Suchergebnisse

Examines ideas of the intellectual new Right during the 1980s and 1990s, focusing on its endorsement of ethnic regionalism. From nationalism to organic regionalism, ethno-regionalism, organic citizenship, and cultural emancipation, "Europe des peuples", and the idea of European citizenship.

While liberal & democratic theories have dealt with the question of cultural demands on liberal society, few essays focus on how a modernized & theoretically demanding New Right has turned the idea of racist exclusionism into a libertarian concept of differentialism, cultural pride, & radical multiculturalism. Indeed, the idea of challenging the concept of a liberal republican tradition of citizenship by means of a pluralist, antiliberal view of "difference" rooted in the edition of counterrevolutionary political thought appears to be one of the most distinctive innovations emanating from the French New Right. This essay, following the pathbreaking studies of Pierre Taguieff, attempts to introduce these ideas within the confines of the American debate on liberal citizenship, communitarianism, & multiculturalism. The basic claim is that a radical support of multiculturalism & cultural rights of ethnic groups is not only a feature of democratic theory but also of neo-fascist right-wing political theory. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe article focuses on the different effects the formation of national identity had on the development of political democracy in Uruguay and Argentina. Uruguay's process of state building after the civil wars relied on political consensus regarding the rules of the game: the concept of political democracy became an integral part of Uruguay's collective identity. In Argentina, political elites after the civil wars divided on the question of national identity and the substance of political democracy. Uruguay's political identity as a partidocracia [rule by parties] is not a guarantee against authoritarianism, but the country's democratic political culture is resilient, permeating even the armed forces. In Argentina, the exclusionist character of the political process invites authoritarianism, whether of the liberal or populist‐democratic variety. This article focuses, first, on the different models of collective identity that developed after independence; second, on the distinct roles played by the two hegemonic parties in each nation ‐ the Colorados under Batlle and the Radicals under Yrigoyen; and finally, on the authoritarian periods both countries experienced in the 1930s.

DAVID ROCK: University of California Press, 1992.

SANDRA McGEE DEUTSCH and RONALD H. DOLKART, Eds.: Scholarly Resources Books, Wilmington, Delaware, U.S.A., 1993

l nacionalismo integral argentino de la década de 1930 y la clase obrera aparecen generalmente en la historiografía argentina como dos conceptos opuestos, inclusive contradictorios{note id=1}. Desde las páginas del periódico conservador La Fronda, y desde La Nueva República, el grupo de jóvenes nacionalistas que elaboraron los lineamientos ideológicos de lo que sería el nacionalismo integral argentino, pretendían dar una respuesta a lo que consideraban como los productos lógicos de los ideales implantados por las élites liberales de 1830, perfeccionados por la ideología positivista de las élites de fines de la década de 1890. El sufragio universal implantado con la ley Sáenz Peña da expresión política a las nuevas clases medias, al igual que la inmigración europea da fuerza considerable a la clase obrera argentina. Estos desarrollos políticos y sociológicos cambian substancialmente a un país, sobre todo uno que, incluso para las élites liberales que lo proyectaron, se escapaba de sus planteos ideológicos.

CHRISTHIAN BUCHRUCKER: Ed. Sudamericana, Buenos Aires, 1987.