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This work investigates the nature of Iraqi stereotypes prevalent in American video games and films in particular and the reasons behind the existence of such negative perceptions of Iraqis in the American popular culture in general. The study firstly traces the history of the political
relations between the two countries and points out the periods of tension mainly caused by the American staunch support of Israel and the well-known SovietIraqi alliance. Then it shows when and how the American popular perception of Iraq and Iraqis has started changing due to the diplomatic
tensions between America and Iraq. In other words, the US official policies direct, and in some cases condition, the popular beliefs of a whole generation; consequently, these newly formed perceptions can have harmful effects on the American soldiers and security guards on the ground because
they become desensitized, and they start viewing the others, and in this case the Iraqis, as naturally born villains who deserve to die. Hence, American video games and films that continuously present negative images and notions of Iraqis, partly and presently have a role in the unfortunate
events like killing innocent bystanders that occur from time to time in Iraq.

"This book examines ISIS's media propaganda machine. The book focuses on case studies that have been largely under-studied in relation to ISIS's media production. Empirically, it offers new insights into how ISIS uses its media production to disseminate its extremist ideology by focusing on video games, educational apps, Dark Web sites, and offline billboards. The book argues that despite all the discussion about how ISIS has disappeared or even died, the terrorist group's daily activities on the Dark Web show that they are still thriving and disseminating their propaganda in more than 20 different languages, and effectively functioning as an international news organization. Using a mixed method research approach, the book offers a multilayered understanding of media content and fills a major gap in the literature, especially in relation to the use of educational apps and the Dark Web. This book will be of much interest to students of media and communication studies, terrorism and counter-terrorism, Middle Eastern politics and International Relations"--

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Online Hate and the Far-Right -- 1.2 Trolling, Bullying, and Hate on Social Media -- References -- 2 The Far-Right Online Communities and the Dissemination of Hate -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Far-Right Hate on Telegram -- 2.3 White Race Victimhood and Grievances -- 2.4 Minorities Are the Problem -- 2.5 The Kekistani Community on Social Media -- 2.6 Conclusion -- References -- 3 How Hashtags and Emojis Communicate Hate About Religions -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Discussion -- 3.3 Conclusion -- References -- 4 Social Media Hate Against Female Journalists -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Analysis -- 4.3 Conclusion -- References -- 5 Conclusion -- Index.

Cover -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. Toward a Theoretical Framework of Cyberwars -- 2. Cyberwars and International Politics -- 3. U.S. Cyberoperations in the Middle East -- 4. Russian Trolls, Islam, and the Middle East -- 5. Cyberwars and Regional Politics -- 6. Arab Hackers and Electronic Armies -- Conclusion -- Appendix: Selected List of Arab Hacking Groups -- Notes -- References -- Index -- About the Author

News 2.0 and new technologies -- Social networking sites and news -- Fake news discourse on SNS vs. MSM -- Social media audiences -- Viral news on social media -- Celebrity journalists 2.0 and branding -- Who is breaking news on social media? -- Mobile news apps as ethnic mediascapes.

"Following the Arab Spring events in 2011, a number of important women's social movements as well as female figures and online communities emerged to create positive change and demand equality with men. In Women's Activism and New Media in the Arab World author Ahmed Al-Rawi discusses and maps out new feminist movements, organizations, and trends, assessing the influence of new media technologies on them and the impact of both on the values and culture of the Middle East. Due to the participation of many women in the events of the Arab Spring, he argues, a new image of Middle Eastern women has emerged in the West. As a result of social media, women have generally become more effective in expressing their views and better connected with each other, yet at the same time some women have been inhibited since many conservative circles use these new technologies to maintain their power. Overall, however, Al-Rawi argues that social media and new mobile technologies are assisting in creating changes that are predominately positive. Often assisted by these new technologies, the real change makers are women who have clear agencies and high hopes and aspirations to create a better future for themselves"--

"This book offers empirical insight into the way Muslims reacted online towards various controversial issues related to Islam. The book examines four cases studies: The Muhammed's cartoons, the burning of the Quran controversies, Fitna and the Innocence of Muslims' films. The issues of online religion, social movements and extremism are discussed, as many of the cases in question created both uproar and unity among many YouTubers. These case studies – in some instances – led to the expression of extremist views by some users, and the volume argues that they helped contribute to the growth of extremism due to the utilization of these events by some terrorist groups in order to recruit new members. In the concluding chapter, social network and sentiment analyses are presented in order to investigate all the collected comments and videos, while a critical discussion of freedom of expression and hate speech is offered, with special regards to the growing online influence of far right groups and their role in on-going YouTube debates. " (Verlagsbeschreibung)

This article traces the influence of the Arab Spring on Iraq as activists staged fervent protests against corruption, sectarianism, and favoritism that largely characterize Nouri Maliki's government. A group of young Iraqi intellectuals, journalists, students, government employees, and unemployed youth posted their plan to organize demonstrations against the government with the use of social media in February 2011. This study investigates the use of Facebook and YouTube that bypassed the government's attempt to limit the coverage of these protests. Indeed, the events during the Arab Spring in Iraq crossed the sectarian lines and united different Iraqis against the Shiite-dominated government. The five most popular Facebook pages are examined together with over 806 YouTube clips that are related to the Iraqi Arab Spring and their 2839 comments. The study revealed that young Iraqi males aged between 25-30 were the most active vloggers, while those aged between 20-24 were the most active commentators during the protests. Further, the study showed that other Iraqis living in the Diaspora especially in the United States and Canada played an important role by posting YouTube clips and comments. Also, there was a great gender disparity since Iraqi male users surpassed females in the number of video clips and comments posted.

In 2006, the Turkish film, Valley of the Wolves [Kurtlar Vadisi-Irak] (Serdar Akar, 2006), was released to audiences in Turkey and Europe. Costing US$10 million, it was the most expensive production in the history of Turkish cinema, breaking all box office records in the
country. A fantastical account of a Turkish victory over a fictional US invasion of the country, Valley of the Wolves has been interpreted as a reaction to the Sack Incident [uval olayi] of July 2003, in which eleven Turkish soldiers were hooded and arrested in northern Iraq shortly
after the US invasion. The film's title hence refers to a dark and dangerous place where howling and vicious wolves namely Americans and Kurds are gathered. This article argues that Valley of the Wolves confirms a reemergence of 1960s Turkish industry (Yeilam) films which emphasized
the historical conflict between Western and Islamic values. It discusses the extent to which Valley of the Wolves reflects popular Turkish attitudes towards the US war on Iraq, and it analyzes the film's projection of Turkish humiliation, anger and frustration following the Sack Incident.
The article also addresses how Valley of the Wolves engages USTurkish relations and Turkish concerns over current Iraq-related politics, especially the USKurdish alliance, the establishment of an independent Kurdistan, Turkmen and the issue of Kirkuk, US violations of international
law in Iraq, and the conflict between Islam and Christianity.

The Ebola virus is a rare but often severe and fatal illness in humans. It spreads from animals to humans and then transgresses through human-to-human transmission. The 2014 Ebola virus disease outbreak captured substantial media attention around the world, which is the cornerstone of our study since it can inform us about the current news coverage on the COVID-19 pandemic. This article investigates the media coverage of Ebola in five pairs of English and Arabic international television media outlets (BBC, CNN, SkyNews, RT and France24) by examining the headlines of 298,559 news stories that the respective organizations posted on their official Twitter accounts. Methodologically, we extracted headlines from news outlets that addressed the news on the Ebola virus in two languages: English and Arabic. The media outlets include the following: CNN (English and Arabic), BBC (English and Arabic), SkyNews (English and Arabic), RT (formerly known as Russia Today) (English and Arabic) and France24 (English and Arabic) from late 2013 to early 2015 during which time the Ebola epidemic intensified. We then used descriptive statistics to understand the volume of news coverage and calculate the frequencies, percentages, mean, median and standard deviations for these channels. Further, we continued to model time series regression between the five pairs of news outlets using Granger causality tests. The findings show that over the course of approximately one year's worth of coverage on these networks, Ebola was mentioned in the headlines of 4138 stories, which constitutes 1.38 per cent of the total news coverage of all media outlets. Building on the theory of intermedia agenda-setting that outlines the ways in which major news organizations influence the agendas of other news outlets, the findings reported here indicate strong, time-ordered patterns where English-language coverage consistently precedes and helps to significantly explain the distribution of Arabic media coverage. In addition to providing evidence of intermedia agenda-setting from a comparative perspective in this context, this article expands on this theory and suggests that it can be applied to multilingual outlets from the same news organizations.

This article focuses on ISIS followers on Twitter in an effort to understand the nature of their social media propaganda. The research study provides unique insight into one of the largest data sets that investigates ISIS propaganda efforts on Twitter by examining over 50 million tweets posted by more than 8 million unique users that referenced the keywords "ISIS" or "ISIL." The authors then searched this corpus for eight keywords in Arabic that included terms of support for ISIS and the names of different Al-Qaeda leaders. A mixed research method was used, and the findings indicate that ISIS activity on Twitter witnessed a gradual decline, but the group was still able to post different types of tweets to maintain its online presence. Also, the feud between ISIS and Al-Qaeda was intense, ongoing, and prevalent in online interactions among ISIS followers. The study provides an understanding of using big data to better grasp the propaganda activities of terrorist groups.

By being embedded in everyday life, social networking sites (SNSs) have altered the way campaign politics are understood and engaged with by politicians and citizens alike. However, the actual content of social media has remained a vast but somewhat amorphous and understudied entity. The study reported here examines public sentiment as it was expressed in just over 1.42 million social media units on Facebook and Twitter to provide broad insights into dominant topics and themes that were prevalent in the 2012 U.S. election campaign online. Key findings include the fact that contrary to what one might expect, neither presidential candidate was framed in an overly critical manner in his opponent's Facebook space nor on Twitter's dedicated nonpartisan election page. Beyond this, similarities and divergences in sentiment across social media spaces are observed that allow for a better understanding of what is being communicated in political social media.

This book examines how African, Asian, Middle Eastern and Latin American diasporas use media to communicate among themselves and to integrate into European countries. Whereas migrant communities continue employing print and broadcasting technologies, the rapidly growing applications of Internet platforms like social media have substantially enriched their interactions. These communication practices provide valuable insights into how diasporas define themselves. The anthology investigates varied uses of media by Ecuadorian, Congolese, Moroccan, Nepalese, Portugal, Somali, Syrian and Turkish communities residing in Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the UK. These studies are based on research methodologies including big data analysis, content analysis, focus groups, interviews, surveys and visual framing, and they make a strong contribution to the emerging theory of diasporic media