Suchergebnisse

India is a democratic country and unlike some other countries where the citizens are not allowed to express their views and expression. In India the citizens are guaranteed of freedom of speech and expression under Article 19 (1)(a) of the Indian constitution under which people are free to express their views but this right is not absolute there are some restrictions mentioned in the constitution.

In India, today, we are witness to the quiet rise of the figure of Mahar Sidnak, iconized and lionized as a warrior of the oppressed from the early nineteenth century. This is electrifying the anticaste struggle and energizing the militant youth, a source of inspiration as historical as it is mythical. Are material issues, or "real struggle," really so opposed to the question of the "mythical past"?

Abstract
Do women combatants experience war and post-war "peace" in the same way? Existing studies on gender and war treat women combatants as a homogeneous group with similar identities, interests, and statuses experiencing the war uniformly. I argue that women combatants' experiences of war and post-war "peace" cannot be detached from their multiple statuses, positions, and identities. I follow the stories of five women ex-combatants in the Maoist insurgency in Nepal at different spatial and temporal spaces out of thirty-nine semi-structured interviews that I conducted in Nepal (2017–2018). The women ex-combatants come from the same rank but from different caste, class, ethnicity, marital status, social status, education status, and geographical location. I use a feminist intersectional framework inspired by "matrix of domination" while using intersectionality also as a method. My research shows that women ex-combatants' experiences of the insurgency and post-insurgency lives have been molded by their intersectional positions and identities in complex ways. This work not only contributes to the holistic understanding of the war in its complexity but also has implications for designing the policy interventions aimed at the prevention of armed conflict and building sustainable post-war "peace."
¿Las mujeres combatientes experimentan la guerra y la "paz" de la posguerra de igual manera? En estudios existentes sobre género y guerra, se considera a las mujeres combatientes como un grupo homogéneo, con identidades, intereses y estatus semejantes, que experimentan la guerra de manera similar. En esta investigación, sostengo que las experiencias de las combatientes sobre la guerra y la "paz" de la posguerra no pueden desvincularse de sus diferentes identidades, posiciones y estatus. Realicé un recorrido por las historias de cinco excombatientes de la insurgencia maoísta en Nepal, en diferentes situaciones espaciotemporales, mediante treinta y nueve entrevistas semiestructuradas que llevé a cabo en Nepal (2017–2018). Las excombatientes tenían el mismo rango, pero diferían en ciertos aspectos como su casta, clase social, etnia, estado civil, estado social, nivel de educación y ubicación geográfica. Utilicé un marco interseccional feminista inspirado en la "matriz de dominación" en combinación con la interseccionalidad como método de análisis. En mi investigación, demuestro que las identidades y posiciones interseccionales de las excombatientes moldearon, de manera compleja, sus experiencias de vida en la insurgencia y posinsurgencia. Este trabajo no solo contribuye a lograr una comprensión integral de la guerra, en toda su complejidad, sino que además tiene implicancias para diseñar intervenciones sobre políticas que eviten conflictos armados y construyan una "paz" de posguerra sostenible.
Les femmes combattantes vivent-elles la guerre et la « paix » d'après-guerre de la même manière ? Les études existantes sur le genre et la guerre traitent les femmes combattantes comme un groupe homogène dont les membres ont des identités, des intérêts et des statuts similaires et vivent la guerre d'une manière uniforme. Je soutiens que les façons dont les femmes combattantes vivent la guerre et la « paix » d'après-guerre ne peuvent pas être détachées de leurs multiples statuts, positions et identités. J'ai suivi les histoires de cinq femmes ex-combattantes de l'insurrection maoïste au Népal à différents moments et en différents lieux par le biais de trente-neuf entretiens semi-structurés que j'ai menés au Népal (2017–2018). Ces ex-combattantes avaient le même grade mais leur caste, leur classe, leur ethnicité, leur situation maritale, leur statut social, leur niveau d'étude et leur origine géographique n'étaient pas identiques. J'ai employé un cadre féministe intersectionnel inspiré de la « matrice de domination » ainsi qu'une méthode d'intersectionnalité. Ma recherche montre que les façons dont les ex-combattantes ont vécu l'insurrection et l'après-insurrection ont été modelées de manières complexes par leurs identités et positions intersectionnelles. Ce travail contribue non seulement à la compréhension holistique de la guerre dans sa complexité, mais a également des implications pour la conception des interventions politiques visant à prévenir les conflits armés et à établir une « paix » durable après la guerre.

Prior to closing, M&A transactions often entail information exchanges between parties for various reasons. This information that is shared both prior and post the completion of the transaction are to comply with the provisions of the anti-trust laws of the concerned nations to ensure a fair and free market that is devoid of monopolistic entities. The anti-competitive agreements entered into by rival corporations and firms play a major role in keeping the new mergers and combinations that will swallow up the free market at bay. The regulation and enforcement of these anti-competitive agreements and anti-trust laws differ from nation to nation. In this article, the legal provisions and precedents of anti-competitive agreements of India, United States of America and the European Union and the roles they play in the mergers and acquisitions that are transacted in their respective free markets are examined.

AbstractI develop a dynamic model of judge‐made law in which the ideal legal rule is unknown but can be learned. In contrast to existing articles, the flow of cases heard by the court is affected by the court's prior decisions. The model highlights the significance of this feedback in explaining when and why the court will write broader or narrower opinions, and the long‐run properties of common law. In equilibrium, the law settles endogenously, because the incentives to make legally controversial choices disappear as the law evolves. Settled law exhibits residual uncertainty and ambiguity, and potentially implements inefficient outcomes.

Given that refugees may be fleeing from political, social, racial, ethnic, or religious persecution, they are not expected to be economically independent upon arrival to the United States. Considerable state and federal resources are specifically aimed at the economic assimilation of refugees in the United States. In this article, I examine the extent to which average refugee wages have assimilated toward those of their native counterparts in the United States. Among synthetic cohorts from 1990 to 2000, most recent young refugees increase average refugee wages by approximately 17 percent within a decade. Similarly, in the period between 2000 and 2010, the gains for young and recent refugees increase average refugee wages by approximately 22 percent. In contrast, across both decades, duration effects for the oldest refugee cohorts — irrespective of their length of stay in the United States — exert a considerable downward push on average refugee wages. The contrasts in wage contributions for the oldest and youngest cohorts are less extreme for non-refugee immigrants. These findings underscore the importance of age at entry into the United States for wage assimilation, especially in the case of refugees.

In bicameral legislatures, the protection of small states often motivates the malapportionment of the upper house. Using a legislative bargaining model, I show that malapportionment may produce the opposite effect. Under unicameralism, same‐state legislators are shown to not inherently be coordinated to cooperate, diminishing the fear of a big‐state conspiracy. By contrast, under bicameralism, preference complementarities enable upper‐house legislators to effectively coordinate their state delegations, and this skews the expected allocation in favor of big states. Hence, unless bicameralism significantly increases their agenda power, small states will fare even worse under bicameralism whenever they are disadvantaged under unicameralism.

The 19th century was the time for cracking in 'Achalayatan' of Bangla. Here Achalayatan refers to the drawbacks of the middle age society.           The Bengalese was awakening by Western education and culture. And the changes came in politics, education, and literature etc.The lamp of the changing was carried by the urban aristocrat and middle class people."Eisamayeanagarbasibangaleemadhobitosrenirmodheaeknabochetonaesechllo—eichetonai 'Adhunikata'â€.(Bangaleernabochetonariitihas, SwapanBasu)As a result the change came in thinking also. The Bengalese judged their current customs. They arouse questions about social values. The class aware people spread their vision.