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There are various perspectives and interpretations regarding an interaction of religion and women's parliamentary Representation. In Pakistan,the religious debate started since its inception in 1947. The religious debates translated into objectives resolution and were adopted by the constituent assembly in 1949. Women parliamentary Representation remained a complex phenomenon due to the religiously dominated cultural sphere. However, the initiatives towards women's Representation started in the 1920spassed through different challenges and opportunities. The constitutions of Pakistan from 1956 to 1973 have also incorporated relevant sections regarding women's Representation. A significant issue merged in the 1990s in Pakistan when the constitutional mechanism regarding women's Representation lapsed. The global initiatives on women's political Representation were the major milestone that influenced Pakistan politics in 2000. During this period, gender-equal participation in the decision-making process was brought at the center of political debate. During the Musharraf regime, women parliamentary share increased up to 20percent on reserved seats. This paper is anattempt to explore women's Representation in Islamic perspectivesand their contributions to women. The result of this qualitativeresearch shows that women parliamentarians are primarilyrepresenting their own political parties and class in decision-making bodies

Presented article is prepared within the Research Project "Law of Political Parties" held by the faculty of Law and International Relations of Georgian Technical University. Тhe purpose of the article is to analyze the main mechanisms that guarantees the parliamentary representation of national and ethnic minorities in Romania. Authors review in detail the correlation of concept of equality principle and positive discrimination in regard with national and ethnic minorities. Clear distinction is given between Hungarian minority, as a successfully political movement and all other minorities, which were able to gain mandates only through positive discrimination. In conclusion authors underline some advantages of Romanian electoral system, but also refer to weaknesses, which should be eliminated and suggest some recommendations for possible improvements.

Parliamentary parties in the British House of Commons tend to experience high levels of voting unity with individual MPs only occasionally dissenting from party policy. Although constituency influence has been used extensively to predict legislative behaviour in candidate-centred electoral environments, it is argued here that constituency preferences can, under certain circumstances, shape parliamentary behaviour in a strong-party, weak personal-vote, electoral environment such as the United Kingdom. To empirically test this argument, the interest representation of British Muslims in the British House of Commons and specifically the voting record of MPs on proposed domestic anti-terrorism legislation seen to target British Muslims is investigated. The data shows that Labour MPs with certain constituency characteristics (relatively large Muslim, ethnic minority and migrant populations) were more likely to vote against the leadership position on anti-terrorism proposals perceived to target certain minorities.

Cet article explique en termes strictement opératoires la méthode dite de » l'amalgame « prévue par la loi pour répartir entre les provinces les sièges au Parlement canadien.L'histoire politique canadienne et le sens commun suggèrent quelques principes fondamentaux d'équité qui devraient s'appliquer à toute méthode de répartition des sièges an Parlement. Malheureusement, le méthode de l'amalgame ne répond à aucun de ces principes.Il y a une seule méthode qui réponde à tons ces critères: elle est beaucoup plus simple que celle de l'amalgame, et c'est fondamentalement la méthode originellement incorporée à l'Acte de l'Amérique du Nord Britannique de 1867.

Richard Katz and Bernhard Wessels, eds., The European Parliament, the National Parliaments, and European Integration (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 280pp., £35, h.b., ISBN 0-19-829660-6.Heinrich Best and Maurizio Cotta, eds., Parliamentary Representatives in Europe, 1848–2000 (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press 2000), 530pp., £55, h.b., ISBN 0-19-829793-9.Jean Blondel, Richard Sinnott and Palle Svensson, People and Parliament in the European Union. Participation, Democracy, and Legitimacy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 287pp., £45, h.b., ISBN 0-19-829308-9.Amie Kreppel, The European Parliament and Supranational Party System. A Study in Institutional Development (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 288pp., £40, h.b., ISBN 0-521-80625-9.

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Most of the empirical research on political representation has either focused on the analysis of descriptive representation, or on policy or ideological correspondence between voters and MPs. Only occasionally research has paid attention to what are the representatives' attitudes towards
political representation, or to the type of relationship they establish with their voters and parties in this regard. By exploring the attitudes and behaviour of Portuguese deputies towards their role as representatives, using data from 2008, this article intends to contribute to filling that
gap in the literature. Although mainly descriptive, the article also intends to unravel the individual determinants for the focus and style of representation. The findings suggest that the party is the main reference in representational relationships in Portugal, and that the factors that
best explain the focus and style of representation are the deputies' immediate political goals.

Parliamentary representation is a fluid concept. Yet, while the behaviour of elected representatives during roll call votes has been widely analysed, we know little about how parliamentarians act when their individual voting choices are not made public. This paper explores the relationship between voting procedures and the likelihood that Members of the European Parliament prioritise the interests of their EP party group versus the interests of their national party. Using an original survey, I find that MEPs are more likely to prioritise the interests of their national party over those of their EP party group when voting by show of hands or electronically, as opposed to by roll call. Moreover, this voting procedure effect is particularly salient among MEPs elected from 2004/07 accession countries.

AbstractParliamentary representation is a fluid concept. Yet, while the behaviour of elected representatives during roll call votes has been widely analyzed, we know little about how parliamentarians act when their individual voting choices are not made public. This paper explores the relationship between voting procedures and the likelihood that Members of the European Parliament prioritize the interests of their EP party group versus the interests of their national party. Using an original survey, I find that MEPs are more likely to prioritize the interests of their national party over those of their EP party group when voting by show of hands or electronically, as opposed to by roll call. Moreover, this voting procedure effect is particularly salient among MEPs elected from 2004/07 accession countries.