Suchergebnisse

Der Verfasser gibt zunächst einen kurzen Überblick über die politischen Entwicklung in Rußland seit der noch unter Gorbatschow durchgeführten Wahlrechtsreform 1989. Er stellt im folgenden die Auseinandersetzungen um das neue Wahlgesetz im Vorfeld der Wahlen zur Staatsduma im Dezember 1995 dar. Das neue Wahlgesetz wird, wie schon dasjenige aus dem Jahr 1993, als Mischung aus Mehrheits- und Verhältniswahlrecht charakterisiert. Die Wahlen vom Dezember 1995 machten die Kommunistische Partei zur stärksten Fraktion in der Staatsduma mit mehr als einem Drittel der Sitze. Ein weiteres Drittel der Sitze fiel fast zu gleichen Teilen an die Liberaldemokraten, die Partei "Unser Haus Rußland" und Yabloko. (BIOst-Wpt)

THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1917 WAS ORIGINALLY CONCEIVED AS PART OF A TRANSITION TO SOCIALISM ON A GLOBAL SCALE. THE FAILURE OF THAT STRATEGY LED TO A FAR-REACHING DEBATE ABOUT THE MEANS BY WHICH A RELATIVELY BACKWARD SOVIET RUSSIA COULD ADVANCE BY ITSELF TO A COMMUNIST FUTURE. DURING THE GORBACHEV ERA, THE ISSUE WAS ADDRESSED IN TERMS OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF A HUMANE, DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM, SEEN AS PART OF A GLOBAL PROCESS; INDIVIDUAL SCHOLARS AND PUBLICISTS ADVANCED STILL FURTHER TOWARDS A SOCIALISM THAT WOULD EMBODY A MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM AND A VARIETY OF FORMS OF OWNERSHIP. INCREASINGLY, MORE RADICAL COMMENTATORS IDENTIFIED THE ORIGIN OF SOVIET DIFFICULTIES AS LENINISM ITSELF. THERE WAS, IN FACT, LITTLE POPULAR SUPPORT FOR A RETURN TO CAPITALISM; BUT THE EXPERIENCE OF SOVIET RULE SHOWED THAT THE AUTHORITIES IN THAT COUNTRY NEEDED THE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF THE WEST AS MUCH AS THEY NEEDED CAPITAL INVESTMENT.

THIS ARTICLE IS A RESPONSE BY THE AUTHOR, STEPHEN WHITE, TO A CRITICAL REPLY OF ONE OF HIS EARLIER ARTICLES ABOUT THE PATHS TO A POSTMODERN ETHICS AND POLITICS. THE ARTICLE IS BASED ON THE WORKS OF MARTIN HEIDEGGER, A NOTED POLITICAL THEORIST. MR. WHITE TOUCHES ON TOPICS SUCH AS FEMINISM AND A MORE ADEQUATE ETHICAL-POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE.

THIS ARTICLE STATES THAT MARTIN HEIDEGGER'S WORK IS CRUCIAL TO UNDERSTANDING THE CURRENT DEBATES OVER POSTMODERNISM. BUT HIS RELATION TO THESE DEBATES IS COMPLEX, AND NEITHER SIDE IS ENTIRELY COMFORTABLE WITH HIS INSIGHTS. THE ARTICLE INTENDS TO SHOW HOW HEIDEGGER HELPS ILLUMINATE BOTH THE PROBLEMS AND THE PROSPECTS OF A POSTMODERN ORIENTATION TO POLITICS AND ETHICS.

SOVIET ELECTIONS HAVE TRADITIONALLY BEEN SEEN AS "ACCLAMATORY" EXERCISES IN WHICH VOTERS SIMPLY RATIFY A CHOICE OF CANDIDATES THAT HAD BEEN MADE BEFOREHAND BY THE PARTY AUTHORITIES, GORBACHEV INITIATED REFORM IN THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND A DRAFT OF THE NEW ELECTORAL LAW WAS ADOPTED IN LATE 1988. THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES THE LAW WHICH FORMED PART OF THE EXTENSIVE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE SOVIET STATE. IT EXAMINES THE 1989 ELECTIONS AND SOVIET POLITICS AND FINALLY, THE IMPACT ON THESE NEW-STYLE ELECTIONS UPON THE POLITICAL SYSTEM.

Describes the scope and limitations taking place in the political and economic system, that of the latter having made little progress so far. (PFB)

Explores power as conceptualized in the context of women and the market. Draws on field research to find out who has what kind of access to which resources and what this shows about interpersonal power relations. Suggests some alternative approaches to the investigation of gender. (JMM)

ELECTIONS TO THE 'ELEVENTH CONVOCATION' OF THE USSR SUPREME SOVIET TOOK PLACE ON 4 MARCH 1984. THE PROCESS BY WHICH THE ELECTIONS TOOK PLACE IS EXAMINED HERE IN DETAIL, FROM THE CALLING OF THE ELECTION ON 16 DECEMBER 1983, THROUGH THE NOMINATION, APPROVAL AND REGISTRATION OF THE CANDIDATES, TO THE PRE-ELECTION MEETINGS WITH CONSTITUENTS AND THE POLL ITSELF. THE LEVEL OF TURNOUT AND THE VOTE IN FAVOUR OF THE SINGLE LIST OF CANDIDATES WERE IN EACH CASE THE HIGHEST IN SOVIET HISTORY; THEY MUST, HOWEVER, BE ADJUSTED FOR THE USE OF 'ABSENTEE CERTIFICATES' AND AN APPARENT INCREASE IN THE NUMBER OF CITIZENS NOT RECORDED ON THE ELECTORAL REGISTER. THE AUTHOR MAINTAINS THAT ELECTIONS WITHOUT CHOICE, AS IN THE USSR, ARE NOT NECESSARILY ELECTIONS WITHOUT POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE. HE POINT OUT THAT THE SOVIET ELECTIONS APPEAR IN FACT TO PERFORM AT LEAST THREE IMPORTANT FUNCTIONS: LEGITIMATION; POLITICAL COMMUNICATION BETWEEN REGIME AND CITIZENRY; AND POLITICAL MOBILIZATION AND SOCIALIZATION. GIVEN THE INCREASING ECONOMIC DIFFICULTIES THEY ARE LIKELY TO FACE IN THE LATER 1980S AND BEYOND, THE AUTHOR FEELS SOVIET AUTHORITIES MAY BE EXPECTED TO MAKE EVEN MORE USE OF SUCH MECHANISMS IN THE FUTURE IN ORDER TO SECURE ACCEPTANCE OF THEIR DECISIONS WITHOUT RESORT TO OVERTLY COERCIVE MEANS.

THE LETTERS SENT BY SOVIET CITIZENS TO PARTY AND STTE BODIES AND TO THE PRESS HAVE BEEN RELATIVELY LITTLE STUDIED IN THE WEST, ALTHOUGH THE SOVIET AUTHORITIES THEMSELVES HAVE BEEN DEVOTING INCREASING ATTENTION TO THIS 'LINK WITH THE MASSES' SINCE AT LEAST THE LATE 1960S. AN EXAMINATION OF THE EXTENT AND NATURE OF SUCH COMMUNICATIONS SHOWS THAT THEIR TOTAL NUMBER HAS INCREASED SIGNIFICANTLY SINCE THE 1950S, AND THAT MORE CONSTRUCTIVE AND GENERAL PROPOSALS HAVE BEEN INCREASING AT THE EXPENSE OF PARTICULAR INDIVIDUAL GRIEVANCES, ALTHOUGH THIS CHANGE IS LESS APPARENT AT THE LOCAL LEVEL. CRITICS ARE SOMETIMES VICTIMIZED AND FREQUENTLY IGNORED BUT THE EVIDENCE SUGGESTS THAT A CONSIDERABLE GROUNDSWELL OF OPINION AS REFLECTED IN LETTERS CAN HAVE SOME INFLUENCE UPON PUBLIC POLICY AND THAT PARTICULAR CASES OF MALADMINISTRATION OR ABUSE OF POSITION CAN BE RELATIVELY READILY CORRECTED IN THIS WAY.