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Some reflections are offered on the unstated qualities inherent in British pol'al att's. It is noted that 'there is a great deal of confusion about the principles on which we profess to act, about the att's of the electorate, & about the unstated assumptions behind our thinking.' 3 main components are found to motivate the reactions of British politicians: (1) the ideal of an ethnically homogeneous society; (2) ideals of justice & fair play; & (3) the British attitude to imigrants & particularly to 'colored immigrants.' In each of these 3 main components there is an overt & a concealed att. Many of the British are not even aware of their own feelings until they are put to some practical test. It is suggested that all the elements discussed are in varying degrees present in most white British people. Dark color is associated with Ls, slavery, savagery & inferiority as a conquered people; with elements repressed in the self; & with the color associated with sin & moral degradation. But for most people, soc controls will operate to modify this association. In this context, a deep pol'al analysis would reveal certain issues as central & long-standing elements in the consensus, others as peripheral & ephemeral. Perhaps a statesman of the highest calibre will respond to the situation as a whole, not consciously distinguishing between central & peripheral issues nor between pol'al calculation & moral judgment. The British are no longer content to think of democracy in ideal terms without envisaging a considerable element of participation, nor are they content with the early 19th-cent deification of individual interests. The problem is one of balance between justice to the individual & what seems at first sight the public interest, ie, the peace & tranquility of the realm. The consensus of the British public is seen to be strongest re component (1). Re the other 2 components, a leader who were to approach them with courage & conviction would have room for tactical maneuvers in support of a widening tolerance. However, the moral choice has often been made too timidly. While the highly complex & delicate organism of the modern state must be protected, tolerance for others, freedom of speech, & the right of self-determination are also essential. M. Maxfield.

The first three sessions of this Symposium would, I think, lead one to say that if one tried to arrange man on the basis of biological characteristics one would get a continuum; the papers given in this fourth session have shown the ineradicable, or so far ineradicable, tendency of mankind to split themselves up into discontinuous groups.I personally believe the study of race relations should always be directed to a practical result, that is to enable one to get over this simple human tendency, and to enable us to live together.

A discussion of race relations in terms of human rights; first read as a paper at a Conference on Racial Problems & Amer Foreign Policy organized by the U of Denver at Vail, Colo in Jul 1967. Human rights are divided into 'legal rights,' which exist, & 'just rights,' which ought to exist. Although humanity, In the famous saying of Sir Henry Maine, progressed 'from Status to Contract,' is from a personal legal status derived from birth & position to one derived from some kind of contract, this development was actually preceded by another: from societies undiff'isted by birth to societies that were highly stratified. Stratification provided a more efficient org & the psychol'al satisfaction of a known position. Stratification operates most clearly in societies founded upon colonization. Now stratification is being challenged in the name of an open society, in which discrimination based on racial stratification would be barred, in the name of human rights. This challenge is meeting considerable resistance. It is concluded that human rights, to be effective within a country, require enforceable minimum standards of living, esteem & share in power; to be effective in relations between states, they require a world gov. I. Langnas.