Suchergebnisse

Over the past two decades, labor has given broad support to the foreign policy of the United States. Its special concern is the pursuit of an antitotalitarian foreign policy, the maintenance of a strong military establishment, the rapid de colonization of the remaining colonial areas, continued high levels of foreign economic aid, and a forceful bipartisan ex pression of United States objectives. For the most part, labor is not well equipped to originate new approaches in foreign policy but prefers to take a stand on policies developed by the national-government administration. Given the prevailing division of functions in the labor movement, foreign policy is chiefly in the hands of the AFL-CIO president and his imme diate staff. Postwar developments have led to the creation of special labor positions in government agencies involved in the conduct of foreign relations. These have too often been filled with unsuitable persons from the labor movement. On the whole, labor is a useful but not a senior partner in the making and administering of American foreign policy.

Over the past 2 decades, labor has given broad support to the foreign policy of the US. Its special concern is the pursuit of an anti-totalitarian foreign policy, the maintenance of a strong military establishment, the rapid decolonization of the remaining colonial areas, continued high levels of foreign econ aid, & a forceful bipartisan expression of US objectives. For the most part, labor is not well equipped to originate new approaches in foreign policy, but prefers to take a stand on policies developed by the nat'l-gov admin. Given the prevailing division of functions in the labor movement, foreign policy is chiefly in the hands of the AFL-CIO president & his immediate staff. Postwar developments have led to the creation of special labor positions in gov agencies involved in the conduct of foreign relations. These have too often been filled with unsuitable persons from the labor movement. On the whole, labor is a useful but not a senior partner in the making & administering of US foreign policy. AA.

Since 1954 no question has so well succeeded in exacerbating the once rather staid proceedings of the International Labor Conference of the International Labor Organization as the problem of the status and rights of employer delegates from those countries which may be designated as "the states with fully socialized economies". While David A. Morse, Director-General of the International Labor Office, was certainly correct in pointing out that "The ILO has always been confronted with political issues of one kind or another and [that] many of them have related to the representation of employers and workers within the Organization", there is hardly any parallel in the history of the International Labor Organization for the fury of the debate over employer delegates from Communist countries which was unleashed when the Soviet Union rejoined the ILO in 1954.

Out of the confusion of the occupation period, a bipartite body, the Foundation of Labor, was constituted with representatives of top employers' as sociations and trade union federations. Wage questions are dealt with by a board, created by a government decree of 1945 ; the Foundation acts in an ad visory capacity and has great influence on policy. The author discusses the or ganization and powers of these agencies, their relation to the government, the objectives of trade union policy, and wage factors and wage movements. The stability of the wage structure in the Netherlands is credited in large measure to the great restraint and sense of responsibility shown by the unions.—Ed.

Reprinted as: Reprint ser. no.56, New York state school of industrial relations, Ithaca, N.Y.; single copies free to residents of New York state; others 15c.