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Archie Rand's series of paintings, The Eighteen, presents
an interesting test for the supposed inclusiveness of "postmodern"
theory. A frankly redemptive investigation of Jewish prayer, it rejoices
in the freedoms of postmodern figuration, but because it offers neither
critique nor an account of identity formation, it is not—or rather
cannot be—recognized as a "valid" postmodern work. In the end,
this judgment says less about the quality of the work than it does about
the limits of postmodernism as it has been construed.

AbstractAsylum seekers are often portrayed as "bogus refugees" who try to abuse a destination country's generosity and protection. We scrutinise the use and effect of such a constructed abuse policy narrative in Swiss asylum referendums by examining the conveyance of this narrative by political elite actors (meso-level) and its effect on citizens' opinion formation (micro-level). On the meso-level, our analysis shows that political organisations rely more strongly on the abuse policy narrative (1) if a referendum proposal contains more tightening as opposed to streamlining policies and (2) if their political ideology is to the right. While the first finding also applies at the micro-level, voters from both the right and the centre are likely to base their decision on the abuse policy narrative. The fact that this narrative is convincing for centrist voters is particularly important as they usually play a decisive role in the outcome of asylum referendums.

This paper systematises knowledge of public participation by bringing together existing concepts and theories from planning literature to conceptualise the 3A 3 -framework of participation. The framework presents participation as an emergent phenomenon, shaped by the dimensions: actors, arenas and aims. Each of these dimensions consists of three interacting elements. The framework highlights interdependencies between these elements and reflects them in the light of their embeddedness in planning processes and the wider social, cultural, political, spatial and temporal context. The framework can be used to gain a better understanding of what constitutes the phenomenon of participation. It enables the reflection of different forms of participation and contributes to more nuanced, and context-sensitive conceptions of and approaches to public participation in planning.

Cities worldwide operate on the frontlines to support forced migrants. Some of these cities even overstep their formal prerogatives by refusing to comply with, and at times overtly subverting, the prescriptions of national authorities. This article builds a conceptual framework to understand such forms of insurgent urban asylum policy-making. We argue that insurgency depends on how city governments mediate the constraints and opportunities that emanate from the horizontal and vertical dimensions of multi-level governance, which capture city-level political dynamics as well as intergovernmental interactions. To illustrate our framework, we compare asylum policy-making in Barcelona, Milan, and Munich during the 2010s "refugee crisis." While Munich invested in rather uncontroversial integration programs, Milan and Barcelona overstepped their jurisdictional boundaries and supported migrants considered "illegal" by national governments. These insurgent responses were enacted as a "remedy from below," stemming from a sense of urgency that was not as pressing for Munich's policy-makers because of the greater capacity of Germany's asylum system.

Densifying existing settlements is a top planning priority worldwide. Its main goals include protecting undeveloped land, reducing CO2 emissions, and the provision of housing. Despite a common acceptance of densification as a planning strategy, the local implementation of densification tends to provoke local opposition. Based on the analysis of a survey on densification preferences (including an adaptive conjoint experiment), this paper examines how residents assess potential densification projects in the Canton of Zurich in Switzerland. The results indicate that residents tend to accept densification in general, but not in their own neighbourhood. Residents in urban neighbourhoods are more likely to accept densification, and if they resist it, they tend to be driven by NIMBY behaviour. The higher likelihood of resistance to densification in suburban and rural contexts seems to be based on either broader anti-growth sentiments or on NIMBY behaviour. Different project characteristics (project-related factors) can explain residents' acceptance of and resistance to densification projects, yet the neighbourhood types in which residents live moderate the impact of these project-related factors. Our findings distinguish between the preferences of residents who live in different residential neighbourhood types and can thus provide planners with a starting point from which to craft context-dependent densification projects tailored to these different neighbourhood types. ; ISSN:0169-2046 ; ISSN:1872-6062

Cities worldwide develop a variety of urban policies that address the precarious situation of irregular migrants. By doing so, cities intervene in a policy-making realm that is commonly perceived as the prerogative of national states and they thereby challenge the national state as the only regulatory body over immigration and citizenship. We compare policy-making in support of irregular migrants in the two biggest Swiss cities of Geneva and Zürich. Whereas Genevan authorities and local societal actors established a successful regularisation programme (called Operation Papyrus), actors in Zürich aim to create an urban ID card programme (called Züri City Card). We find that the institutional setting of the two cities (as a city-state or as a city in a state), the presence or absence of multilevel governance networks as well as societal actors' different venue shopping strategies are key for explaining these different urban policy-making processes. Cities formulate place-based urban policy responses, but these specific urban policies can be viewed within the global struggles to improve the precarious situations of irregular migrants and to fight exclusionary national politics. In essence, this article documents and explains how cities contest national state sovereignty over immigration and citizenship and it thereby calls for an urbanisation of migration theory and practice. ; ISSN:0042-0980 ; ISSN:1360-063X

Around the world, centrally-located land is scarce, making the sustainable use of available land a necessity. As a consequence, policymakers worldwide pursue strategies that aim to densify existing settlements. However, concrete densification projects tend to provoke (local) opposition. We examine how individuals assess general and local densification in Switzerland. The Swiss case is particularly interesting due to its high population density and recent spatial planning policy shifts towards densification. We base our analysis on a choice experiment that relies on a representative sample of 3003 residents. The results indicate that residents support general densification but reject such projects within their neighborhoods, leading to substantial shifts in support for densification. However, opposition to densification differs depending on the neighborbood type individuals live in and on project-related factors. These differences point to possible opportunities for increasing the acceptance of densifying our settlements.

Cities worldwide develop a variety of urban policies that address the precarious situation of irregular migrants. By doing so, cities intervene in a policy-making realm that is commonly perceived as the prerogative of national states and they thereby challenge the national state as the only regulatory body over immigration and citizenship. We compare policy-making in support of irregular migrants in the two biggest Swiss cities of Geneva and Zürich. Whereas Genevan authorities and local societal actors established a successful regularisation programme (called Operation Papyrus), actors in Zürich aim to create an urban ID card programme (called Züri City Card). We find that the institutional setting of the two cities (as a city-state or as a city in a state), the presence or absence of multilevel governance networks as well as societal actors' different venue shopping strategies are key for explaining these different urban policy-making processes. Cities formulate place-based urban policy responses, but these specific urban policies can be viewed within the global struggles to improve the precarious situations of irregular migrants and to fight exclusionary national politics. In essence, this article documents and explains how cities contest national state sovereignty over immigration and citizenship and it thereby calls for an urbanisation of migration theory and practice.