The teaching task, according to rational secular moral, has traditionally been a compromise with knowledge. It was considered, under the liberal and enlightment conception, that such a task helped to the individual moral improvement and to the achievement of a better world. The postmodern crisis of liberal education has implied the disenchantment of the teaching task ethics and it has caused reactions which minimize or eliminate the compromise with the promotion of civic values. We defend the political character of the teaching task and the necessity to redefine the professional profile to highlight the importance of the public school system and the teachers to contribute to the maintenance and to go deeply in democracy. ; En general, la tarea docente ha estado comprometida, de acuerdo con una moral laica de orientación racional, con la divulgación del conocimiento. Bajo el paradigma de la concepción liberal e ilustrada, se entendía que dicha tarea contribuía a la mejora del individuo y a la consecución de un mundo mejor. La crisis postmoderna de la educación liberal ha supuesto el desencantamiento de la ética de la profesión docente y ha suscitado reacciones que suprimen o minimizan su compromiso con la promoción de valores cívicos. Frente a ello se defiende el carácter político de la función docente y se argumenta a favor de la necesidad de redefinir este perfil profesional desde una perspectiva que acentúa la importancia que el sistema de enseñanza bajo control público y el profesorado tienen para el mantenimiento y la profundización en la democracia.
Resumen tomado de la publicación ; Plantea que la tarea docente ha estado comprometida, de acuerdo con una moral laica de orientación racional, con la divulgación del conocimiento. Bajo el paradigma de la concepción liberal e lustrada, se entendía que dicha tarea contribuía a la mejora del individuo y a la consecución de un mundo mejor. La crisis postmoderna de la educación liberal ha supuesto el desencantamiento de la ética de la profesión docente y ha suscitado reacciones que suprimen o minimizan su compromiso con la promoción de valores cívicos. Frente a ello se defiende el carácter político de la función docente y se argumenta a favor de la necesidad de redefinir este perfil profesional desde una perspectiva que acentúa la importancia que el sistema de enseñanza bajo control público y el profesorado tienen para el mantenimiento y la profundización en la democracia. ; Andalucía ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín, 5 - 3 Planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; ESP
Resumen tomado de la publicación ; Plantea que la tarea docente ha estado comprometida, de acuerdo con una moral laica de orientación racional, con la divulgación del conocimiento. Bajo el paradigma de la concepción liberal e lustrada, se entendía que dicha tarea contribuía a la mejora del individuo y a la consecución de un mundo mejor. La crisis postmoderna de la educación liberal ha supuesto el desencantamiento de la ética de la profesión docente y ha suscitado reacciones que suprimen o minimizan su compromiso con la promoción de valores cívicos. Frente a ello se defiende el carácter político de la función docente y se argumenta a favor de la necesidad de redefinir este perfil profesional desde una perspectiva que acentúa la importancia que el sistema de enseñanza bajo control público y el profesorado tienen para el mantenimiento y la profundización en la democracia. ; Andalucía ; Biblioteca de Educación del Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; Calle San Agustín, 5 - 3 Planta; 28014 Madrid; Tel. +34917748000; biblioteca@mecd.es ; ESP
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) ; Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) ; Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT ; A disputa camponesa pelo território é uma questão que se destaca com muita força no processo constituinte boliviano contemporâneo. Neste quadro, o sujeito social mobilizado constitui-se sobre a identidade indígena, "originaria" e camponesa, que disputa no imaginário do Estado-Nação o sentido da sua constituição como sujeito, ainda, a sua articulação institucional e territorial buscando a sua legitimidade na constituição do estado e, assim, questionando os princípios da modernidade capitalista eurocêntrica. Tem-se como referência que este Estado-Nação eurocêntrico dilui as identidades étnicas para constituir a identidade nacional do estado-nação moderno. O debate sobre a rearticulação das identidades indígenas coloca um desafio nas identidades camponesas, cuja origem colonial está na expropriação do direito do índio sobre a terra e o território, pra manter sua condição subalterna e, assim, explorar sua força de trabalho nas terras e nos territórios que anteriormente lhes perteneciam. A recuperação da terra e do território constitui-se no eixo central da luta camponesa e indígena na Bolívia, mas requer que o camponês construa um argumento da sua natureza societal expressa na dimensão territorial para articular-se plenamente em um novo esquema: o estado plurinacional ; La disputa campesina por el territorio es una cuestión que emerge con contundencia en el proceso constituyente boliviano contemporáneo, donde el sujeto social movilizado se constituye en torno a la identidad de pueblo y nación indígena, originaria y campesina, que le disputa al imaginario político hegemónico del estado-nación el sentido de la constitución del sujeto y su articulación institucional y territorial a la legitimidad del estado, cuestionando los principios de la modernidad capitalista eurocéntrica que postula la dilución de las identidades étnicas para constituir la identidad nacional del estado moderno. El debate sobre la rearticulación de las identidades indígenas plantea un desafío a las identidades campesinas, cuyo origen colonial es el despojo del indio a un derecho sobre la tierra y el territorio, de manera que manteniéndolo en la condición subalterna del conquistado, se le explota la mano de obra para explotar las tierras y territorios que antes de la conquista les pertenecían. La recuperación de la tierra y del territorio se constituye en un eje central de la lucha campesina e indígena en Bolivia, pero requiere del campesino construir un argumento de su naturaleza societal con dimensión territorial para articularse plenamente en el esquema del nuevo estado plurinacional ; The peasant strugle for territory is a matter that emerges clearly in the contemporary bolivian constituent process, where the mobilized social subject builds up around the indigenous and peasant people and nations, that disputes the hegemonic political imaginary of the nation-state in the sense of constitution of the social subject and his linkage to the territorial and institutional legitimacy of the state, questioning the principles of the capitalistic eurocentric modernity that places a disappearance of ethnic identity to build a national identity of the modern state-nation. The debate about reconstituting indigenous identities points out a challenge over the peasant identities, where its colonial origin in the dispossession of land and territory to exploit their working force in their own ancestral territories. Taking back the land and territories is nowadays a central issue in the peasant and indigenous struggle for emancipation in Bolivia, but requires from them to build an convincing argument of their society nature with territorial attributes for a plenty linkage to the new scheme of the plurinational state
Historically, ethnicity has been considered to play a fundamental role in voting behaviour in Africa. However, researchers on the issue have found contradictory conclusions. The most recent research concludes that the African voter is more rational than expected. Overall ethnicity seems to be less influential than theory used to suggest. Against this background, this paper analyses vote for governing party in Africa and presents evidence that the method and data set used will have an important influence upon the final result. The research takes form of a quantitative analysis making extensive use of survey data from 2005 to 2019. Results indicate that ethnicity, although not exclusively, is still an explanatory factor. At a glance, African vote is rationally ethnic.
There is ample consensus in the literature that institutional confidence by the public is needed in democracies and at the same time elites, particularly political elites, need to share this confidence in their guidance of state institutions, if political stability in established democracies and the consolidation of new democracies are desired. The research takes the form of a quantitative analysis based on the World Values Surveys and the elite surveys (parliamentarians) conducted in 2006 (before the financial crisis) and in 2012–2013 (post the crisis when apparently, the worst of the economic crunch had lessened up) in the 7 countries selected. We explore what lies at the base of political confidence in the selected countries. We investigate whether levels of confidence are more strongly based on political attitudes or more specifically influenced by economic attitudes. Countries from different continents, South Africa (Africa); Chile (Latin America); Germany and Sweden (Western Europe); South Korea (Asia); Poland (Eastern Europe); and Turkey (Eurasia) were included in the analysis. Political factors explain a high level of mainly confidence in state institutions, with different percentages of explained variance among the different countries. Capacity of the state to deal with the economy seems to worry elites more than the public. Elites, especially those in government, have in general, a higher level of confidence in state institutions compared to the public. Similarly, the elites also had a noticeable higher level of confidence in civil society than the public in 2006 and 2013 in the majority of the countries in the study.
RESUMEN:Históricamente ha habido un debate sobre el resultado del proceso democrático que se centra en si el producto de las democracias deben ser derechos políticos y libertades civiles o por el contrario deben ser bienes y servicios básicos a los ciudadanos. La crisis económica global que comenzó en 2007 ha tenido un impacto en las políticas económicas de los gobiernos que han tenido que aplicar medidas de ajuste, a veces impuestas por organismos internacionales no sujetos a control ciudadanos de los países donde se aplicaban dichas medidas, generando protestas y revueltas y la aparición de nuevos partidos políticos. En este escenario la crisis económica proporciona una oportunidad única para evaluar las expectativas de la democracia tanto de la ciudadanía como de las elites que las representan. Este artículo realiza un análisis sobre cinco democracias contemporáneas (Polonia, Chile, Suecia, Turquía y Sudáfrica) sobre las expectativas de la ciudadanía y las elites en 2006, al comienzo de la crisis y en 2013, cuando lo peor de la misma parecía haber pasado. Los resultados indican que existe una demanda tanto de la ciudadanía como de las elites de todos los países, principalmente de factores políticos (derechos políticos) quedando los aspectos económicos relegados a un segundo plano.ABSTRACT:Historically the debate about the results of the democratic process has focused on whether its results should grant political rights and civil liberties or goods and basic services to citizens. The 2007 global economic crisis affected the economic policies of governments around the world. Many of the adopted policies consisted in adjustment programmes imposed by international organisms, not subject to citizen control, which led to protests, riots and the rise of new political parties. In this scenario the economical crisis provides an unique opportunity to assess citizens and elite expectations of democracy and what it represents. This article provides an analysis of the citizens and elites expectations of democracy in five contemporary democracies (Poland, Chile, Sweden, Turkey and South Africa) in 2006 and 2013. The results showed that both citizens and elites, in all countries examined, claim for more political rights, relegating the economical aspect to a secondary place.RESUMO:Historicamente, houve um debate sobre o resultado do processo democrático que se concentra no fato de o produto das democracias serem direitos políticos e liberdades civis ou devem ser bens e serviços básicos para os cidadãos. A crise econômica global que começou em 2007 teve impacto nas políticas econômicas dos governos que tiveram que implementar medidas de ajuste, às vezes impostas por agências internacionais não sujeitas ao controle do cidadão nos países onde as medidas foram aplicadas, gerando protestos e revoltas e o surgimento de novos partidos políticos. Nesse cenário, a crise econômica oferece uma oportunidade única para avaliar as expectativas de democracia tanto dos cidadãos como das elites que os representam. Este artigo examina cinco democracias contemporâneas (Polônia, Chile, Suécia, Turquia e África do Sul) sobre as expectativas de cidadania e elites em 2006, no início da crise e em 2013, quando o pior parecia ter passado. Os resultados indicam que existe uma demanda tanto dos cidadãos como das elites de todos os países, principalmente de fatores políticos (direitos políticos), deixando os aspectos econômicos relegados a um segundo plano.
En este artículo se revisa la teoría elitista de la democracia que afirma que las elites muestran actitudesmás democráticas que la ciudadanía en general. Se analiza la teoría tanto en países democráticoscomo no democráticos en África, usando dos encuestas de opinión diferentes: una encuestaaplicada a las elites y otra al público general. El estudio está basado en dos indicadores principales:apoyo difuso a la democracia como forma de gobierno, así como confianza en las instituciones comomedida de apoyo específico. Los resultados validan la teoría de la democracia, ya que ambos indicadorescorroboran la hipótesis. El estudio desautoriza, al mismo tiempo, la "teoría de aprendizajesocial" que sostiene que las elites apoyan más la democracia por su mayor "exposición" a las institucionesy normas democráticas. Del mismo modo, queda evidenciado que la educación no juega unpapel tan decisivo como factor explicativo, como, en principio, argumenta la teoría.
In this article we review the elitist theory of democracy, which implies that elites are more committed to democracy than ordinary citizens. We test the theory in both democratic and non-democratic countries in Africa, using two different data sets: one conducted on elites and the other conducted on the general public. We base our analysis on two main items: abstract support for democratic forms of government; as well as confidence in state institutions as a measure of specific support. Evidence supporting the elitist theory of democracy is found in both indicators, suggesting that advocates of the theory under review are correct. Furthermore, in trying to explain the elitist theory of democracy, we discredit the social learning theory, which states that elites support democracy more than the masses because they are exposed to democratic norms to a greater extent. We also find the argument that education accounts for the differences in elite-mass support for democracy to be weaker than theorists tend to suggest. Adapted from the source document.
The existence of a healthy, respected and respectful opposition is a common feature of democratic politics. For a democracy to function properly, it needs an opposition to provide political contestation and electoral competition, thus limiting the power of the ruling party. In other words: no opposition – no democracy.In this regard, Africa has a poor track record. During the 1950s and 1960s, euphoria swelled throughout the continent following political independence from colonial rule. These new African democracies, however, rapidly began succumbing to authoritarianism. Political repression, single-party states and military rule flourished, causing authoritarian forms of government to become the norm throughout the continent. Opposition parties were, and in many countries still are, severely restricted and have generally had little chance to be heard. This is especially so in the many single-party states, characterized by a lack of democratic experience and culture, which became prevalent in post-independence Africa.
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is often regarded as an area where it is difficult to stabilize democracy. This notion is reinforced by the fact that, in the most recent set of elections held in the region, Islamic-orientated political parties perceived to be anti-democratic have achieved important electoral victories. This article analyses these parties in the MENA region in an attempt to discern whether support is related to a preference for anti-democratic forms of government. The research takes the form of a quantitative analysis using survey data and results indicate that electoral support for Islamic political parties is in fact driven by a rejection of the present state configuration, which in turn leads to a demand for religion to exert greater influence on the state.
