Suchergebnisse

The paper analyses the geopolitical processes in the Balkans in the 19th and 20th centuries within the theoretical and methodological approach offered by historical sociology and from the perspective of contemporary geopolitics. It first problematizes the question of the production of historical events in the dialectics of history, pointing thereby to Brodel's and Marx's research of history as a complex, structural and contradictory process. Then it presents a sociological analysis of the geopolitical position of the Balkans and its bloody fate - as a cross, a crucifix, a crossroads at which different cultures and civilizations intersect and produce a 'surplus of history', which makes the Balkans a 'powder keg' and a region of the culture of death and incomplete peace. It especially focuses on the bloody Balkan geopolitics in the 19th and 20th centuries, solving the Eastern Question, the national liberation movements, the rise of the old and the new imperialism in the Balkans and the implications of the given processes for peace, stability and development of the Balkans. It also analyses the geopolitical transition of the Balkans at the beginning of the new millennium, as well as the possibility of the renewal of the movement whose guiding idea was 'the Balkans to the Balkan nations' in the era of globalization. The paper makes the point that the future of the Balkans does not lie in rewriting the past but in the culture of peace, in democratic integration and cooperation of the Balkan nations.

The article shows the attitude of the Great Britain towards controversies connected with the so‑called Macedonian issue during the inter‑war period, using British archival and published sources. From the point of view of Great Britain the Macedonian issue should be eliminated from the international politics of those times. Its instrumentalization through individual revisionist countries of the region and powers could lead to destruction of the interwar political order in the region. The Macedonian case was treated by British diplomats as a result of political manipulation and unfulfilled aspirations of circles, dissatisfied with the political status quo of those days. The demands to recognize the Macedonian population as an ethnic minority were ignored by the British diplomacy, treating them as an expression of revisionism. The British hope was in the long‑term assimilation of the population within Yugoslavia and Greece. British diplomacy insisted that Bulgarian authorities restrict the influence of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) on relations with Yugoslavia. On the other hand, Yugoslavia should give up supporting Bulgarian emigrants who found refuge there after the coup in September 1923. Moreover, British diplomacy cared about no influence, in any form of the controversy related to the Macedonian issue, on the League of Nations.

The name "Macedonia" today belongs to two independent states: Greece and Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). A memory of the political-military achievements of Macedon kings Philip II and Alexander the Great are living in political narratives in both countries who derived great pride from their self-understood association with the name Macedonia.

The name "Macedonia" today belongs to two independent states: Greece and Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). A memory of the political-military achievements of Macedon kings Philip II and Alexander the Great are living in political narratives in both countries who derived great pride from their self-understood association with the name Macedonia.

This study analyzes historical facts from the end of the Ottoman Empire until nowadays and shows the consequences that geopolitical games had upon the Balkan Peninsula. Within this study firstly it is presented the history and principles of both classical and critical Geopolitics, including a detailed explanation of the geopolitical position of Balkans and the Chameria Region. Additionally, the whole historical prospectus of the Balkans in general and Chameria Question, in particular, has been explained according to classical geopolitical strategies. It is the first time that the Chameria Question is seen under the geopolitical perspective. The main query reveals the importance of this small land for both countries Albania and Greece as well as the direct interests that different actors such as Great Britain, the United States of America and Russia have for the region. To achieve this, sources from different languages such as Albanian, French, English, Turkish, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese have been used. In sequence, based on the hypothesis of this study, it is observed that these geopolitical strategies are present and continue to lie underneath an elusive peace even in this century. These strategies after the 1990s made possible the change of state borders thus changed once again the balance of powers in the region. Yet for Chameria there is still no official solution that would appease the situation and satisfy both countries. ; Bu çalışma, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun son döneminden günümüze kadar olan tarihi olayları analiz etmekte ve jeopolitik oyunların Balkan Yarımadası üzerindeki sonuçlarını göstermektedir. Bu çalışmada öncelikle, Balkanlar ve Çamıria Bölgesi'nin jeopolitik konumunun ayrıntılı bir açıklaması da dahil olmak üzere hem klasik hem de kritik Jeopolitik'in tarihçesi ve ilkeleri sunulmuştur. Buna ek olarak, genel anlamda Balkanlar'ın tüm tarihi tarifi ve özel anlamda Çamıria Sorunu klasik jeopolitik stratejilere göre açıklanmıştır. Çamıria Sorunu jeopolitik bakış açısıdan ilk kez bu çalışmada incelemiştir. Ana sorgu olarak bu küçük toprağın hem Arnavutluk hem de Yunanistan ülkeleri için öneminin yanı sıra Büyük Britanya, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Rusya gibi farklı aktörlerin bölge için sahip oldukları doğrudan çıkarları ortaya koyulmuştur. Bunu başarmak için Arnavutça, Fransızca, İngilizce, İspanyolca, İtalyanca, Portekizce ve Türkçe gibi farklı dillerden kaynaklar kullanılmıştır. Sırasıyla, bu çalışmanın hipotezine dayanarak, bu jeopolitik stratejilerin mevcut olduğu ve bu yüzyılda bile zor bir barışın altında kalmaya devam ettiği görülmektedir. 1990'dan sonraki bu stratejiler, devlet sınırlarının değişmesini mümkün kılarak bölge güçlerinin dengesini bir kez daha değiştirmiştir. Yine de Çamıria için durumu yatıştıracak ve her iki ülkeyi tatmin edecek resmi bir çözüm bulunmamaktadır.

The Energy politics is today at the center of the Russian and the Western Balkans relations. It is widely known that Russia has been playing significant role in world energy supply. Therefore, Russian energy companies have taken a leading role in the promotion of their businesses in the Western Balkans. The Western Balkans region has become geostrategic partner as a transit route for the integration of Russia into the global energy world market. With regards to the transportation of gas Western Balkans as a transit route is determined to fully realize South Stream project. In contrast to "a buffer zone" role, in the past few decades the Western Balkans gained an attention from Russia and became an important geopolitical bridge towards Western Europe. Such geopolitical and geostrategic planning of Russia is apparent with regards to gas and oil. Due to Russian South Stream gas pipeline project the Western Balkans became an important European energy transforming center. These new geostrategic games over the pipeline have also revived the Russian historical interests in the Balkans. This paper aims to analyze Russian-Western Balkans relations with special emphasis on energy politics and geopolitical and geostrategic interdependence of Russia and the Western Balkans.

With the end of the Cold War, Western Balkans countries have embraced the perspective of integration into the Euro-Atlantic structures, with the exception of Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina regarding accession in NATO. The return of international system from hegemonic to competitive followed by the ambiguities that accompany the integration into the Euro-Atlantic structures marked the return of competitors like China, Russia and Turkey in the regional affairs. To map out sources of influence and the context in which foreign interferences affect decision-making and interests, transfer ideas and norms in the region, the paper uses the concept of linkages that facilitate the understanding of opportunities and constrains, benefits and costs resulting from established relationship between Western Balkan countries and different international and regional powers. The paper makes a multi-level investigation of linkages developed between Western Balkans and the leverage of the most influential actors during the last decade, without undermining historical and societal context that favor of disfavor them.

The purpose of this paper is a brief analysis of Albanian geopolitics after NATO membership. We are still a developing country with different social as well as political problems, we are paving the way for the consolidation of a solid asset of Albanian society where state institutions operate safely and transparently, while providing security and stability to Albanian society as a whole. Diplomatic relations with our neighbors were completely vague course during these years also because of the political system in power before the 90s as well as after the collapse of the communist regime, the Albanian transition has not facilitated a consolidation of relations in the region. NATO membership was a crucial change for Albania, for the situation in the country but above all for the positioning of Albania in the region and beyond. But what steps are taken and what is to be improved to have a dignified representation in the international arena of the Albanian state and what initiatives should be undertaken to give our contribution in maintaining peace and stability in the region . DOI:10.5901/ajis.2015.v4n3s1p400

The aim of the study is to show a new geopolitical approach to the understanding of international processes. The authors come up with the idea of connecting geographical elements with international relations and the moves of great powers and smaller states. The new approach of matching geographical fault lines with the region of Central-Eastern Europe, a region between the Baltic and the Black Sea provides us with a deeper view on international events and networks. Connecting the two fields of research, geography and international diplomacy, the authors describe the short 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century as the period of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions along the fault lines, concentrating on the history of the Balkan region, providing us with a better understanding of the international system and the situation of smaller states among the great powers. ; The aim of the study is to show a new geopolitical approach to the understanding of international processes. The authors come up with the idea of connecting geographical elements with international relations and the moves of great powers and smaller states. The new approach of matching geographical fault lines with the region of Central-Eastern Europe, a region between the Baltic and the Black Sea provides us with a deeper view on international events and networks. Connecting the two fields of research, geography and international diplomacy, the authors describe the short 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century as the period of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions along the fault lines, concentrating on the history of the Balkan region, providing us with a better understanding of the international system and the situation of smaller states among the great powers.