International audience ; After having done a first presidential term, C. de Gaulle, V. Giscard d'Estaing, F. Mitterrand, J. Chirac and N. Sarkozy were candidates for a second term. In this study, their electoral speeches are compared with their presidential ones drawing attention to the specific nature of the vocabulary used. It would appear that this calculation is mainly biased by grammatical categories and word frequency. We present modifications of the classical formulae which make it possible to neutralize the influence of grammatical categories and, at least partially, that of word frequency. Electoral discourse privileges the verb over the name, as such speech is more personalized than governmental discourse, it focuses on the country and its inhabitants, the rest of the world being pushed into the background. Finally, in recent years, the polemical dimension is becoming predominant. ; Après un premier mandat présidentiel, C. de Gaulle, V. Giscard d'Estaing, F. Mitterrand, J. Chirac et N. Sarkozy ont été candidats à un deuxième mandat. On compare leurs discours électoraux avec leurs discours présidentiels à l'aide des spécificités du vocabulaire. Il apparaît que ces spécificités dépendent surtout des catégories grammaticales et des effectifs des mots. On présente des modifications du calcul classique qui permettent de neutraliser l'influence des catégories grammaticales et, au moins partiellement, celle des fréquences. Le discours électoral privilégie le verbe au détriment du nom, il est plus personnalisé que le discours au pouvoir, il se centre sur le pays et ses habitants, le reste du monde passant au second plan. Enfin, ces dernières années, la dimension polémique devient prédominante.
This article investigates what happens when governmental actors foster the participation of non-state actors (NSAs) in treaty ratification and implementation decisions. NSAs, being non-governmental organisations, business groups, citizens, or research institutions among others represent interests that will be ultimately impacted by policy choices. While governments have long consulted them on an ad hoc basis, a "deliberative turn" happened in the 2000s to encourage their involvement, for greater legitimacy and transparency, through among others, the use of public consultations. This proactive turn raises questions about public consultations: are such instruments effective? Do they encourage new thinking? Do they matter for final decisions? This article answers these questions by investigating, using among others lexicometry tools, the public consultation organised by the European Commission in 2011 prior to the ratification of the Nagoya Protocol on access and benefit sharing (ABS) by the European Union in 2014. The results are mixed. While the studied public consultation favoured the expression of small national NSAs the process is still poorly inclusive. NSAs did not propose any fresh ideas on the ABS issue and their final influence on European decision-makers is blurred by the diversity of interests expressed.
This article investigates what happens when governmental actors foster the participation of non-state actors (NSAs) in treaty ratification and implementation decisions. NSAs, being non-governmental organisations, business groups, citizens, or research institutions among others represent interests that will be ultimately impacted by policy choices. While governments have long consulted them on an ad hoc basis, a "deliberative turn" happened in the 2000s to encourage their involvement, for greater legitimacy and transparency, through among others, the use of public consultations. This proactive turn raises questions about public consultations: are such instruments effective? Do they encourage new thinking? Do they matter for final decisions? This article answers these questions by investigating, using among others lexicometry tools, the public consultation organised by the European Commission in 2011 prior to the ratification of the Nagoya Protocol on access and benefit sharing (ABS) by the European Union in 2014. The results are mixed. While the studied public consultation favoured the expression of small national NSAs the process is still poorly inclusive. NSAs did not propose any fresh ideas on the ABS issue and their final influence on European decision-makers is blurred by the diversity of interests expressed.
Starting from Gaston Bachelard's assumption that "all knowledge is an answer to a question", the study proposes the use of comparative textual analysis to formulate research questions. A set of questions were derived via the TXM, Textométrie software, a tool for lexicometry and statistical analysis. Two historical documents on the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) were examined, the Werner report and the Delors report (French versions). The "quest for questions" was based on the comparison of the documents, using the TXM specificities feature that highlights what properties are specific, as overuse or deficit, to a part versus the rest of a corpus. The documents were analysed both as entire units and as fragments (numbered parts and sections). The specificities were computed for the noun-adjective combination and parts of speech, the properties with specificity scores higher and lower than the TXM default positive and negative banality thresholds being selected for further enquiry and subsequently used to formulate research questions. Although further experiments, testing with other corpora and theoretical formalisation are required, the first results show that digital tools may serve not only as hypotheses or conclusions validators but also as means of discovering exploration paths to support interpretation and the construction of new knowledge in digital history.
Three statistical studies applied to presidential discourse (vocabulary, themes and style).Thecampaigns for the presidential elections of 2002, 2007 and 2012 reveal personalisation,tension and a growing level of aggression between candidates. The analysis of televiseddebates between the two finalists since 1974 leads to the same conclusions, and shows thatpolitical conditions of the moment prevail over the left-right divide and over the personalitiesof the candidates. The mapping of the political communication of seven presidents since 1958shows that they talk a lot and prefer to use the medium of speeches rather than interviews orpress conferences. ; Trois études de statistique appliquée au discours présidentiel (vocabulaire, thèmes et style). Les campagnes pour les élections présidentielles de 2002, 2007 et 2012 indiquent une personnalisation, une tension et une agressivité croissante entre les candidats. L'analyse des débats télévisés entre les deux finalistes depuis 1974 aboutit aux mêmes conclusions et montre que la conjoncture politique du moment l'emporte sur le clivage droite-gauche et sur la personnalité des candidats. Le recensement de la communication des sept présidents depuis 1958 montre qu'ils parlent beaucoup et qu'ils privilégient l'allocution plutôt que les entretiens ou les conférences de presse.
Three statistical studies applied to presidential discourse (vocabulary, themes and style).Thecampaigns for the presidential elections of 2002, 2007 and 2012 reveal personalisation,tension and a growing level of aggression between candidates. The analysis of televiseddebates between the two finalists since 1974 leads to the same conclusions, and shows thatpolitical conditions of the moment prevail over the left-right divide and over the personalitiesof the candidates. The mapping of the political communication of seven presidents since 1958shows that they talk a lot and prefer to use the medium of speeches rather than interviews orpress conferences. ; Trois études de statistique appliquée au discours présidentiel (vocabulaire, thèmes et style). Les campagnes pour les élections présidentielles de 2002, 2007 et 2012 indiquent une personnalisation, une tension et une agressivité croissante entre les candidats. L'analyse des débats télévisés entre les deux finalistes depuis 1974 aboutit aux mêmes conclusions et montre que la conjoncture politique du moment l'emporte sur le clivage droite-gauche et sur la personnalité des candidats. Le recensement de la communication des sept présidents depuis 1958 montre qu'ils parlent beaucoup et qu'ils privilégient l'allocution plutôt que les entretiens ou les conférences de presse.
Three statistical studies applied to presidential discourse (vocabulary, themes and style).Thecampaigns for the presidential elections of 2002, 2007 and 2012 reveal personalisation,tension and a growing level of aggression between candidates. The analysis of televiseddebates between the two finalists since 1974 leads to the same conclusions, and shows thatpolitical conditions of the moment prevail over the left-right divide and over the personalitiesof the candidates. The mapping of the political communication of seven presidents since 1958shows that they talk a lot and prefer to use the medium of speeches rather than interviews orpress conferences. ; Trois études de statistique appliquée au discours présidentiel (vocabulaire, thèmes et style). Les campagnes pour les élections présidentielles de 2002, 2007 et 2012 indiquent une personnalisation, une tension et une agressivité croissante entre les candidats. L'analyse des débats télévisés entre les deux finalistes depuis 1974 aboutit aux mêmes conclusions et montre que la conjoncture politique du moment l'emporte sur le clivage droite-gauche et sur la personnalité des candidats. Le recensement de la communication des sept présidents depuis 1958 montre qu'ils parlent beaucoup et qu'ils privilégient l'allocution plutôt que les entretiens ou les conférences de presse.
El objetivo de esta investigación es fomentar y ensayar nuevos métodos de análisis de las fuentes medievales, mediante el empleo de los Corpus Textuales Informatizados. Hoy en día, la investigación lingüística en España puede considerarse pionera en el desarrollo de corpus textuales informatizados. Sólo el CORDE (Real Academia de la Lengua) permite la búsqueda simultánea de información sobre 12.865 obras y documentos de la época medieval. La historia medieval no puede ignorar el uso de estos recursos para conseguir un mayor apoyo empírico a la interpretación derivada de la formulación de hipótesis de la historia política o social. Nuestro objetivo es informar a la comunidad de medievalistas de los principales corpus textuales informatizados y sus aplicaciones básicas para la investigación histórica. ; The objective of this research is to encourage and develop new methods of analysis for medieval sources by employing the Computerized Textual Corpus. To the present day, linguistic research in Spain can be considered pioneer in the development of these technologies. The CORDE of the Spanish Royal Academy in itself permits the simultaneous search for information in 12,865 works and documents of the medieval period. Historical investigation cannot ignore the use of these resources to obtain greater empirical support for the interpretations derived from the formulation of hypotheses in political or social history. This article attempts to provide information about the main Computerized Textual Corpus and their basic applications for research.
Given its duration and intensity, the Colombian armed conflict can be analyzed as an intractable conflict. Intractability involves the development of an ethos of conflict (EOC), a set of social beliefs shared by most members of society, which is usually exhibited in media discourse. Using unidimensional and multidimensional lexicometry, this study describes how the eoc permeated the discourse of four of Colombia's main means of communication (El Tiempo, El Espectador, Noticias Caracol, Noticias RCN), and, specifically, how the EOC characterized the framing of forgiveness and reconciliation during the peace process between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP (2012-2017). The results suggest that the eoc in Colombia was transformed with the peace dialogues, probably fostering an orientation toward peace. Nevertheless, some of the beliefs of the eoc that contribute to intractability were also simultaneously present in media discourse. How to cite: Rincón-Unigarro, C., Correa-Chica, A., López-López, W., Morales-Sierra, M., & Rivera-Escobar, S. (2020). Encuadres Mediáticos del Perdón y la Reconciliación en el Contexto del Conflicto Armado Colombiano. Revista Colombiana de Psicología, 29, 105-123. https://doi.org/10.15446/rcp.v29n1.81505 ; Debido a su duración e intensidad, el conflicto armado colombiano puede ser analizado como un conflicto intratable. La intratabilidad involucra el desarrollo del ethos del conflicto (EDC), un conjunto de creencias sociales compartidas por la mayoría de los miembros de la sociedad, de manera que es usualmente exhibido en el discurso mediático. Este estudio describe, a través de la lexicometría unidimensional y multidimensional, cómo el edc permeó el discurso de cuatro de los principales medios de comunicación en Colombia (El Tiempo, El Espectador, Noticias Caracol, Noticias RCN); específicamente, cómo el EDC caracterizó el encuadre del perdón y la reconciliación durante el proceso de paz entre el Gobierno colombiano y las FARC-EP (2012-2017). Los resultados sugieren que el edc en Colombia se transformó con los diálogos de paz, probablemente promoviendo una orientación hacia la paz. Sin embargo, simultáneamente, algunas de las creencias del edc que contribuyen a la intratabilidad también fueron presentadas en el discurso mediático. Cómo citar este artículo: Rincón-Unigarro, C., Correa-Chica, A., López-López, W., Morales-Sierra, M., & Rivera-Escobar, S. (2020). Encuadres Mediáticos del Perdón y la Reconciliación en el Contexto del Conflicto Armado Colombiano. Revista Colombiana de Psicología, 29, 105-123. https://doi.org/10.15446/rcp.v29n1.81505 ; Because of its protraction and intensity, the armed conflict in Colombia can be classified as an intractable conflict. This kind of conflict develops a psychosocial dimension expressed at the collective level in media's discourse. In this study we describe the societal beliefs characterizing media framing of forgiveness and reconciliation in Colombia during the peace process between the Government and the FARC-EP guerrilla. Hence, we conducted unidimensional and multidimensional lexicometry to analyze publications by El Tiempo and El Espectador newspapers, and Caracol Noticias and RCN Noticias newscasts, between 2012-2017. Results suggests a transformation processes on the collective psychosocial dimension of the Colombian conflict, compared to media's discourse during Álvaro Uribe Velez's presidency (2002-2010), as well as compared to the peace process stages itself (negotiation, plebiscite campaign, and implementation). It is evident that the media play a determinant role on the intractable conflicts and in the construction of a pacific society.
Hizb Al-Wasat (the Center party) was founded in 1996 in Egypt by a group of former Muslim Brothers. Since it has never been formally accepted by the Party committee, it spent the 14 last years as a taht al-tâ'sîs (waiting for institutionalization) party. The objective of this thesis is to understand how the Wasat members are trying to achieve their goals – becoming professional politicians – with a little legal margin due to their taht al-tâ'sîs situation. This work is mainly relying on two corpuses: 29 interviews done in Cairo during the spring of 2008 with almost all the members of the Wasat executive committee and with several members of other opponent organizations, and the "chronological textual series" compounded of the four Wasat programs, as they have been presented to the Party committee for each of its case submissions (1996, 1998, 2004 and 2009). This last corpus has been studied through a lexicometric analysis. But the transcripts of the interviews – due to their heterogeneity – have first been translated into French, and then been categorized. Lastly, the categorized data have been studied by the means of statistics. Results of this study are showing that the semantic field of the Wasat program evolved since the beginning (from a militant to a technocratic discourse), as well as its membership (it attracted new members, with a different political background from founders). In addition, Wasat members succeed to manage for themselves a place in a space located at the boundaries of the intellectual and the political fields, particularly through their relations with some Wasatiya intellectuals. Finally, this party members became a part of the Egyptian opposition network, inside which they are playing a leading role. ; Le hizb Al-Wasat (parti du centre) a été fondé en 1996 par des Frères musulmans égyptiens dissidents. Son existence n'ayant jamais été reconnue par la Commission des partis, il appartient depuis 14 ans à la catégorie des partis taht al-tâ'sîs (en voie d'institutionnalisation). L'objectif ...
Hizb Al-Wasat (the Center party) was founded in 1996 in Egypt by a group of former Muslim Brothers. Since it has never been formally accepted by the Party committee, it spent the 14 last years as a taht al-tâ'sîs (waiting for institutionalization) party. The objective of this thesis is to understand how the Wasat members are trying to achieve their goals – becoming professional politicians – with a little legal margin due to their taht al-tâ'sîs situation. This work is mainly relying on two corpuses: 29 interviews done in Cairo during the spring of 2008 with almost all the members of the Wasat executive committee and with several members of other opponent organizations, and the "chronological textual series" compounded of the four Wasat programs, as they have been presented to the Party committee for each of its case submissions (1996, 1998, 2004 and 2009). This last corpus has been studied through a lexicometric analysis. But the transcripts of the interviews – due to their heterogeneity – have first been translated into French, and then been categorized. Lastly, the categorized data have been studied by the means of statistics. Results of this study are showing that the semantic field of the Wasat program evolved since the beginning (from a militant to a technocratic discourse), as well as its membership (it attracted new members, with a different political background from founders). In addition, Wasat members succeed to manage for themselves a place in a space located at the boundaries of the intellectual and the political fields, particularly through their relations with some Wasatiya intellectuals. Finally, this party members became a part of the Egyptian opposition network, inside which they are playing a leading role. ; Le hizb Al-Wasat (parti du centre) a été fondé en 1996 par des Frères musulmans égyptiens dissidents. Son existence n'ayant jamais été reconnue par la Commission des partis, il appartient depuis 14 ans à la catégorie des partis taht al-tâ'sîs (en voie d'institutionnalisation). L'objectif ...
Hizb Al-Wasat (the Center party) was founded in 1996 in Egypt by a group of former Muslim Brothers. Since it has never been formally accepted by the Party committee, it spent the 14 last years as a taht al-tâ'sîs (waiting for institutionalization) party. The objective of this thesis is to understand how the Wasat members are trying to achieve their goals – becoming professional politicians – with a little legal margin due to their taht al-tâ'sîs situation. This work is mainly relying on two corpuses: 29 interviews done in Cairo during the spring of 2008 with almost all the members of the Wasat executive committee and with several members of other opponent organizations, and the "chronological textual series" compounded of the four Wasat programs, as they have been presented to the Party committee for each of its case submissions (1996, 1998, 2004 and 2009). This last corpus has been studied through a lexicometric analysis. But the transcripts of the interviews – due to their heterogeneity – have first been translated into French, and then been categorized. Lastly, the categorized data have been studied by the means of statistics. Results of this study are showing that the semantic field of the Wasat program evolved since the beginning (from a militant to a technocratic discourse), as well as its membership (it attracted new members, with a different political background from founders). In addition, Wasat members succeed to manage for themselves a place in a space located at the boundaries of the intellectual and the political fields, particularly through their relations with some Wasatiya intellectuals. Finally, this party members became a part of the Egyptian opposition network, inside which they are playing a leading role. ; Le hizb Al-Wasat (parti du centre) a été fondé en 1996 par des Frères musulmans égyptiens dissidents. Son existence n'ayant jamais été reconnue par la Commission des partis, il appartient depuis 14 ans à la catégorie des partis taht al-tâ'sîs (en voie d'institutionnalisation). L'objectif ...
Hizb Al-Wasat (the Center party) was founded in 1996 in Egypt by a group of former Muslim Brothers. Since it has never been formally accepted by the Party committee, it spent the 14 last years as a taht al-tâ'sîs (waiting for institutionalization) party. The objective of this thesis is to understand how the Wasat members are trying to achieve their goals – becoming professional politicians – with a little legal margin due to their taht al-tâ'sîs situation. This work is mainly relying on two corpuses: 29 interviews done in Cairo during the spring of 2008 with almost all the members of the Wasat executive committee and with several members of other opponent organizations, and the "chronological textual series" compounded of the four Wasat programs, as they have been presented to the Party committee for each of its case submissions (1996, 1998, 2004 and 2009). This last corpus has been studied through a lexicometric analysis. But the transcripts of the interviews – due to their heterogeneity – have first been translated into French, and then been categorized. Lastly, the categorized data have been studied by the means of statistics. Results of this study are showing that the semantic field of the Wasat program evolved since the beginning (from a militant to a technocratic discourse), as well as its membership (it attracted new members, with a different political background from founders). In addition, Wasat members succeed to manage for themselves a place in a space located at the boundaries of the intellectual and the political fields, particularly through their relations with some Wasatiya intellectuals. Finally, this party members became a part of the Egyptian opposition network, inside which they are playing a leading role. ; Le hizb Al-Wasat (parti du centre) a été fondé en 1996 par des Frères musulmans égyptiens dissidents. Son existence n'ayant jamais été reconnue par la Commission des partis, il appartient depuis 14 ans à la catégorie des partis taht al-tâ'sîs (en voie d'institutionnalisation). L'objectif ...
Hizb Al-Wasat (the Center party) was founded in 1996 in Egypt by a group of former Muslim Brothers. Since it has never been formally accepted by the Party committee, it spent the 14 last years as a taht al-tâ'sîs (waiting for institutionalization) party. The objective of this thesis is to understand how the Wasat members are trying to achieve their goals – becoming professional politicians – with a little legal margin due to their taht al-tâ'sîs situation. This work is mainly relying on two corpuses: 29 interviews done in Cairo during the spring of 2008 with almost all the members of the Wasat executive committee and with several members of other opponent organizations, and the "chronological textual series" compounded of the four Wasat programs, as they have been presented to the Party committee for each of its case submissions (1996, 1998, 2004 and 2009). This last corpus has been studied through a lexicometric analysis. But the transcripts of the interviews – due to their heterogeneity – have first been translated into French, and then been categorized. Lastly, the categorized data have been studied by the means of statistics. Results of this study are showing that the semantic field of the Wasat program evolved since the beginning (from a militant to a technocratic discourse), as well as its membership (it attracted new members, with a different political background from founders). In addition, Wasat members succeed to manage for themselves a place in a space located at the boundaries of the intellectual and the political fields, particularly through their relations with some Wasatiya intellectuals. Finally, this party members became a part of the Egyptian opposition network, inside which they are playing a leading role. ; Le hizb Al-Wasat (parti du centre) a été fondé en 1996 par des Frères musulmans égyptiens dissidents. Son existence n'ayant jamais été reconnue par la Commission des partis, il appartient depuis 14 ans à la catégorie des partis taht al-tâ'sîs (en voie d'institutionnalisation). L'objectif ...
International audience ; The objective of this study is to investigate the dynamics of visibility of the Yellow Vests in three different arenas - the National daily press, a Facebook group of the Yellow Vests and Twitter - in order to question, in a transversal way, the structuring of the politicization and legitimization of a protest speech carried by groups without spokespersons or representatives. We hypothesize the existence of a disconnect that could lead to the production of counter-narratives in digital arenas, but also to the transformation of the media framing, as soon as the movement manages to get a place on the media agenda. The sharp differences between discourses circulating in these three arenas allows us to draw the contours of a discursive social apprehension of the Yellow Vest which is no longer cacophonic but polyphonic, taken in a dynamic of interacting narratives and counter narratives. This interaction is particularly obvious when the journalistic framework oscillates between a political and social reading and an episodic reading of a movement that disrupts the journalistic and political fields. Moreover, this social apprehension also reflects a collective in the process of being formed which knows how to use digitals lever to increase its visibility. ; Cette étude a pour objectif d'investiguer les dynamiques de mise en visibilité des Gilets jaunes dans trois différentes arènes – la presse quotidienne nationale, une page Facebook nationale des Gilets jaunes et Twitter – afin d'interroger de manière transversale la structuration des enjeux de politisation et de légitimation d'une parole contestataire portée par des groupes sans porte-parole ou représentant. Nous posons l'hypothèse de l'existence d'un décalage susceptible de porter un contre-récit médiatique dans les arènes numériques, mais aussi des phénomènes de transformation de cadrage, dès lors que le mouvement s'invite à l'agenda médiatique. La confrontation des discours circulant dans ces trois arènes permet de dessiner les contours ...
