation of Gorkhaland took place, football and the state enjoyed a cordial client-patron relationship. The agitation and the subsequent signing of a tripartite agreement between the Government of India, the Government of West Bengal, and the Gorkha National Liberation Front for the creation of the semi-autonomous Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council in 1988 changed the political landscape of Darjeeling. Football began to be used as a tool for asserting identity, leading to the old structure's breakdown. The tripartite agreement did not completely suppress the aspirations for creating Gorkhaland. In 2017 another round of agitation started. The agitation failed due to the betrayal of two leaders and the indiscriminate use of repressive apparatus by the state. To proclaim normalcy, football tournaments were initiated when fear and unfreedom were the norm and hegemony of power, domination and repression were the reality. This article is based on the methods of auto-ethnography and reflexivity and will try to highlight and analyze the relationship between football and politics in Darjeeling after the 1980s.

Bu tezin amacı, ETA terörizminin siyasallaşmasının Bask bağımsızlık sorunu üzerine olan etkilerini araştırmaktır. Bask sorunu yaklaşık bir asırlık bir geçmişe sahip olduğundan dolayı, siyasallaşma sorunu hakkında yapılan tartışmalara ışık tutabilecek pek çok periyodu içermektedir.Bunun yanında, Bask meselesi hakim merkezi devlet ile etnik bir azınlık arasındaki siyasi etkileşimleri irdeleyen bir örnek olarak kabul edilebilir. Bask toplumu, siyasi grupları, terör örgütü, Bask kilisesi, Bask burjuva sınıfı, işçi sınıfı vb. sosyal katmanları ile çok yönlü, karmaşık bir yapıya sahiptir. Bask toplumunun bu birbirinden ayrı değişik sosyal kesimlerinin çözüm girişimlerine dahil olmaları meseleyi daha da komplike hale getirmiş ve çeşitli çözüm önerilerinin tartışılması için çoğulcu bir ortam yaratmıştır. Diğer taraftan, Baskların terörü bir mücadele yöntemi olarak seçtikleri ve uygulamaya koydukları dönemde, diğer milliyetler dahil olmak üzere, bir bütün olarak İspanyol toplumu uzun suren baskıcı Franco diktatörlük rejimini tecrübe etmişlerdir.Bask toplumunun şiddete yönelmesi ve ETA terör örgütünün gelişimi bu devreyle eşleşmektedir. Franco rejiminin Basklara ve İspanya iç savaşının hemen öncesinde tesis edilen Bask özerk kurumlarına karşı olan otoriter, baskıcı, yasaklayıcı yapısı ve tutumu, İspanyol toplumunu oluşturan sosyal kesimler arasında var olan düşmanlıkları daha da arttırmış ve hatta Baskların siyasal bağımsızlığa yönelik isteklerini bilemiştir.Bask terör örgütü ETA'nın terör eylemleri, Franco rejiminin ortadan kalkmasıyla sona ermemiştir. Basklara tanınan özerklik bile, ETA terör örgütünün siyasal şiddet eylemlerini bitirmesini sağlayamamıştır. Üstelik, İspanyol hükümetlerinin örgütle müzakerelere girmesi, ETA ile Bask milliyetçi partisi PNV arasındaki organik olmayan bağlar ve İspanyol siyasi partileri arasındaki politik rekabet durumu, Baskların lehinde, bağımsızlığa doğru taşımıştır. The aim of this thesis is to research the effects of politicization of ETA terrorism on the solution of Basque independence issue. Since the Basque question is almost a century old, it involves a lot of periods that can highlight the debates on the politicization issues. The Basque Question can also be accepted as a sample for the political interactions between a central dominant state and an ethnic minority. The Basque community has a complex multi-dimensional structure with the political groups, the terrorist organization, the Basque Church, the Basque bourgeoisie, the Basque working class and the others. The incorporation of these separate social segments of the Basque community into the solution attempts made the question very complicated and created a pluralistic environment for the discussion of various types of solution proposals.On the other side, while the Basques had been turning to terrorist methods, the whole Spanish community including the peripheral nationalities had experienced the repressive Franco dictatorship for a long-lasting time. The terrorization and the development of ETA match with this period. The authoritarian, prohibitive and suppressive structure and actions of Franco regime toward Basques and their autonomous institutions which was established just before the Spanish Civil War increased the hostility amid the various segments of Spanish community and even whetted the exertions of Basques for political independence. The terrorist acts of ETA, the armed organization Basques, did not end with the demise of Franco regime. The autonomy statute recognized for Basques could not terminate the political violence either. Moreover, the negotiation attempts, the inorganic links between ETA and moderate Basque nationalist party PNV, and the political rivalry among the Spanish parties have been leading the situation to the independence, in favor of Basques.

Taking stock of the numerous crises that have confronted Europe in the last decade, this special issue investigates the relationship between crisis and the politicisation of the process of European integration. It draws attention in so doing to the epistemic construction of crises. In this conceptual overview, we discuss first, how crises are framed and reframed in relation to the constitutive elements of a political community. Second, we explore the extent to which, and how, the emergence of different understandings of crisis and the ensuing frame competition between them contribute to such politicisation. By elucidating the link between the politics of a now seemingly permanent crisis in Europe and the politicisation of European integration, this introduction sets the framework informing all of the articles in this special issue.

AbstractDespite a rich body of literature on politicisation, knowledge of this process and its driving forces remains limited. Specifically, little empirical analysis has been carried out to assess the impact of focusing events on politicisation within global and seemingly technical venues of policy‐making. Building on existing studies, I conceptualise politicisation as a combination of three components: (1) issue salience, (2) actor expansion and (3) actor diversity. I test the impact of focusing events on the politicisation of one of the most pressing global policy issues of our age: internet regulation, specifically regarding global data protection and internet privacy rules. I use a systematic analysis of news media coverage over a 20‐year period, resulting in an original dataset of 2,100 news articles. Controlling for different factors, my findings reveal that focusing events do contribute to politicisation in technical venues, in particular regarding the actors involved in debates.

This article addresses the politicisation of European tax governance in mass media. Although taxation is commonly assumed to remain a national prerogative, European institutions have extended their reach far into national tax regimes. Whether this expansion of EU authority towards one of the core functions of the nation state is accompanied by politicisation is the question to be addressed in this article. To analyse the causal nexus between growing EU authority – measured in terms of formal authority and tax legislation – and the politicisation of EU tax governance, the paper compares public debates in Germany, Ireland and Switzerland over a time period of 30 years between 1981 and 2011. Based on a newspaper content analysis, the empirical results demonstrate that EU tax governance is increasingly politicised in all three countries. Varying levels and content of politicisation across time and space are explained by national economic and socio-cultural conditions.