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AbstractHousework is asymmetrically distributed by gender. This uneven allocation is an important indicator of inequality between women and men. The imbalance is closing, although exactly why remains uncertain. It is also unclear if the convergence has more to do with women's lives becoming more like men's, or whether it is because men are changing their practices on the home front. Using 30 years of nationally representative time use diary data, we explore three broad theoretical frameworks addressing social change—cultural, structural, and demographic—to examine how and why the gender dynamics around housework are shifting. We find that structural factors, and in particular women's engagement with paid work, have changed most sharply as drivers of greater symmetry in domestic labor, although changing cultural beliefs have contributed as well. Furthermore, there have been significant changes in men's behavior. One focal point for this domestic change is in men's and women's shifting practices around childcare. Intensive parenting, not just intensive mothering, has become more prevalent.

Dans cet article, nous montrons, en prenant comme exemple la Fondation canadienne pour l'innovation (FCI), comment les politiques canadiennes en matière de sciences engendrent des formes de « stratifications » à l'intérieur des universités et entre celles-ci. Il existe des différences importantes dans les fonds qu'accorde la FCI selon les champs de connaissances, et cela a entraîné des inégalités croissantes dans le soutien financier dont disposent les chercheurs pour réaliser leurs travaux. Ces inégalités ont de plus renforcé certains modèles de changements, aux plans financier et organisationnel, qui sont en train de refaçonner le fonctionnement des universités. Nous concluons en discutant certaines implications importantes de ce rôle que joue la FCI en imposant une réorganisation de l'enseignement supérieur au Canada.

In this paper we examine how individual-level characteristics and national context affect attitudes toward immigration. Although many previous studies have compared attitudes toward immigration across countries, little attention has been paid to how attitudes may be affected by changes within a country over time. We take advantage of seventeen national Canadian Gallup surveys to consider how differences in national economic conditions and changing immigration flows affect attitudes and changes in attitudes between 1975 and 2000. While the state of the national economy affects attitudes this is not the case for the rate of immigration. Rather than affecting some groups more than others the state of the economy has a relatively uniform effect across groups. Our results also show that far from being a continuum, being anti-immigration and being pro-immigration are qualitatively different. Interest, ideology, and the national economy affect anti-immigration sentiments, but only ideology affects pro-immigration sentiments.

Une étude de 1975 portant sur L'évaluation du prestige des titres de profession spécifiés comme détenus par un homme ou une femme a été répétée en 2000. Les deux enquêtes ont été conduites à Kitchener‐Waterloo en Ontario. Alors que les données de 1975 accordaient un avantage de cinq points en moyenne aux hommes sur les femmes, ce fossé des sexes a disparu en 2000. Dans les postes où le travail est plus axé sur les personnes, les femmes se voient maintenant accorder un plus haut prestige que les hommes. L'article fait référence à la manière dont ces changements sociaux sont liés au cours du dernier quart de siècle à une convergence dans L'identification sexuelle des professions. Les sources de variation dans les évaluations de L'échantillonnage de 2000 sont analysées et considérées comme minimes quoique les répondants ayant un plus haut degré d'éducation classent toutes les professions légèrement à la baisse.A 1975 study on the evaluation of the prestige of occupational titles specified as held by a man or a woman was replicated in 2000. Both surveys were collected in Kitchener‐Waterloo, Ontario. While the 1975 data revealed an average five‐point advantage to men over women, this gender gap had disappeared by the year 2000. In more people‐oriented work, women are now accorded higher prestige than men. The paper refers to how these social changes are linked with convergence over the quarter century in the sex typing of occupations. Sources of variation in ratings within the 2000 sample are examined and found to be minimal, although more highly educated respondents grade all occupations slightly on the low side.

La representativite des politiciens Clus est un element important du processus electoral. Dans cet article, nous Pvaluons I'evolution au cours des deux derniPres decennies des profils professionnels des candidats, deputes et ministres de la Couronne au niveau federal de la politique canadienne. Nous utilisons les donnees des Rapports du Directeur general des elections, pour les elections de 1965 B 1984. Nous montrons que la representation la plus diversifiee des origines socio‐Cconomiques se trouve au niveau des candidats, alors que les deputes ont tendance B provenir de groupes a statut professionel plus Cleve. Quant aux ministres de la Couronne, la tendance dominante demeure une appartenance aux secteurs professionnels.This paper examines one central component of the electoral process ‐ the representativeness of elected politicians. We assess changes over the last two decades in the prepolitical occupational backgrounds of candidates, members of Parliament (MPS), and Cabinet Ministers in Canadian federal politics. Using information from the Chief Electoral Office Reports for the elections between 1965 and 1984, we show that the broadest representation of socio‐economic backgrounds occurs for candidates, while MPS have come increasingly from high status occupational backgrounds. For Cabinet Ministers, representation from professional fields remains overwhelming.

AbstractPublic opinion regarding environmental issues has attracted considerable scholarly attention during the 1990s. Less attention has been paid to links between environmentally friendly attitudes and "green" behaviour and the degree to which behaviour is context or value-driven, especially in Canada. Using survey data from British Columbia, this article analyzes these links, paying particular attention to differences between public perceptions of local versus global environment, and how these concerns influence behaviour. The analysis also demonstrates the importance of distinguishing between different types of behaviour. While the crucial role of postmaterial values for three kinds of environmentally friendly behaviour is confirmed, other factors, particularly left/right ideological differences and personal financial circumstances emerge as significant explanatory variables. "Green consumer behaviour" is largely determined by local context. Local concerns also drive "green political activity," but value differences are crucial as well. Left/right differences and personal financial circumstances are especially important in explaining "green pocketbook behaviour" — willingness to incur costs, either personally or through taxes, for environmental protection and enhancement.