Suchergebnisse

This is a descriptive study multidimensional which analyses the speeches in a political context created by two players in the armed conflict in Colombia: United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) –also known as paramilitaries and government– which aims to identify the existence of differences or similarities in the ideological discourse that can be widely accepted and used to label the enemy as the enemy and justify acts of violence against him. The results show that the delegitimization of the opponent is carried out through the dissemination of linguistic several categories: proscription, proscription actions, negative characterization of the actions, use of political labels, characterizing features, weapons and dehumanization of the adversary where the preference by one or another category depends on the nature of the actor's ideological conflict that builds speech ; El presente es un estudio de tipo descriptivo multidimensional en el que se analizan los discursos creados en un contexto político por dos actores del conflicto armado en Colombia: Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC) –también conocidas como paramilitares– y Gobierno que tiene como propósito identificar la existencia de diferencias o similitudes en el discurso ideológico que puedan ser ampliamente aceptadas y utilizadas para rotular al adversario como enemigo y justificar acciones de violencia contra él. Los resultados muestran que la deslegitimación del oponente se lleva a cabo a través de la difusión de varias categorías lingüísticas: proscripción, acciones proscritas, caracterización negativa de las acciones, uso de rótulos políticos, caracterización de rasgos, armas del adversario y deshumanización, donde la preferencia por una u otra categoría depende de la naturaleza ideológica del actor del conflicto que construye el discurso

Colombia had the longest internal armed conflict in Latin America, and its government reached a peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas in 2016. This article explores the transitional justice social representations during the signing of the peace agreement (study 1) and their implementation, during 2019-2020 (study 2). The first study analyzes the news related to the institutions created from the peace agreement during 2016. The second study explores different psychosocial variables associated with its two most controversial institutions, the Truth Commission (TC) and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) during 2019-2020, after the beginning of its work. The findings revealed that news articles from two principal Colombian newspapers illustrate two anchoring categories of transitional justice with an emphasis on victims, while the political position of the newspaper suggests possible disagreements on what peace entails. Surveys showed that political position and victimization are crucial for the approval and support of the TC and the JEP, as well as correlated with the level of media consumption regarding these institutions.
Received: 17 September 2021Accepted: 15 November 2021

Objective. In this study, the implicit attitudes of University students were analyzed with regard to forgivingness towards ex members of the guerilla and paramilitary groups in the Colombian armed conflict. Method. Thirty University students in Bogotá were measured with the IAT (Implicit Association Test) by using the response latency to measure the strength of the association between different concepts and an explicit questionnaire related to forgiveness. The analysis was made from functional contextualism and Relational Frame Theory. Results. There was found that participants presented a stronger association between the concepts of forgiveness and Guerilla, suggesting they would be more willing to forgive an ex member of this armed group. Conclusion. This investigation opens the possibility of further exploration on the subject of forgiveness in a post conflict scenario, including variables such as political position, age, and war experiences from a contemporary perspective. ; Objetivo. Analizar las actitudes implícitas de estudiantes universitarios con respecto al perdón hacia exmiembros de grupos guerrilleros y grupos paramilitares en el marco del conflicto armado colombiano. Método. En Bogotá, 30 estudiantes universitarios respondieron a la prueba de asociación implícita (IAT), la cual mide actitudes implícitas, al utilizar las latencias de respuesta para medir la fuerza de la asociación entre diversos conceptos, y un cuestionario explícito relacionado con el perdón. Este análisis se hizo a la luz de la teoría de marcos relacionales, derivada del contextualismo funcional. Resultados. Las respuestas de los estudiantes permitieron observar una mayor asociación entre los conceptos de perdón y guerrilla, indicando que podría haber una mayor disposición a perdonar a exmiembros de este grupo armado en el contexto actual que vive el país. Conclusión. Esta investigación abre la posibilidad de explorar el tema del perdón en el posconflicto, incluyendo variables como la posición política, la edad y la experiencia frente a la guerra, desde una perspectiva conductual contemporánea. ; Escopo. Neste estudo foram analisadas as atitudes implícitas de estudantes universitários sobre o paredão para ex membros de grupos guerrilheiros e paramilitares no marco do conflito armado colombiano. Metodologia. 30 estudantes universitários, na cidade de Bogotá, responderam à prova de associação implícita IAT, a qual mede atitudes implícitas, ao utilizar as latências de respostas para medir a força da associação entre diferentes conceitos e um questionário explícito relacionado com o paredão. Nesta análise, foi feita sob a Teoria de Marcos Relacionais, derivada do contextualismo funcional. Resultados. As respostas dos estudantes permitiram observar uma maior associação entre os conceitos de perdão e guerrilha, indicando que poderia ter uma maior disposição a perdoar a ex membros de este grupo armado no contexto atual que vive o país. Conclusão. A pesquisa abre a possibilidade de explorar o tema do perdão no post-conflito incluindo variáveis como a posição política, a idade e a experiência frente à guerra desde uma perspectiva comportamental contemporânea.

El objetivo de este estudio es comprobar, en un contexto político real, si el paso de una situación de violencia política a un proceso de paz real exige el cambio de las creencias que hasta ese momento estaban al servicio del enfrentamiento. Se plantean dos hipótesis: a) si esas creencias no se modifican será difícil alcanzar un clima de confianza entre las partes y el proceso fracasará, y b) si eso sucede los grupos generarán creencias más extremas contra el adversario. Los resultados obtenidos mediante el análisis textual respaldan ese planteamiento. Durante el proceso de paz fallido no se modificó la estrategia de deslegitimación del oponente ni las identidades enfrentadas; y una vez que el proceso fracasó se le atribuyó la responsabilidad exclusivamente al adversario, al tiempo que se intensificó la deslegitimación del mismo ; The aim of this study is to test in a real political context whether or not a change in the beliefs which were fuelling the political violence in question is required during the advent of a peace process. Two hypothesis are considered: a) in the case of these beliefs not being modified, there will be difficulties to reach an atmosphere of trust between both parts and the process will fail, and b) if this happens, the groups will develop more extreme beliefs against the opponent. The results obtained through a textual analysis support both hypotheses. During the failure of the peace process, neither the strategy of the delegitimization of the opponent nor the identities in conflict were modified. Consequently, when the process failed, responsibility for this failure was attributed to the opponent, and, at the same time, delegitimization against the opponent intensified ; SI

In this study the speeches are analyzed of de-humanization of the adversary used by two armed illegal groups in Colombia: FARC-EP y AUC. The analysis of the data showed the existence of three linguistic categories that it is to the service of peace objective: proscription, characterization of features and of political categories to dehumanize. ; En este estudio se analizan los discursos de deshumanización del adversario empleados por dos grupos armados ilegales en Colombia: FARC-EP y AUC. El análisis de los datos puso de manifiesto la existencia de tres categorías lingüísticas que están al servicio de ese objetivo: proscripción, caracterización de rasgos y uso de rótulos políticos. También los resultados obtenidos muestran el carácter contextual y funcional de esas categorías de deshumanización.

This article explores processes that are significantly interconnected from a psychosocial perspective: forgiveness, justice, reconciliation, and peace. It encompasses part of the findings from the research project "Psychosocial Barriers to Peacebuilding and Reconciliation in Colombia," conducted during 2019 and the first half of 2020. The study was intended to understand beliefs about forgiveness, justice, and reconciliation among 256 individuals from 9 cities in Colombia. A qualitative design and a phenomenological-hermeneutic method were used, employing semi-structured and in-depth interviews. An intratextual and intertextual content analysis and theoretical coding at two levels (descriptive and hermeneutic) were performed, leading to the emergence of five categories: 1) conditional forgiveness and retributive justice; 2) neither forgiveness nor forgetting: death penalty and punitive retaliation: 3) compensatory forgiveness and transitional justice; 4) delegitimization of transitional justice: the offended; and 5) opportunities for reconciliation. The main results reveal that a retributive perspective of justice prevails among the participants, limiting the possibilities of forgiveness and reconciliation within the framework of the peace agreement between the Colombian State and the FARC-EP guerrilla. A significant but smaller group of interviewees find paths to forgiveness through the transitional justice mechanisms established by the agreement. The discussion revolves around how the prospect of creating spaces for peace and reconciliation appears to hinge on the potential to humanize the aggressor, particularly the low-ranking ex-combatant (a point of convergence in perspectives), presenting an opportunity for leveraging psychosocial interventions.

The present study analyzes the concepts of forgiveness, reconciliation and justice, in the context of the Colombian armed conflict, on the part of 68 victims of forced displacement who live in the town of Soacha (Cundinamarca, Colombia). It is based on a qualitative methodology drawn from grounded theory. It found that those victims understood forgiveness to involve a transition from negative to positive emotions, and as a synonym for forgetfulness, while reconciliation was understood as a means to restore broken links. Thus, in the context of an armed conflict, justice (restorative and / or distributive) is a requirement for securing forgiveness and reconciliation. The study also reveals the importance of religious faith in the acceptance of forgiveness and reconciliation by the victims.

En este estudio se analizan los discursos de deshumanización del adversario empleados por dos grupos armados ilegales en Colombia: FARC-EP y AUC. El análisis de los datos puso de manifiesto la existencia de tres categorías lingüísticas que están al servicio de ese objetivo: proscripción, caracterización de rasgos y uso de rótulos políticos. También los resultados obtenidos muestran el carácter contextual y funcional de esas categorías de deshumanización. ; In this study the speeches are analyzed of de-humanization of the adversary used by twoarmed illegal groups in Colombia: FARC-EP y AUC. The analysis of the data showed theexistence of three linguistic categories that it is to the service of peace objective: proscrip-tion, characterization of features and of political categories to dehumanize.

We present, in a synthetic way, some of the main findings from ten studies that were conducted in the field of ethics in politics, using the Functional Measurement framework. These studies were about (a) Angolan and Mozambican people's views about the legitimacy of military-humanitarian interventions, (b) French people's perspectives regarding the government's responsibility for the health of consumers of illicit substances, (c) Togolese people's views about the acceptability of political amnesties in a time of political transition, (d) the perspective of victims of the genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda regarding the attribution of guilt by association to offspring of perpetrators, (e) slave descendants' views about the acceptability of national policies on reparations for slavery, (f) Colombian people's willingness to forgive perpetrators of violence who harmed family members during the civil war, (g) the attitudes of French and Colombian people about national drug control policies, (h) Indian students' views about the appropriateness of the death penalty for murder or rape, (i) Colombian people's perspectives regarding corruption, and finally (j) Venezuelan people's conceptualization of human rights. The main findings are discussed in reference to six of the foundations of Moral Foundations Theory. ; Este texto presenta, de forma resumida, algunos de los principales resultados de diez estudios que se realizaron en el campo de la ética y la política, en el marco de la Medición Funcional. Estos estudios trataron de: (a) los puntos de vista de la gente de Angola y Mozambique sobre la legitimidad de las intervenciones militares-humanitaria; (b) las perspectivas de los franceses con respecto a la responsabilidad del gobierno con la salud de los consumidores de sustancias ilícitas; (c) las perspectivas de las personas de Togo acerca de la aceptabilidad de amnistías políticas en un momento de transición política; (d) las perspectivas de las víctimas del genocidio de los Tutsis en Ruanda en cuanto a la atribución de culpabilidad a los descendientes de los perpetradores de violencia; (e) los puntos de vista de los descendientes de esclavos acerca de la aceptabilidad de las políticas nacionales de reparaciones por la esclavitud; (f) la disposición de los colombianos a perdonar autores de la violencia que causaron daño a miembros de la familia durante el conflicto armado interno; (g) las actitudes de los franceses y colombianos acerca de las políticas nacionales de control de drogas; (h) los puntos de vista de los estudiantes indios acerca de la idoneidad de la pena de muerte por asesinato o violación; (i) las perspectivas de los colombianos con respecto a la corrupción, y, finalmente, (j) la conceptualización de los derechos humanos en la población venezolana. Los principales resultados se discuten en relación con seis de los fundamentos de la Teoría de los Fundamentos Morales.

We present, in a synthetic way, some of the main findings from ten studies that were conducted in the field of ethics in politics, using the Functional Measurement framework. These studies were about (a) Angolan and Mozambican people's views about the legitimacy of military-humanitarian interventions, (b) French people's perspectives regarding the government's responsibility for the health of consumers of illicit substances, (c) Togolese people's views about the acceptability of political amnesties in a time of political transition, (d) the perspective of victims of the genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda regarding the attribution of guilt by association to offspring of perpetrators, (e) slave descendants' views about the acceptability of national policies on reparations for slavery, (f) Colombian people's willingness to forgive perpetrators of violence who harmed family members during the civil war, (g) the attitudes of French and Colombian people about national drug control policies, (h) Indian students' views about the appropriateness of the death penalty for murder or rape, (i) Colombian people's perspectives regarding corruption, and finally (j) Venezuelan people's conceptualization of human rights. The main findings are discussed in reference to six of the foundations of Moral Foundations Theory. ; Este texto presenta, de forma resumida, algunos de los principales resultados de diez estudios que se realizaron en el campo de la ética y la política, en el marco de la Medición Funcional. Estos estudios trataron de: (a) los puntos de vista de la gente de Angola y Mozambique sobre la legitimidad de las intervenciones militares-humanitaria; (b) las perspectivas de los franceses con respecto a la responsabilidad del gobierno con la salud de los consumidores de sustancias ilícitas; (c) las perspectivas de las personas de Togo acerca de la aceptabilidad de amnistías políticas en un momento de transición política; (d) las perspectivas de las víctimas del genocidio de los Tutsis en Ruanda en cuanto a la atribución de culpabilidad a los descendientes de los perpetradores de violencia; (e) los puntos de vista de los descendientes de esclavos acerca de la aceptabilidad de las políticas nacionales de reparaciones por la esclavitud; (f) la disposición de los colombianos a perdonar autores de la violencia que causaron daño a miembros de la familia durante el conflicto armado interno; (g) las actitudes de los franceses y colombianos acerca de las políticas nacionales de control de drogas; (h) los puntos de vista de los estudiantes indios acerca de la idoneidad de la pena de muerte por asesinato o violación; (i) las perspectivas de los colombianos con respecto a la corrupción, y, finalmente, (j) la conceptualización de los derechos humanos en la población venezolana. Los principales resultados se discuten en relación con seis de los fundamentos de la Teoría de los Fundamentos Morales.

Control of negative emotions (e.g., anger and fear) by political cues perpetuate intractable conflict by mobilizing public support for aggressive actions. Halperin et al. (2013) found that reappraisal – an adaptive form of emotion regulation – decreased negative emotions triggered by anger-inducing information related to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and increased support for conciliatory statements. We tested these effects in the context of the conflict between the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP). Reappraisal training reduced negative emotions produced by a presentation that illustrated FARC's violent actions, and increased support for conciliatory statements (with overall moderate effect magnitudes). We also found that negative emotions mediated the effects of reappraisal on the support for aggressive and conciliatory statements. These findings indicate a high degree of generality of the phenomena, especially considering the differences between the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the Colombian conflict. Our findings also show promise for replicating these effects on other types of intergroup conflicts and guiding effective public policy.

Control of negative emotions (e.g., anger and fear) by political cues perpetuate intractable conflict by mobilizing public support for aggressive actions. Halperin et al. (2013) found that reappraisal – an adaptive form of emotion regulation – decreased negative emotions triggered by anger-inducing information related to the Israeli– Palestinian conflict, and increased support for conciliatory statements. We tested these effects in the context of the conflict between the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP). Reappraisal training reduced negative emotions produced by a presentation that illustrated FARC's violent actions, and increased support for conciliatory statements (with overall moderate effect magnitudes). We also found that negative emotions mediated the effects of reappraisal on the support for aggressive and conciliatory statements. These findings indicate a high degree of generality of the phenomena, especially considering the differences between the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the Colombian conflict. Our findings also show promise for replicating these effects on other types of intergroup conflicts and guiding effective public policy. ; Financial support for this research was provided by Fundación Universitaria Konrad Lorenz – grant number 9IN10181 ; SI