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Social welfare is being forced by the activities of urban renewal to take on new dimensions and a new defini tion. The old apparatus of social-welfare planning has been able to disregard totalities of need, to avoid accountability for failure or gaps, and to function without discipline. Urban renewal cannot do this because its ultimate objective is a wholly sound city. It has been demonstrated that physical improve ments will not produce net gains unless accompanied by ap propriate and adequate social-welfare programs. Thus, social- welfare planning should be a function of the agency responsible for physical planning; plan and strategy for both must be developed together. Because discipline or conformity to plan cannot be imposed on voluntary agencies, both plan and implementation must be derived, primarily, from public sources. The concept now developing is based on two principles: first, priority must be given to the amplification and modification of those systems which operate naturally as the dynamics of upward mobility—namely, employment, income, education, and housing; second, social-welfare services should be focused first on the areas or projects of urban renewal so that problems of the city can be attacked at a feasible rate and that full use be made of "society" or social structure as an instrument of social rehabilitation.

Soc welfare is being forced by the activities of Ur renewal to take on new dimensions & a new definition. The old apparatus of soc welfare planning has been able to disregard totalities of need, to avoid accountability for failure or gaps, & to function without discipline. Ur renewal cannot do this because its ultimate objective is a wholly sound city. It has been demonstrated that physical improvements will not produce net gains unless accompanied by appropriate & adequate soc welfare programs. Thus, soc welfare planning should be a function of the agency responsible for physical planning; plan & strategy for both must be developed together. Because discipline or conformity to plan cannot be imposed on voluntary agencies, both plan & implementation must be derived, primarily, from public sources. The concept now developing is based on 2 principles: (1) priority must be given to the amplification & modification of those systems which operate naturally as the dynamics of upward mobility - namely, employment, income, educ, & housing; & (2) socwelfare services should be focused first on the areas or projects of Ur renewal so that problems of the city can be attacked at a feasible rate & that full use be made of 'society' or soc structure as an instrument of soc rehabilitation. AA.

Free people of color living in Petersburg, Virginia between the American Revolution and Civil War exercised more control over their lives than their enslaved counterparts but were also subject to restrictive laws and social customs meant to reinforce and propagate ideas of racial inferiority. as African Americans leveraged the rights they had and navigated through and around coercive measures, two important goals drove their actions: the desire for bodily autonomy and family integrity. to the extent possible, African Americans made choices that resisted white control and the hardening definitions of race that came to justify slavery, even as they claimed belonging in the southern social order. We cannot understand free black actions, use of the courts, participation in the economy, or methods of obtaining freedom without examining what was at stake, and the evidence shows that intimate and family relationships drove those decisions. Local government records, church minutes, and family papers reveal both shared and contested values among African Americans and between African Americans and whites. Some people of color conformed to prevailing gender and sexual ideals while others blatantly rejected them, and many recognized a range of gender behaviors and sexual relationships as legitimate. Occasionally, private conflicts became public concerns, and the resulting interactions revealed the fault lines of gender expectations. Protecting children, in contrast, was an almost universal value among African Americans. Children of color were not isolated from whites or the white-run world, but parents, extended kin, and the greater black community attempted to insulate them from the worst effects of racism and white control, prioritizing liberty for their children and protecting enduring family legacies of freedom. Not all households and families looked alike among Virginia's free people of color, but studying how free blacks built and protected them, including negotiating race, gender, and sexual identities, helps us understand why, even when it was imperfect or incomplete, freedom mattered.

In this article, I develop the notion of a `sex commons' on the internet as one way to help women build more satisfying sex lives. While women have not historically controlled their own sexuality, they have tended to control the dissemination of information about sexuality, first through oral traditions and traditional social networks, and later through media such as advice columns. Medicalization and the culture of expertise removed much of that control, but the consciousness-raising movement of the second wave of feminism used social networks to reclaim it. This article describes the ways that women's internet sex blogs help develop vocabularies of desire, reduce shame, and build community, enabling women to continue this process of regaining control over information about sexuality. I argue that a commons model is useful for protecting access to that information, especially in the face of continuing medicalization of sexuality and corporate control of the internet, and conclude with suggestions for maintaining the sex commons and building feminist pathways to navigate it.

Gender and populism have been extensively theorized separately, but there has not been sufficient study of the way that gender undergirds populism, strengthening its diverse manifestations. Focusing on the cases of Vladimir Putin and Recep T. Erdoğan, we argue that their political performance allows them to project a right-wing populism that hides much of its political program in an ostentatious masculine posturing that has the virtue of being relatively malleable. This political masculinity allows them to position themselves at different points in time as outsiders yet insiders, bad boys yet good fathers. In their early years Putin and Erdogan established themselves as transgressive outsiders who developed a profile of power by building up their masculine, working-class biographies. As their power became consolidated, they turned to a more paternal role, fostering a conservative gender order while attacking the masculinity of their opponents and casting them as outsiders. In this way over the years they have combined political performances that have both breached the conventional gender norms and also upheld and reinforced them. The result is a Janus-faced masculinity of outsiders-yet-insiders, bad-boys-yet-good-fathers, which establishes that the leader is both the same as other men and also different from them, standing above the citizenry, mediating and fostering a conservative political order. Understanding this gender performance also helps to explain the paradox of "electoral authoritarianism" (Levitsky and Way Journal of Democracy, 13(2), 51–65, 2002; Schedler 2006), demonstrating how performed political masculinity can support and connect the cult of a popularly elected leader with conservative social and political gender norms.