Suchergebnisse

The authors of the first constitutions of the Spanish-American world, in New Granada, were also scientists who published articles on geography, natural history, political economy, population or medicine. From this observation, the article seeks to show how these scholars understood how to apply the new naturalistic knowledge to the regeneration of society in their constitutional work. This ambition entailed the need to destroy the supposedly artificial and despotic hierarchies of the Ancien Régime, based on the genealogical transmission of dignities and infamy, in order to replace them with others that were "natural". This device did not mean the constitutional triumph of equality, since, to take up a formula of Madame de Staël, equality before the law would mean nothing other than the reestablishment of natural inequalities. The article firstly deals with the works of the Enlightenment of New Granada and of Baron Humboldt to understand the assumptions of their naturalistic anthropology on the "American man", which later served to think, in revolutionary times, about certain political topics such as federalism, the rights of man and the limits of citizenship. It ends with a re-reading of the Discurso de Angostura by showing how this naturalistic knowledge, influenced Bolívar's constitutionalist thought. ; Los autores de las primeras constituciones del mundo hispanoamericano, en la Nueva Granada, fueron también científicos que publicaron sendos artículos sobre geografía, historia natural, economía política, población o medicina. A partir de esta observación, el artículo busca mostrar como estos sabios entendieron aplicar los nuevos saberes naturalistas a la regeneración de la sociedad en su trabajo constitucional. Esta ambición conllevaba la necesidad de destruir las jerarquías supuestamente artificiales y despóticas del Antiguo Régimen, fundadas en la transmisión genealógica de las dignidades y de la infamia, para reemplazarlas por otras que fueran "naturales". Este dispositivo no significó el triunfo constitucional de la igualdad, puesto que, para retomar una fórmula de Madame de Staël, la igualdad ante la ley no significaría otra cosa que el restablecimiento de las desigualdades naturales. El artículo aborda primero las obras de los Ilustrados de la Nueva Granada y de Humboldt para entender los presupuestos de su antropología naturalista sobre el "hombre americano", que sirvió luego para pensar, en tiempos revolucionarios, en ciertos tópicos políticos como el federalismo, los derechos del hombre y la ciudadanía. Termina con una relectura del Discurso de Angostura al mostrar como estos saberes naturalistas inciden en el pensamiento constitucionalista de Bolívar. ; Os autores das primeiras constituições do mundo hispano-americano, em Nova Granada, eram também cientistas que publicavam artigos sobre geografia, história natural, economia política, população ou medicina. A partir dessa observação, o artigo procura mostrar como esses estudiosos entenderam como aplicar os novos conhecimentos naturalistas à regeneração da sociedade em seu trabalho constitucional. Essa ambição implicava a necessidade de destruir as hierarquias supostamente artificiais e despóticas do Antigo Regime, baseadas na transmissão genealógica de dignidades e infâmia, a fim de substituí-las por outras "naturais". Esse dispositivo não significava o triunfo constitucional da igualdade, uma vez que, para pedir emprestada uma frase à senhora deputada de Staël, igualdade perante a lei nada mais significava do que o restabelecimento de desigualdades naturais. O artigo examina primeiro os trabalhos do Iluminismo de Nova Granada e do Barão Humboldt para compreender as suposições de sua antropologia naturalista do "homem americano", que mais tarde foi usada para pensar, em tempos revolucionários, sobre certos temas políticos como o federalismo, os direitos do homem e os limites da cidadania. Termina com uma releitura do discurso angostura, mostrando como esse conhecimento naturalista, através da noção de classe, influenciou o pensamento constitucionalista de Simón Bolívar.

Los autores de las primeras constituciones del mundo hispanoamericano, en la Nueva Granada, fueron también científicos que publicaron sendos artículos sobre geografía, historia natural, economía política, población o medicina. A partir de esta observación, el artículo busca mostrar cómo estos sabios entendieron aplicar los nuevos saberes naturalistas a la regeneración de la sociedad en su trabajo constitucional. Esta ambición conllevaba la necesidad de destruir las jerarquías supuestamente artificiales y despóticas del Antiguo Régimen, fundadas en la transmisión genealógica de las dignidades y de la infamia, para reemplazarlas por otras que fueran "naturales". Este dispositivo no significó el triunfo constitucional de la igualdad, puesto que, para retomar una fórmula de Madame de Staël, la igualdad ante la ley no significaría otra cosa que el restablecimiento de las desigualdades naturales. El artículo aborda primero las obras de los Ilustrados de la Nueva Granada y de Humboldt para entender los presupuestos de su antropología naturalista sobre el "hombre americano", que sirvió luego para pensar, en tiempos revolucionarios, en ciertos tópicos políticos como el federalismo, los derechos del hombre y la ciudadanía. Termina con una relectura del Discurso de Angostura para mostrar cómo esos saberes naturalistas inciden en el pensamiento constitucionalista de Bolívar. Palabras-clave: Nueva Granada, Venezuela, Revolución de Independencia, Constitucionalismo, Representación política, Historia de las ciencias, Historia natural, Racialización.

La signature de l'Accord de commerce et de coopération le 30 décembre 2020 marqua ?épilogue d'un processus commencé quatre ans et demiplus tôt, le 23 juin 2016, lorsqu'une majorité d'électeurs britanniques choisit de sortir de l'Union européenne. La procédure de retrait s'est en réalité achevée avec la sortie effective du Royaume-Uni le 1 er février 2020, moyennant une période de transition d'un an. Mais l'accord ne résout pas tout. Que ce soit à propos des vaccins contre la Covid-19, de l'accès des pêcheurs européens aux eaux territoriales britanniques ou de la question de l'Irlande du Nord, l'actualité ne cesse de rappeler la complexité de nouvelles relations régulièrement sources de crispations.

À l'hôpital, la présence d'animateur·trice·s jeunesse s'est développée depuis les années 1970 en France, en lien avec le déploiement de prises en charge pluriprofessionnelles intégrant les besoins médicaux et psychosociaux des jeunes malades. De quelles manières ces pratiques d'animation sont-elles perçues et qualifiées en fonction des dispositifs et pathologies considérés ? L'article montre que ces professionnel·le·s mettent en œuvre des compétences en lien avec la spécificité de leur métier, et revendiquent un mandat qui leur permet de valoriser la reconnaissance du sujet adolescent dans un milieu fortement médicalisé, mais qui a pour effet de renforcer l'ambiguïté de leur positionnement vis-à-vis des soins.

Lors des révolutions de l'indépendance de l'Amérique espagnole (1810-1825), les nouvelles constitutions libérales et républicaines ont voulu marquer la rupture avec la monarchie et le « système colonial » en récusant la transmission de la dignité (noblesse, offices et charges) et de l'indignité (statuts racialisés) à travers les générations. Elles cherchaient ainsi à détruire juridiquement les fondements généalogiques d'un ancien régime qui avait, en outre-mer, une forte dimension raciale. Les émancipations insistèrent cependant sur la dimension naturelle, supposément raciale, de la citoyenneté. Comment expliquer la contradiction apparente entre élision juridique et recomposition politique de la racialisation ? Le premier temps de l'argumentaire s'attache au polymorphisme des processus de racialisation à la fin de la période coloniale, associés à la « pureté de sang », à la « classe » en tant que catégorie émique ou aux savoirs des Lumières. Le deuxième montre comment la naturalisation des rapports sociaux fut bouleversée par la dynamique révolutionnaire. La conjoncture ouvre de nouveaux espaces pour repenser la racialisation dans un cadre devenu libéral et républicain, comme l'atteste la pensée de Bolívar. La dernière partie cherche à mesure ces transformations postrévolutionnaires des pratiques de racialisation en s'attachant à la mention du statut racialisé ( pardo , negro , indio ) dans les registres de baptême. Du Mexique à l'Uruguay en passant par la Bolivie, on constate la résistance des catégories coloniales et leurs transformations au xix e siècle.

This text is an edited version of the opening remarks that Thibaud Boncourt, Past President of the Research Committee 33 (The Study of Political Science as a Discipline) of the International Political Science Association (IPSA) and associate professor at University Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne / Centre Européen de Sociologie et de Science Politique (CESSP), gave at the special panel "The Future of the Studies of Political Science as a Discipline" sponsored by IPSA-RC33 at the 7th international interdisciplinary conference of political research SCOPE: Science of Politics (University of Bucharest, 20-24 September 2021, www.scienceofpolitics.eu). The event was organized and hosted by the Centre for the International Cooperation and Development Studies (IDC) of the Department of Comparative Governance and European Studies, Faculty of Political Science, University of Bucharest, and gathered participants from several countries on all continents, via a virtual meeting. The aim of the panel was to contribute to the global conversation on the current state of political science as a discipline, as well as to discuss the practical means through which IPSA-RC33 can contribute to it and to support the work of political scientists worldwide. Keywords: political science as a discipline, IPSA RC33, institutionalization, de-institutionalization, autonomization, gendering, postcolonizing

Free trade agreements (FTAs) have been accused to be socially harmful and to force countries to undercut their levels labour protection. To address this complaint, the European Union (the EU) has developed a regime of labour rights protection in its trade agreements. In recent years, there has been increasing research on labour provisions in EU FTAs. However, scholars have not engaged with the study of labour provisions' implications for states' regulatory space for labour law. Therefore, this dissertation aims to address the following question: how do labour provisions in EU FTAs reshape the Parties' regulatory space for labour law? To answer this question, this dissertation analyses the labour commitments and the cooperation mechanisms included in the Trade and Sustainable Development chapter (TSD chapter) of ten trade agreements concluded by the EU since 2010. The research shows that labour commitments marginally increase states' regulatory space for labour law. It also highlights that cooperation mechanisms provided in EU trade agreements have the potential to increase states' regulatory space. These findings allow us to conclude that the EU response to a key aspect of the criticism against its trade agreements shows positive developments. These developments appear marginal however. Therefore, this dissertation argues in favour of revamping cooperation activities under the EU FTAs and makes five policy recommendations: (i) to redesign cooperation provisions so as to be more specific; (ii) to improve the coordination between the different actors promoting labour rights; (iii) to set intermediary targets through the generalisation of work plans; (iv) to strengthen communication on the achievements of TSD chapters and to further involve civil society organisations; and (v) to enable regulatory cooperation in matters of labour rights. These policy recommendations aim to further enhance labour provisions' capacity to address the concern of states' regulatory space loss.

During the 1970s and 1980s, economic and financial crime turned into a societal issue in Switzerland. The perpetrators of white-collar crime often enjoyed total impunity: legal proceedings were very time consuming, authorities in charge of judicial investigation were under-resourced. This paper investigates how the political and judicial authorities responded to this challenge. By the end of the 1980s, a strong shift towards a more specialized handling of financial crime by public prosecutors occurred. Specialized departments were set up and judges were trained in commercial matters. This transformation breached with a long tradition of leniency and inefficient judicial handling of economic crime. Based on archival evidence, this paper sheds new light on the drivers of an institutionalization process which affected not only the Swiss financial centre, but also all the global judicial proceedings which relied on it. Professionalizing the response to financial crime also aimed at restoring the corporate reputation of Swiss financial firms, in a context of growing competition among offshore financial centers.