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When people visualize a potential for deflection in future interactions, will they lie to prevent it? Affect control theory emphasizes the salience of deflection management in everyday life, otherwise known as an attempted realignment of experiences and expectations in the face of situational incongruency. Traditionally, deflection management is measured post hoc in an individual who, often disconnected from and unassociated with the situation, reconfigures the experience. This does not, however, speak to deflection management during an active interaction or how an individual might change things in anticipation of deflection. Prior to, or during, an active interaction, individuals have a unique opportunity to preemptively alter the definition of the situation based on anticipated sentiments. In essence, they can foresee oncoming deflection and act to avoid it. Using a vignette experiment, I extend affect control theory by highlighting deflection that is anticipated but not yet experienced. I also show that participants have higher odds of lying in interactions where an honest retelling would incur high deflection. To further inform this cognitive process, I present qualitative explanations from participants on why they chose their responses and how the dynamics of their relationship mattered.

Since the Second World War, globalization has been underpinned by a liberal international order, a rules-based system structured around the principles of economic interdependence, democracy, human rights and multilateralism. However, the relationship between international mobility and the liberal international order (LIO) is contested. In the article, I disaggregate 'international mobility' into three regimes: the travel regime, the voluntary (labour) migration regime, and the refugee regime—each governed by distinct norms and operating procedures. I outline the characteristics of the LIO that pertain to international mobility and provide evidence to demonstrate that none of the three dimensions of international mobility—travel, migration, and asylum—reflects these characteristics. Given the LIO principles enumerated above, the exclusion of international mobility from the LIO is surprising. I survey the scholarship on the LIO and international mobility and argue that the exclusion of international mobility from the LIO rests on benefits provided to core states by the status quo ante governing international mobility. That is, the status quo ante permits countries of destination to determine the level and type of cross-border mobility. Thus, international mobility continues to be underpinned by the play of state preferences rather than the principles of the LIO. The COVID-19 pandemic is likely to shape these norms and operating procedures in ways that reinforce the status quo.

AbstractUnderstandings of class have often been highly racialized and gendered. This article examines the efforts of white workers' organizations in Southern Africa during the 1940s to forge such a class identity across the region and disseminate it among the international labor movement. For these organizations, the "real" working class was composed of white men who worked in mines, factories, and on the railways, something pertinent to contemporary understandings of class.The focus of these efforts was the Southern African Labour Congress, which brought together white trade unions and labor parties and sought to secure a place for them in the postwar world. These organizations embodied the politics of "white laborism," an ideology which fused political radicalism and white domination, and they enjoyed some success in gaining acceptance in the international labor movement. Although most labor histories of the region have adopted a national framework, this article offers an integrated regional labor history.

AbstractThis article explores the experiences of white workers on the Copperbelt in Northern Rhodesia during World War II. Much of the existing literature on the region focuses on African labour, yet the boom that began in the copper-mining industry also attracted thousands of mobile, transient European workers. These workers were part of a primarily English-speaking labour diaspora with a global reach that linked mining centres around the world. The experience of this workforce generated seemingly contradictory trends of labour militancy, political radicalism, and racial exclusivity. A focus on two significant events during this period will seek to examine how these trends shaped events on the Copperbelt: the 1940 wildcat strikes and the 1942 arrest and deportation of white mineworkers' union leaders. These events shed light on the international world of European labour and illustrate how the Copperbelt was linked to other mining centres around the world.