Suchergebnisse

Sexual abuse reporting rates, which are low in general, are thought to be even worse for those living within British South Asian communities. After brief consideration of why British South Asian women and children do not report sexual abuse, this article focuses on the working practices of the non-governmental agencies that support such women. It reflects on existing legislation and policy and makes several key recommendations with reference to how this, along with practice, should change. The findings indicate an urgent need for a national training programme; the implementation of mandatory healthy relationship programmes; enhanced community involvement; outreach work; and the creation of victim groups and mentor schemes.

In May 2012, nine men from the Rochdale area of Manchester were found guilty of sexually exploiting a number of underage girls. Media reporting on the trial focused on the fact that eight of the men were of Pakistani descent, while all the girls were white. Framing similar cases in Preston, Rotherham, Derby, Shropshire, Oxford, Telford and Middlesbrough as ethnically motivated, the media incited moral panic over South Asian grooming gangs preying on white girls. While these cases shed light on the broader problem of sexual exploitation in Britain, they also reveal continuing misconceptions that stereotype South Asian men as 'natural' perpetrators of these crimes due to culturally-specific notions of hegemonic masculinity. Examining newspaper coverage from 2012 to 2013, this article discusses the discourse of the British media's portrayal of South Asian men as perpetrators of sexual violence against white victims, inadvertently construing 'South Asian men' as 'folk devils'.

On 3 August 2012, Shafilea Ahmed's parents were convicted of her murder, nine years after the brutal 'honour' killing. The case offers important insights into how 'honour'-based violence might be tackled without constructing non-Western cultures as inherently uncivilised. Critiquing the framing devices that structure British debates about 'honour'-based violence demonstrates the prevalence of Orientalist tropes, revealing the need for new ways of thinking about culture that do not reify it or treat it as a singular entity that can only be tackled in its entirety; instead, it is important to recognise that cultures consist of multiple, intersecting signifying practices that are continually 'creolising'. Thus, rather than talking purely about culture, debates on 'honour'-based violence should explore the intersection of culture with gender and other axes of differentiation and inequality.

In 1998, the Labour government introduced legislation broadening British sentencing powers in relation to crimes aggravated by the offender's hostility towards the victim's actual or perceived race, religion, sexual orientation or disability. Gender is a notable omission from this list. Through a survey of eighty-eight stakeholders working in the violence against women (VAW) sector, this paper explores both the potential benefits and possible disadvantages of adding a gender-based category concerned with VAW to British hate crime legislation. The majority of participants believed that a hate crime approach would offer significant benefits, especially in terms of the symbolic power of the law to send a message to society that VAW is unacceptable. However, most also recognised that the addition of a VAW category to current legislation would involve major practical and conceptual difficulties, not least those resulting from problematic assumptions about the nature of hate crimes versus VAW, and a general unwillingness on the part of policy-makers to address the socio-cultural inequalities that underpin VAW. Overall, the fact that the majority of participants favoured inclusion, on the basis that the possible symbolic benefits were likely to outweigh the potential practical disadvantages, is significant: it speaks to the power of hate crime legislation to challenge many forms of inequality and discrimination still endemic in British society.

In this interdisciplinary collection leading experts and scholars from criminology, psychology, law and history provide a compelling analysis of practices and beliefs that lead to violence against women, men and children in the name 'honour'. Anja Bredal, Institute for Social Research, Norway Selen Ayirtman Ercan, University of Canberra, Australia Dana Mohammed Olwan, Simon Fraser University, British Columbia Rupa Reddy, School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), UK Jocelynne A. Scutt, University of Buckingham, UK Suruchi Thapar-Björkert, University of Uppsala, Sweden

Since the gang rape and murder of Jyoti Singh Pandey in 2012 India has generated an enormous amount of national and international media attention and a reputation for sexual violence, pointing to the country's "endemic problem" (Washington Post, 2012). The rape led to widespread protests, by students and wider society, particularly in Delhi. Notwithstanding these recent events, rape has long been, in fact, a catalyst for feminist and social movement responses in India. This paper will focus on three cases of 'stranger rape' that have been valourized as pivotal moments for feminist activism on sexual violence within the country. Reformulating the concept of the critical event as sites of potential ambivalence for Indian feminists the paper explores the manner in which feminist activism on rape in India has shifted since the 1970s. Through the eyes of various feminist actors, from various age groups, the paper examines whether the ideological, social and policy consequences of these events can been perceived as empowering for feminist activism in India. Ultimately, these transformations highlight some of the strengths, problems and dilemmas of Indian feminist political action in the 21st century, particularly faced with the gender challenges of a rapidly globalising neo-liberal Indian political economy.

Since the gang rape and murder of Jyoti Singh Pandey in 2012 India has generated an enormous amount of national and international media attention and a reputation for sexual violence, pointing to the country's "endemic problem" (Washington Post, 2012). The rape led to widespread protests, by students and wider society, particularly in Delhi. Notwithstanding these recent events, rape has long been, in fact, a catalyst for feminist and social movement responses in India. This paper will focus on three cases of 'stranger rape' that have been valourized as pivotal moments for feminist activism on sexual violence within the country. Reformulating the concept of the critical event as sites of potential ambivalence for Indian feminists the paper explores the manner in which feminist activism on rape in India has shifted since the 1970s. Through the eyes of various feminist actors, from various age groups, the paper examines whether the ideological, social and policy consequences of these events can be perceived as empowering for feminist activism in India. Ultimately, these transformations highlight some of the strengths, problems and dilemmas of Indian feminist political action in the 21st century, particularly faced with the gender challenges of a rapidly globalising neo-liberal Indian political economy.

AbstractVictims of honour‐based violence/abuse (HBV/A), forced marriage (FM), and female genital mutilation (FGM) are now defined as 'priority groups' in the UK's Code of Practice for Victims of Crime (commonly known as the Victims' Code of Practice or VCOP). These groups encompass: those who are affected by the most serious forms of crime; those persistently targeted by crime; those vulnerable by age or physical or mental health; and those classified as intimidated victims. The Code recommends that these victims receive a 'priority service' that includes rapid needs assessment and enhanced support. This article draws upon research commissioned by a county police force in southern England which wanted to develop its provision for 'priority service' victims. It analyses data gathered from interviews with victims and multi‐agency practitioners and explores four dimensions of victim and practitioner experience: recording and locating victims; initiating a case; modes of protecting victims; and closing a case. It also discusses future directions and challenges for priority victim work in England and elsewhere, and identifies the many challenges experienced by practitioners working to support the victims of HBV/A, FM, and FGM. It argues that the voices of both victims and practitioners must be considered in the co‐creation of future priority services in this field.

This article examines the use of Forced Marriage Protection Orders (FMPOs) in England and Wales to determine which framing narratives affect the outcomes of FMPO cases. Forced marriage is marriage without the consent of one or both parties and is legally recognised as a form of domestic violence in the UK that primarily affects women and girls; FMPOs are civil injunctions designed to prevent forced marriage and protect its victims. Although approximately 200-250 FMPOs have been granted annually across Northern Ireland, England and Wales since 2014, little is known about how the legislation functions. This study used a qualitative socio-legal approach to understand the application and interpretation of the law and the broader socio-political context that shapes this process. It analysed 33 FMPO-related judgements, finding that perceptions of culture, consent, disability and victim credibility influenced how evidence was interpreted and how forced marriage was constructed. It also examined case outcomes and found that FMPOs were breached in a substantial minority of cases and that victims with disabilities faced significant barriers to justice. The study makes a number of recommendations to ensure that FMPOs can function effectively, such as providing training for judges and legal personnel and offering greater witness support.