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PurposeThis survey of the literature on the convergence of carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions informs researchers on areas for future research by summarizing the countries examined, the types of convergence tested and the methodological approaches undertaken.Design/methodology/approachThis survey examines peer-reviewed empirical studies of CO2emissions convergence with respect to country coverage and alternative approaches to test for various types of convergence.FindingsFor large multicountry studies, the support for convergence is quite limited. However, studies focused exclusively on a subset of countries defined by income classification, geographic region or institutional structure reveal the finding of convergence is more prevalent. Studies at the subnational level have primarily been in the cases of the US and China with the exception of two studies across industry sectors in Portugal and Sweden.Research limitations/implicationsThis study focuses exclusively on peer-reviewed published studies.Practical implicationsThis study is relevant to the design of mitigation strategies to reduce CO2emissions and the assumption of convergence underlying climate change models.Social implicationsAs a major component of greenhouse gas emissions, CO2emissions is of global importance in its impact on the environment and climate change.Originality/valueThis study provides the most recent and comprehensive survey of the empirical literature on the convergence of CO2emissions.

The brutal winter weather that afflicted the East Coast, including Washington, DC, earlier this year and the failure of global temperatures to rise -- as predicted by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change -- since 1998 have given critics of global warming policies a point to bring up in the climate debate, but it would be a mistake for them to use these facts as their main argument. The case against activist global warming policy goes much deeper than what is happening in the weather today or even this decade. The real case is that activist policy depends on a teetering chain of improbabilities. Climate alarmists believe the issue is simple: a warming climate threatens humanity, and government should save everyone from this danger. The global warming issue presents a staggeringly complex problem in benefit-cost analysis. Economists have vainly attempted to use more sophisticated models in their cost-benefit analyses of carbon policies. Adapted from the source document.

In devising foreign and military policies, policymakers can adopt one of two broad perspectives about the nature of war. One is the "war-continuity" theory. In this view, war is a constant feature of human existence, an ever-present danger. This is the perspective of the "realist" school of foreign policy, which holds that nations have always strived and will always strive to dominate each other militarily. Those who adopt this position tend to argue that preparations for war must always be pursued strenuously because one can never tell who the next enemy will be or when the next big war will occur. This perspective of ever-present danger appears to dominate thinking about US security policy. The nation maintains at least 662 overseas bases in thirty-eight foreign countries, and planners work continually to develop additional sites (the latest proposals are for new bases in Australia and the Philippines). Adapted from the source document.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to survey the empirical literature on the causal relationship between energy consumption and economic growth.Design/methodology/approachThe four major hypotheses (growth, conservation, neutrality, and feedback) are briefly outlined with respect to the energy consumption‐growth nexus and corresponding policy implications of each. The survey focuses on country coverage, variables selected and model specification, econometric approaches, various methodological issues, and empirical results.FindingsThough there is no clear consensus on the results for a specific country or groups of countries, directions for future research are discussed.Research limitations/implicationsThe research surveyed may be dated by the time of publication given the ongoing research in this area.Originality/valueThis paper serves as a reference for researchers on the causal relationship between energy consumption and economic growth.

The problem with the term democracy is not that it has no meaning, but that it has too many meanings. Thus, any U.S. administration that tries to make it the lodestar of its foreign policy sails in a sea of muddle. Adapted from the source document.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to extend the literature on the relationship between inflation and inflation uncertainty by examining three Caribbean countries: the Bahamas, Barbados, and Jamaica.Design/methodology/approachARMA‐GARCH models are used to estimate inflation uncertainty along with Granger‐causality tests to infer the relationship between inflation and inflation uncertainty.FindingsThe results reveal that both the Bahamas and Jamaica exhibit a high degree of volatility persistence in response to inflationary shocks, while Barbados has a much lower persistence measure. Granger‐causality tests indicate that an increase in inflation has been a positive impact on inflation uncertainty for each country. However, an increase in inflation uncertainty yields a decrease in inflation in the case of Jamaica. In summary, the results for the Bahamas and Barbados support the Friedman‐Ball hypothesis, whereas the results for Jamaica support Holland's stabilization‐motive hypothesis.Research limitations/implicationsFuture research on inflation and inflation uncertainty can be extended to incorporate possible regime shifts associated with fiscal and monetary policy.Originality/valueThe study fills a void in the literature with respect to the inflation‐inflation uncertainty nexus for Caribbean countries. The results of the paper may be useful to policymakers in the formulation of fiscal and monetary policy.

Examines the goals of Al Qaeda & other Islamic terrorist movements. An analysis of statements made by Osama bin Laden shows that imposing fundamentalist Muslim beliefs on the West is not mentioned in spite of President George W. Bush's claims to the contrary. Bin Laden's primary topic is criticizing the US & other Western nations for their aggression against Muslim lands. He is also very critical of Saudi leadership, especially their decision to allow the US to deploy troops in their country. Bin laden has given little attention to American culture. The attacks of 11 September 2001 were a reaction against the US government's intrusive foreign policy in the Middle East, not a denouncement of American values or morals. It is noted that Bin Laden's statements fail to mention Western Muslims who would be of the utmost importance if his aim was for Islam to take over the US. Emphasis is placed on the need to understand the terrorists' goals in order to develop effective policies to combat them. Tables, References. J. Lindroth

A discussion of how &/or whether nation building works focuses on the US government's invasion & occupation of Afghanistan & Iraq & its continuing efforts in nation building. America is unlikely to stop there. Deploying armed forces to 'fix' other countries is seen as a tempting idea, one that has gained support among the academic & foreign-policy community. William Kristol & Robert Kagan (1996) opined that the US should adopt a posture of "benevolent global hegemony," promoting American principles of free markets, democracy, & respect for liberty around the world. It is argued here that the experts & theorists have failed to seriously consider the historical record of this type of policy: it usually fails, or if it seems to succeed, it is probably for other reasons. Lacking a theory, proven techniques, or carefully designed methods, establishment of a democracy through military occupation is not a coherent, defensible policy. Tables, References. J. Stanton

The debate on democratic transferability based on the assumption that US military occupations of Germany & Japan resulted in rapid & fundamental societal transformation is refuted to argue that the design model of Germany is based on the misperception of postwar German politics. Analysis of the Allied effort in Germany compares the assumed goal of democratization to actual US actions aimed at denying German war-making potential, nonfraternization, & the US intent to inflict economic privation in the policies of privation, obstruction, & deliberate destruction. The abandonment of the failed & vengeful US denazification program, confused education policies, & delay of party formation are asserted to contradict the assertions of leading scholars of democratic development. The promotion of democracy in Germany by the US is concluded to have been extraordinarily inept, supporting the author's conclusion that German democracy was the result of political leaders decisions to engage in nonviolent politics, thus implying that military interventions have failed. The author proposes broadening theory to be inclusive of cultural factors that are not amenable to manipulation by policymakers. Tables, Figures, References. J. Harwell

Argues that American nation-building efforts in Haiti, Afghanistan, & Iraq indicate the US has a poor understanding of cultural barriers & limits to democracy. It is maintained that there are countries where democracy cannot be made to succeed, at least not within a prescribed time period. Social & institutional prerequisites to democracy are examined, along with the notion of a cultural orientation toward violence; the reduced chance of democracy taking hold in high-violence societies; & the lack of knowledge about how/why societies abandon a violent politics. Since evolution away from violence takes a long time & involves a cultural change, institutional measures have little impact. Factors affecting the evolution away from force are considered & differences are pointed out in the likelihood of a democratic transition in high-violence societies as opposed to low-violence societies that have been taken over by small criminal subgroups. It is concluded that an occupying nation's chances of establishing a democracy in a high-violence society are small & the best short-term hope is to create a more stable environment in order to begin the transition away from violence. 16 References. J. Lindroth