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Frontmatter -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- A Note to the Illustrations -- Illustrations -- Maps -- PART III. The European Images of Asia -- Introduction -- CHAPTER IX. The Mughul Empire before Aurangzib -- CHAPTER X. The Empire of Aurangzib -- CHAPTER XI. From Goa to Cape Comorin -- CHAPTER XII. Insular South Asia -- CHAPTER XIII. Coromandel -- APPENDIX. The Castes of South Asia in the Seventeenth Century (According to European Authors -- Index

Cover -- Title Page -- Contents -- Original Production -- Introduction -- Characters -- The Slaves of Solitude -- Scene One -- Scene Two -- Scene Three -- Scene Four -- Scene Five -- Scene Six -- Scene Seven -- Scene Eight -- Scene Nine -- Scene Ten -- Scene Eleven -- Scene Twelve -- About the Author

The Lisbon Treaty introduced far-reaching reforms for EU foreign policy co-operation. In the decade since, most scholarship has focused on the High Representative and EEAS. Far less consideration has been given to its consequences for member states' ownership of foreign policy. This article therefore examines how these institutional reforms have affected the PSC, established to enable member states to better manage EU foreign policy cooperation. Drawing on new empirical data, it shows that the PSC has found its capacity to act as strategic agenda-setter increasingly constrained because of greater opportunities for activism by the HRVP and EEAS; and by the emergence of the European Council as the key arbiter in foreign policy decision-making. While this indicates the PSC today finds it harder to perform the role originally assigned to it, it is gaining alternative relevance through an emerging oversight role, which has implications for member states' EU foreign policy engagement

The Common Foreign & Security Policy (CFSP) is a transnational policy framework to deliver collective foreign policy but also to manage differences among member states. As such, it has always been dependent on their support. Since 2019, however, disagreement within this system is said to have reached a new level. Taking this political trend as starting point, this article proposes a new, conceptual approach to understanding how contestation challenges the EU's foreign policy co-operation system. While the majority of research focuses on disagreements in decision-making, we argue for a broader conceptualisation - systemic contestation. Drawing on norm contestation scholarship, we argue that systemic contestation manifests itself in two ways: as passive contestation, when member states disengage from and fail to take ownership of CFSP initiatives and their implementation; and as tacit contestation, when they fail to act when faced with the need to safeguard the system. This approach accounts for the transgovernmental character of the CFSP; and the central role of member states within, and quality of their commitment to, it. Finally, we contend that our conceptualisation of systemic contestation offers promising new avenues for empirical research to understand the 'black box' of EU foreign policy co-operation.

Summary
Can diplomacy work without physical presence? International relations scholars consider the European Union (EU) the most institutionalised case of international co-operation amongst sovereign states, with the highest density of repeated diplomatic exchange. In a year, the Council of Ministers hosts on average 143 ministerial and 200 ambassadorial meetings, along with hundreds of working group meetings. These intense diplomatic interactions came to an abrupt halt in mid-March 2020, when the spread of COVID-19 forced the Council to approve — in a manner unprecedented in European integration history — the temporary derogation from its rules of procedures to allow votes in written form, preceded by informal videoconferences between ministers or ambassadors. This argumentative essay reflects on how we can use these extraordinary months of intra-European diplomacy to assess the viability of virtual diplomacy in the EU context and what lessons it provides as we seek more sustainable means of international engagement.

Can diplomacy work without physical presence? IR scholars consider the EU the most institutionalized case of international cooperation among sovereign states, with the highest density of repeated diplomatic exchange. In a year, the Council of Ministers hosts on average 143 ministerial and 200 ambassadorial meetings, along with hundreds of working group meetings. These intense diplomatic interactions came to an abrupt halt in mid-March 2020, when the spread of Covid-19 forced the Council to approve – in a manner unprecedented in European integration history – the temporary derogation from its rules of procedures to allow votes in written form, preceded by informal videoconferences between ministers or ambassadors. In this argumentative essay we reflect on how we can use these extraordinary months of intra-European diplomacy to assess the viability of virtual diplomacy in the EU context and what lessons it provides as we seek more sustainable means of international engagement.

Health care quality measures are impacted by resources invested into outcomes. COVID-19 has had a direct impact upon quality outcomes, the same illuminating just some of the problems with the concept of a single-payer health care system. The US government's inefficiencies in attempting to run the single-payer system known as IHS in context with its repeated failures in managing the COVID-19 crises along with the economic impact of the same, is but one call for strong leadership to dispel the myth that a single-payer system is a panacea for America.