Suchergebnisse

ObjectiveThis study aims to explore how equitable paternity leave policy may combine with other family policy to impact fertility levels.BackgroundThe decision to start a family is personal but takes place in the context of policies that vary in level of support. Although policies offering fathers paid leave from work are expected to promote gender equity and make family formation easier, these policies have been implemented with little evidence of effectiveness.MethodThis study uses fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis to study data from the International Labour Organization, the World Bank, and the International Leave Network to compare policies systematically across 43 countries.ResultsEmploying the paternity leave equity typology, evidence suggests that high increases in fertility are found in countries where paternity leave policies promote equity in combination with other factors, or in less affluent countries where women tend to start families later and experience less paid labor market participation.ConclusionThis research suggests that a one‐size‐fits‐all approach may not promote fertility.ImplicationsIn addition to equity in parental leave, policymakers should consider a range of factors that affect parents, especially women's participation in the workforce and age at first birth. Further research is needed to identify conditions in which equitable paternity leaves are most effective so policymakers can develop evidence‐based policies best suited to meeting their goals.

This paper examines whether retirement-income systems allow older individuals to enjoy socially acceptable income levels independent of paid work (decommodification) and the family (defamilialization). Little research has investigated the degree to which decommodification and defamilialization levels, whether from public or private sources, vary by age. We employ the Luxembourg Income Study to compare Canada, Finland, France, Germany, Sweden, and the United States. This study applies the Pythagorean Theorem to measure autonomy, then explores whether members experience decommodification and defamilialization levels predicted for their system. Our results show Sweden and Canada provide highest autonomy levels, Finland, France and the United States provide moderate levels, and Germany low levels. We find age polarity: Swedes and Finns who are decommodified and defamilialized tend to be younger than age 70. Individuals who are decommodified and defamilialized through the retirement-income systems of Canada, France, Germany, and the United States, however, tend to be older than age 75. Some experts contend systems have converged, yet retirement-income systems do not produce similar autonomy levels. Outcomes for system members vary by age, suggesting reformers cannot take 'one size fits all' approaches.

Independent children's rights institutions (ICRIs) have been established across the world. Endorsed by the UN, they are independent of their governments and endowed with legal powers. Yet we know little about how ICRIs function. How do they work? What impacts their success? What objectives do ICRIs seek to achieve? The contributors to this edited collection provide first-hand experiences in directing, working for, and studying ICRIs and detail their unique, in-depth accounts of factors shaping ICRIs' efforts to monitor and advance children's rights. Chapters examine ICRIs in Belgium, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, the Netherlands, Pakistan, and the United States, as well as an extraordinary network of ICRIs, and introduce innovative ideas of how to think about ICRIs' independence and legal powers. Offering perspectives from across the world, this volume provides both theoretical and practical insights on a crucial element of children's rights, independent children's rights institutions. The Roles of Independent Children's Rights Institutions in Advancing Human Rights of Children is essential reading for students, researchers, and scholars interested in studies of sociology of childhood, law and society, children's rights, and human rights.

This article examines how digital inequalities give rise to privacy practices and resource acquisition strategies among disadvantaged youths. Based on in-depth interview data, the article probes the hidden costs of digital inequality among high school students in an agricultural belt of California. The analysis pays special attention to high-achieving students engaging in capital-enhancing activities such as schoolwork and college applications necessitating the use of digital resources. The findings examine the emotional costs paid by disadvantaged strivers whose privacy is compromised in their struggles to obtain the digital resources critical to college admissions, scholarship, and financial aid applications—almost all of which must be completed online. More specifically, the data show how youths facing a dearth of digital resources must manage their lack of physical privacy and digital footprints, as well as adaptively disclose private information to resource gatekeepers. When underresourced youths seek digital resources necessary for capital-enhancing activities, they must weigh the benefits of access to resources against the emotional costs of potentially shaming disclosures. In this way, for these youths lacking resources but with high educational aspirations, privacy and resource acquisition are negotiated processes that require emotional labor.

Although traditional research has indicated the dominance of assimilation by French natives regarding immigrants' adoption of French sociocultural practices, it is contended that French natives maintain disparate views regarding immigration practices. Interviews conducted with 18,548 French mayors examined the validity of ethnopolitical, prejudicial, demographic, & economic explanations for French native attitudes toward immigrants' acceptance of assimilationism. The findings indicate that the ethnopolitical explanation, headed by the anti-immigrant agenda of the growing National Front Party, demonstrates the greatest influence on immigrants' adherence to assimilationism. In addition, it is believed that immigrant communities with large North African populations are less inclined to accept assimilationist practices. It is concluded that political, rather than general prejudicial, manipulations of nativism are most threatening to the French assimilationist paradigm. 3 Tables, 45 References. Adapted from the source document.