Suchergebnisse

Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet den Einfluss zwischenstaatlicher Organisationen auf die unerwünschte Migration in Westeuropa seit den 1930er Jahren. Dabei wird insbesondere auf die Entwicklungen in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten eingegangen, vor allem während der Großen Depression in den 1930er, der Rezession in den 1970ern und frühen 1980er Jahre sowie der gegenwärtigen globalen Krise im Finanzsektor. Bei den betrachteten zwischenstaatlichen Organisationen handelt es sich um den Völkerbund in den 1930ern sowie um die Europäische Kommission ab den 1970er Jahren. Die Einflussmöglichkeiten der Europäischen Kommission auf die Politik der westeuropäischen Staaten im Bereich der unerwünschten Migration sind seit den erfolglosen Ansätzen des Völkerbundes in den 1930ern beträchtlich gestiegen, vor allem im Vorfeld der aktuellen Wirtschaftskrise. Diesem Machtzuwachs steht jedoch ein geringer werdendes Wohlwollen seitens der Europäischen Kommission gegenüber, da Brüssel die unerwünschte Migration zunehmend aus dem Blickwinkel von Sicherheit und Justiz und nicht nur als soziales und kulturelles Thema betrachtet und damit nun einen Standpunkt einnimmt, der große Ähnlichkeit mit dem der westeuropäischen Staaten aufweist. ; This article chronicles the influence of intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) over unwanted migration in Western Europe since the 1930s. It pays particular attention to what occurred during times of economic crisis, especially the Great Depression in the 1930s, the recession-hit 1970s and early 1980s, and the current global financial difficulties. The IGOs under consideration are the League of Nations during the 1930s and the European Commission from the 1970s onwards. The European Commission's ability to influence West European states' policies on unwanted migration has grown considerably since the League of Nations' unsuccessful attempts in the 1930s, especially in the lead-up to the current economic crisis. This increase in power has been offset, however, by a decrease in the European Commission's sympathy as Brussels increasingly regards unwanted migration as a security and justice issue rather than as a social and cultural one in a move that bears close resemblance to the stance of West European states.

This article details the central role-often overlooked in the literature-played by committed individuals and interested parties in establishing the refugee definition contained in the 1951 Refugee Convention. It conveys the struggle that took place between the two camps of national representatives who finalized the Convention, termed the 'universalists' and 'Europeanists' by one contemporary diplomat because of their contrasting geographical and conceptual preferences. Although various regional and international developments have complemented and broadened Article 1 significantly over the last 60 years, none of them have actually replaced it. Recent discussions over the need to adapt a more 'political' or 'humanitarian' refugee definition do not represent a new phenomenon; they merely resemble a modern continuation of the contrasting views put forward by a variety of personalities involved in the formation of the 1951 Refugee Convention. Adapted from the source document.

This article chronicles the influence of intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) over
unwanted migration in Western Europe since the 1930s. It pays particular attention
to what occurred during times of economic crisis, especially the Great Depression
in the 1930s, the recession-hit 1970s and early 1980s, and the current global financial
difficulties. The IGOs under consideration are the League of Nations during the 1930s
and the European Commission from the 1970s onwards. The European Commission's ability
to influence West European states' policies on unwanted migration has grown considerably
since the League of Nations' unsuccessful attempts in the 1930s, especially in the
lead-up to the current economic crisis. This increase in power has been offset, however,
by a decrease in the European Commission's sympathy as Brussels increasingly regards
unwanted migration as a security and justice issue rather than as a social and cultural
one in a move that bears close resemblance to the stance of West European states.

Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet den Einfluss zwischenstaatlicher Organisationen auf die
unerwünschte Migration in Westeuropa seit den 1930er Jahren. Dabei wird insbesondere
auf die Entwicklungen in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten eingegangen, vor allem während
der Großen Depression in den 1930er, der Rezession in den 1970ern und frühen 1980er
Jahre sowie der gegenwärtigen globalen Krise im Finanzsektor. Bei den betrachteten
zwischenstaatlichen Organisationen handelt es sich um den Völkerbund in den 1930ern
sowie um die Europäische Kommission ab den 1970er Jahren. Die Einflussmöglichkeiten
der Europäischen Kommission auf die Politik der westeuropäischen Staaten im Bereich
der unerwünschten Migration sind seit den erfolglosen Ansätzen des Völkerbundes in
den 1930ern beträchtlich gestiegen, vor allem im Vorfeld der aktuellen Wirtschaftskrise.
Diesem Machtzuwachs steht jedoch ein geringer werdendes Wohlwollen seitens der Europäischen
Kommission gegenüber, da Brüssel die unerwünschte Migration zunehmend aus dem Blickwinkel
von Sicherheit und Justiz und nicht nur als soziales und kulturelles Thema betrachtet
und damit nun einen Standpunkt einnimmt, der große Ähnlichkeit mit dem der westeuropäischen
Staaten aufweist.

Defence date: 23 November 2009 ; Examining Board: Prof. Jay Winter (Yale) [supervisor]; Prof. Rainer Bauböck (EUI); Prof. Gil Loescher (University of Oxford); Prof. Leo Lucassen (Leiden) ; First made available online 20 March 2019 ; The primary purpose of this interdisciplinary study is to show the value of history in investigating asylum policymaking from 1989 to 2008. Chapter 1 provides a short summary of asylum before 1989. It focuses especially on the power, influence and composition of actors who advocated for generous asylum policies and actors who proposed restrictive asylum policies at crucial times throughout the twentieth century. Chapters 2, 3 and 4 analyse the case studies of Australia, Italy and Ireland. By setting traditional emigration countries against a traditional immigration country, EU countries against a non-EU country, Catholic countries against a multidenominational country, islands against a peninsula, common law states against a civil law state, as well as countries where boat people drove asylum debates against one that lacked boat people, many divergences and convergences emerged. Every country had, to a certain degree, a unique asylum system based on its own history, identity and geography. The comparative Chapter 5 reveals that despite inherent national differences, noticeable international asylum trends also appeared during this period. In contrast to people who applied for asylum during the Cold War, asylum applicants in the 1990s provided limited political and economic returns for receiver states. Accordingly, governing political parties inclined towards the formation of more restrictive asylum policies. But secular and religious NGOs, INGOs and certain opposition political parties loudly protested by referencing humanitarian ideals, national commitments to human rights and the rule of law. Acknowledging the challenges posed by actors sympathetic to asylum seekers, governments in the 2000s attempted to securitize and externalise asylum, reduce the influence of the courts, and expedite the deportation of rejected asylum seekers. The conclusion suggests that governments in Europe, North America and Australasia are likely to build on advances made through the 2000s to restrict asylum even further in the next decade, especially in the wake of the economic crisis of 2008- 09.

The release of Peter Clarke's biography of Sir Stafford Cripps in 2002, with much of its focus on the protagonist's time in India, meant that a thorough reappraisal of Lord Wavell's time as Viceroy to India was clearly needed. By giving an impartial account of Wavell's relationship with Whitehall during his time as Viceroy this article will also focus on such significant events as the 1945 Simla Conference, the 1946 Cabinet Mission and Wavell's dismissal in late 1946/early 1947. It is hoped that by the end of this article readers will be able to judge Wavell's overall performance as Viceroy and decide for themselves whether he deserved to be replaced by Mountbatten or not.

As the growing diversity of societies is recognised as both an asset and a challenge, academia has been forced to re-evaluate some of its basic assumptions about migrant incorporation and social memories. However, scholars have rarely combined Migration Studies and Memory Studies to consider how perceptions of the past affect the incorporation of immigrants in their host societies. The authors in this volume merge the extensive knowledge and relevant findings produced in both fields. They demonstrate, through a series of empirical studies from Europe, North America, Australia, Asia and the Middle East, how various actors have referenced diverse conceptions of their local, regional and national pasts to include and exclude immigrants from receiving societies. By focusing on how the presentation of a certain past relates to the immigration present, the book aims to examine the relationship between the politics of memory and the incorporation of immigrants.

Social and political scientists are involved in an extensive but inconclusive debate about the role of international nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) in European migration governance. The European Union (EU) and NGOs work under the assumption that NGOs are crucial to migration governance and yet the role of NGOs is not clear. The EU has invested time and money in its attempts to involve NGOs more actively in migration governance, but it does so without much knowledge of how ngos in the past have influenced migration governance, and thus with no idea if the current investments are worthwhile. In this article, which is the introduction to the special issue on this subject, we take a closer look at the NGOs involved in West European migration in the period from the 1860s until the present day in order to understand the changing role of NGOs in migration governance in Europe. Providing moral, logistical and expert authority in a purportedly impartial way, NGOs have added a dimension to migration governance that states cannot replicate. As a result, the number of NGOs has gradually increased and at times their influence has become significant. However, in providing a chronology of the involvement of NGOs in migration governance, we show that their influence on migration governance policies and practices has not been linear. During some windows of opportunity (e.g. in the immediate years following the First and Second World Wars and the Cold War), NGOs became more prominent and effective, while at other times (e.g. the 1930s), their importance waned. The presence and capacity of NGOs to contribute to migration governance depended on whether states, and increasingly after 1945, intergovernmental organisations such as the UN, needed them to further their own interests or to fulfil a role that they could not play.

By conversing with the main bodies of relevant literature from Migration Studies and Memory Studies, this overview highlights how analysing memories can contribute to a better understanding of the complexities of migrant incorporation. The chapters consider international case studies from Europe, North America, Australia, Asia and the Middle East. MICHÈLE BAUSSANT Researcher in anthropology at the CNRS, France MARY J. HICKMAN Professor of Irish Studies and Sociology at London Metropolitan University, UK HANS LEAMAN Ph.D. candidate in History and Renaissance Studies at Yale University, USA KELVIN E.Y. LOW Assistant Professor of Sociology at the National University of Singapore KEVIN MYERS Senior Lecturer in Social History and Education at the University of Birmingham, UK JOSEFINE RAASCH Currently at the Institute for Social Research at Swinburne University of Technology in Australia MORIEL RAM Ph.D student in the department of Politics and Government at Ben-Gurion University, Israel MACHTELD VENKEN Senior postdoctoral researcher and Lise Meitner Fellow at the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for European History and the Public Sphere in Vienna JAY WINTER Charles J. Stille Professor of History, Yale University, USA HAIM YACOBI Senior Lecturer at the Department of Politics and Government at Ben Gurion University and a Marie-Curie fellow at Cambridge University, UK