Suchergebnisse

The article deals with the issue of security in Europe in the effect of the war between Ukraine and Russia from the point of view of Kyiv. Main features of the current security discourse in Ukraine are presented. Ukrainian initiatives in the security sphere are thoroughly analyzed. Special attention is given to Zelenskyy's Peace Plan and Peace summit. The article discloses peculiarities of the Kyiv Security Compact, which is supposed to become the footing for the new security order in the region. The article ends with the analysis of NATO's role in Kyiv's vision about the post-war security order.

Russia's war of aggression exacerbates nuclear threats in multifaceted and potentially catastrophic ways, while diminishing the prospects for arms control and nuclear restraint regimes. In this, it is comparable to the early phases of the Cold War. This PRIF report critically examines the transformative impact Russia's war is having on the contemporary nuclear order, focusing on the utility of nuclear weapons in crisis bargaining, the credibility and sources of extended deterrence, and the functions and limitations of arms control. Drawing on lessons from the past, the authors discuss what a future nuclear strategy might look like.

Angesichts der Abwendung der USA von Europa, der aggressiven Außenpolitik Russlands und des Aufstiegs Chinas wird immer lauter gefordert, die EU müsse zu einer selbstbewussten "geopolitischen Macht" werden. Dieser Report argumentiert, dass dem aufgrund der besonderen Organisationsform der EU aber Grenzen gesetzt sind. Er zeichnet das Bild der EU als "bürokratischer Macht" und analysiert die zentralen Neuerungen in der EU-Sicherheitspolitik der letzten Jahre: den Versuch, eine eigene militärische Eingreiftruppe aufzubauen und die Unterstützung der Ukraine gegen den russischen Angriffskrieg. Dabei zeigt sich, dass die EU durchaus sicherheitspolitische Handlungsfähigkeit entwickeln kann – aber vor allem dort, wo sie nicht selbst militärisch agiert.

Isolating Russia is a key element of the West's response to Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. However, this strategy has only been partially successful. After more than two years of fighting, Russia has found ways to circumvent economic sanctions and political exclusion. This year's BRICS+ summit, to be held in Kazan in October, is likely to illustrate this development. Russia will host a summit of the highest political and economic importance, bringing together leading powers from different regions of the world. This Spotlight unpacks and evaluates the effectiveness of Russia's efforts to counter Western isolationist strategies by using soft power initiatives in the areas of fashion and sport in the run-up to the summit.

The report examines the role of control institutions in the rise in police killings in Brazil and the Philippines from 2016 to 2022. It identifies how radical presidents were able to emasculate democratic institutions tasked with upholding due procedure and rule of law, as well as controlling the executive, from internal police oversight to the judiciary and the legislative. It argues that controls fail as long as those institutions are not staffed by individuals who are willing to resist in crisis situations in order to uphold the normative and legal foundations of the democratic order and thereby safeguard democratic resilience.

As the new U.S. administration pivots toward negotiating a ceasefire in the Ukraine war, the growing nuclear threat from Russia demands urgent attention. Drawing on Cold War history and negotiation research, this analysis highlights how arms control – formal or informal – can help curb nuclear risks even in the most volatile crises. German and transatlantic policy makers should therefore integrate practical arms control and risk reduction measures into ceasefire discussions to safeguard European security and prevent nuclear escalation.

Emerging technologies are transforming foreign and security policy as they challenge traditional understandings of power, influence and security. Developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and the increasing importance of cyberspace are some of the most prominent in this regard. Yet, not only are there repercussions for security when narrowly conceived as state security, but they also affect gender relations and human security more broadly. Gender as an analytical category allows us to shed light on the impact of emerging technologies on inequalities, power and violence.

La Guajira in northern Colombia has seen a disproportionate number of roadblocks recently, especially connected to wind park construction sites, staged by people demanding that the state implement economic, social, and physical security improvements. This conflict is an example of local impacts of the global energy transition on historically marginalized people. In this Spotlight we argue that La Guajira is a prime case showing how the energy transition is leveraged to indirectly address the state through private companies.

In December 2024, UN members will vote on a worldwide Cybercrime Convention negotiated since 2019. While the convention is problematic, this Spotlight shows why a conditional acceptance nonetheless seems the best way forward. For this purpose, we first present the different meanings of cybercrime and outline the existing regulatory framework. We then examine the UN negotiations and the possible human rights implications of the convention, showing that it reflects the contestation of human rights norms and a growing division in the UN, yet supporting the convention at this point also enables long-term influence on its implementation.

In their PRIF Report the authors focus on the various forms of resistance to and backlash against gender equality and gender-sensitive human rights in peacebuilding processes. Based on 33 interviews with key stakeholders, they explore how peacebuilders understand and perceive resistance to and backlash against the realisation of gender-sensitive human rights in peacebuilding. The report also sheds light on the counter-measures and strategies used by peacebuilders. Finally, the authors discuss the impact of feminist foreign policy on gender-sensitive human rights in peacebuilding.

Ein zentrales Element des kolumbianischen Friedensprozesses mit der FARC-Guerilla bildet die kollektive Wiedereingliederung der ehemaligen Kombattant:innen in eigens dafür eingerichteten "territorialen Reinkorporationsräumen". Eine Umfrage in sieben ländlichen Gemeinden deutet darauf hin, dass dieser Reinkorporationsprozess zu einem erkennbaren Abbau von sozialer Distanz und Misstrauen in der lokalen Bevölkerung geführt hat und so zur Wiederherstellung des sozialen Zusammenhalts beiträgt. Diese Erfolge sind allerdings begrenzt und – angesichts der andauernden Gewalt in den marginalisierten Regionen Kolumbiens – teils akut gefährdet.

This Spotlight discusses the resurgence of military coups in Sub-Saharan Africa. We argue that an analytical and political focus on coup events misses out on the bigger picture of military influence in politics. Introducing the new Multidimensional Measures of Militarization (M3) dataset, we demonstrate that African countries that were part of the recent wave of coups, previously showed signs of political militarization such as military veto powers and impunity. We conclude that these subtle forms of military influence can serve as early warning indicators for military coups.

Die Forschung stimmt in der Beobachtung überein, dass sich der globale Akteur EU im Gegensatz zu ähnlich großen Staaten durch ein ausgeprägt regelorientiertes Verhalten, eine Vorliebe für Multilateralismus und für Kompromisslösungen sowie eine starke Abneigung gegen Erzwingungsmacht und den Einsatz militärischer Instrumente auszeichnet. Sie streitet über die Gründe für diese auffällige Verhalten. Dieses Working Paper kommt zu Ergebnis, dass das äußere Verhalten der EU ihren inneren institutionellen Strukturen geschuldet ist. Bei Entscheidungen in der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik herrscht das Konsensprinzip. Um die daraus entstehenden Handlungsdefizite abzuschwächen, hat die EU seit Maastricht 1992 in immer stärkerem Maße Kompetenzen an internationale Bürokratien wie den Europäischen Auswärtigen Dienst delegiert. Dies hat Konsequenzen. Bürokratien handeln regelorientiert und prägen so das Verhalten der EU als globaler Akteur. Anders als im Staat steht der Bürokratie in der EU nicht die Institution des politischen Entscheiders gegenüber, sondern ein Kollektivorgan: der Europäische Rat oder der Ministerrat. Und Kollektivorgane handeln in einem ähnlichen Modus wie die Bürokratie, nämlich pfadabhängig und regelorientiert. Eine Fallstudie zur Ukrainepolitik der EU illustriert den Charakter der EU als bürokratische Macht.