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This article investigates the role of social media platforms in the visual representation of the Bucha massacre perpetrated by Russian forces during the aggression against Ukraine in 2022. By considering the interconnectedness of the online and offline spheres, the authors explore the impact of social media on the coverage of the massacre. The study focuses on a comprehensive analysis of 6,185 images disseminated on Twitter, Facebook and Instagram between 29 March and 15 September 2022. Through an analysis of the intricate dynamics between war crimes, visual representations and social media platforms, the article invites contemplation on how digital artifacts shape our collective understanding of historical atrocities.

There is a substantial body of research examining racialized narratives about Black and White athletes. However, there is an absence of literature that has specifically explored multiracial identities in the sport context. The purpose of the current study was to examine narratives constructed in the media when discussing the race(s) of multiracial athletes. Investigators conducted a qualitative media analysis using 68 online and print news articles that clearly identified athletes as multiracial. Findings indicated that sports journalists are susceptible to perpetuating certain racialized sport stereotypes when covering multiracial athletes. Media members should make an effort to be aware of an athlete's racial identity and be mindful of not relying on racial stereotypes when writing about multiracial athletes.

There has been a lot of rhetoric in the Southern African countries on the need to politically empower women although this has not really translated into substantial action. The current constitutions in Zimbabwe and South Africa do not provide any quota for women representation in politics. For example, women representation in the House of Assembly has fluctuated from one election year to the other since Zimbabwe attained independence in 1980. However, a new constitution appears to take critical steps towards enhancing gender equality in politics by proposing the allocation of 60 "affirmative action" seats for women for the first two terms after the new constitution is adopted. The 60 female MPs would add to the 210 parliamentary seats and the 88 senate seats that the country currently has. While this creates opportunities for more women to enter politics, the level of participation by the women proposed in the new Zimbabwean constitution still falls short of the benchmarks set by several local, regional and international policy frameworks that promote and support women's extensive participation in politics. Thirty five years after the first multi-racial elections brought democracy to Zimbabwe ended the colonial government, the news media, as well as other social institutions, are still in the process of transformation. The news media have a particularly important role to play in a country where political participation is a new experience for many people. Media in Zimbabwe also faces the challenge of ensuring equal and fair representation of the entire population. Gender and media activists, in particular, have taken up the challenge of bringing about change in the media. This paper provides an overview of the current Zimbabwe media landscape with a particular focus on women in the media and politics. The first section presents background information about Zimbabwean women's position in society.

There has been a lot of rhetoric in the Southern African countries on the need to politically empower women although this has not really translated into substantial action. The current constitutions in Zimbabwe and South Africa do not provide any quota for women representation in politics. For example, women representation in the House of Assembly has fluctuated from one election year to the other since Zimbabwe attained independence in 1980. However, a new constitution appears to take critical steps towards enhancing gender equality in politics by proposing the allocation of 60 "affirmative action" seats for women for the first two terms after the new constitution is adopted. The 60 female MPs would add to the 210 parliamentary seats and the 88 senate seats that the country currently has. While this creates opportunities for more women to enter politics, the level of participation by the women proposed in the new Zimbabwean constitution still falls short of the benchmarks set by several local, regional and international policy frameworks that promote and support women's extensive participation in politics. Thirty five years after the first multi-racial elections brought democracy to Zimbabwe ended the colonial government, the news media, as well as other social institutions, are still in the process of transformation. The news media have a particularly important role to play in a country where political participation is a new experience for many people. Media in Zimbabwe also faces the challenge of ensuring equal and fair representation of the entire population. Gender and media activists, in particular, have taken up the challenge of bringing about change in the media. This paper provides an overview of the current Zimbabwe media landscape with a particular focus on women in the media and politics. The first section presents background information about Zimbabwean women's position in society. Article visualizations:

Crime and Corpus -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Epigraph page -- Table of contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- List of figures -- List of tables -- Introduction -- 1.1 Crime as a social phenomenon -- 1.2 Language and crime theories -- 1.3 The structure of this book -- Crime theories and the media -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Crime theories -- 2.2.1 Offender theories -- 2.2.1.1 Offenders and labelling theory -- 2.2.2 Victims and victimology -- 2.3 Recent tendencies and restorative justice -- 2.4 Risk and fear of crime -- 2.5 The fascination of crime -- 2.6 Moral panics -- 2.7 Criteria of newsworthiness -- Critical language studies and critical stylistics -- 3.1 Concepts and definitions -- 3.1.1 Text -- 3.1.2 Ideology -- 3.1.3 Discourse -- 3.1.4 Power -- 3.2 Critical language studies -- 3.2.1 Critical linguistics -- 3.2.2 Critical discourse analysis and its major approaches -- 3.2.2.1 The marxist approach -- 3.2.2.2 The socio-cognitive approach -- 3.2.2.3 The discourse-historical approach -- 3.2.2.4 The socio-semantic approach -- 3.2.3 The cultural, the multimodal, and the cognitive approach to CDA -- 3.2.4 Critical views on CDA -- 3.3 Critical Stylistics -- 3.3.1 The methods of critical stylistics -- 3.3.1.1 Naming and describing -- 3.3.1.2 Representing actions/events/states - Transitivity analysis and verb voice -- 3.3.1.3 Equating and contrasting -- 3.3.1.4 Implying and assuming -- 3.3.1.5 Hypothesising - Modality -- 3.3.1.6 Presenting other's speech, thoughts, and writing -- Corpus linguistics -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Different approaches to corpus linguistics -- 4.3 Different types of corpora -- 4.4 Reference corpora -- 4.5 The software package WordSmith tools -- 4.5.1 Wordlist/frequency list -- 4.5.2 Dispersion plots -- 4.5.3 Concordances, collocates, colligates, connotations, and semantic prosody

How is hate engendered, and what causes hatred to manifest as criminal behavior? Hate Crime in the Media: A History considers how in America, perceived threats on national, physical, and/or personal space have been created by mediated understandings of different peoples, and describes how these understandings have then played out in hate crimes based on ethnicity, religious identity, or sexual identity. The work reveals the origins of hate in American culture found in the media; political rhetoric; the entertainment industry, including national sports; and the legal system. Each chapt

This paper presents a study of media representations of youth violence. The way by which media presents the young generation is a reflection of and influence on the development of identity by youth and society's attitude towards youth. No previous studies have been conducted on this topic in Bulgaria, but the ones carried out in some other countries (including the USA and Australia) revealed an ambiguous image of young people with an important emphasis on violence as a part of youth life. 159 news items concerning young people from September 2010 issues of the Bulgarian newspapers "Telegraph" and "Sega" were coded. 21.4% of the news items dedicated to young people dealt with violence. Young people as committing an act of violence or as victims of violence were described with some neutral labels indicating their social group membership (gender, ethnic, territorial, etc.) or with some negative labels describing them as criminals. Young people violence in these two Bulgarian newspapers was associated with sexual issues, medical issues and family issues in more than 30% of the cases, as well as with educational issue in more than 20% of the news items. The image of young people reflected by the Bulgarian media was not only a negative one. 4/5 of the news items in the newspapers described young people as successful students, sportsmen, politically engaged, doing cultural activities, prepared for business, etc. Adults were advised by the media on how to understand teenagers and how to help young people – having a positive outlook on youth, expressing their love and concern for young people, communicating with them, giving them support (including financial, medical, and educational) by means of the state and different institutions.

This paper directs the 'visual turn' in criminology to corporate crime, a topic that has been understudied by cultural criminologists. A recent trend of corporate crime movies suggests that film can compellingly critique economic crime and unethical business cultures. This paper studies how law enforcement agencies, in particular competition authorities have connected with this trend by using film in their communicative strategy. This paper introduces the emerging genre of anti cartel enforcement thrillers: regulator-produced realistic docudramas in which fictional cartels are exposed and punished. These films' narratives about cartel enforcement are reconstructed by studying how the films portray cartels, perpetrators and their motives, and the regulator. An analysis of four films produced in four jurisdictions demonstrates that the films deter only to the extent that the local legal and political-economic context allows: the British film reflects that country's neoliberal 'pro-business' climate, while the Swedish film depicts businesses as socially responsible; and the Dutch film is pragmatic rather than moralistic. Only the Australian film is explicitly punitive in its narrative as well as its imaginary, and exemplifies the persuasive potential of film in enforcement.

The contributions of news media representations to the problem of "othering" Third World women (TWW) are examined within the framework of Chandra Mohanty's "Under Western Eyes" (1991). Three related media techniques contribute to this problem: (1) tendency to view TWW as a homogeneous category; (2) TWW's representation as passive victims of a patriarchal culture; & (3) the exoticization of TWW & their construction into icons that stand for whole cultures. Short-term solutions to this problem include production of more careful, historical, & local analyses; avoidance of binary oppositions with the West; & relinquishment of Western culture & way as the normative basis for human society. Long-term solutions include changing journalist training & facilitation of ongoing interaction between media professionals & the media scholars who critique them. D. Generoli