Suchergebnisse

This article explores the nature of the main opposition parties to the incumbent hegemonic regimes in Malaysia and Singapore. I argue that the differing characters of these opposition parties should be considered. In Singapore, where there is no ideological challenge to the ruling party, I contend that even if the opposition takes over it will be the end of a hegemonic party but not hegemony. In Malaysia, the opposite is true. This article contributes to the literature on transition theory in two ways: (1) it recognizes the diversity of authoritarian regimes and enhances analyses of various authoritarian regimes by focusing on one type – hegemonic parties; and (2) it brings ideology into the reckoning by focusing on the nature of the opposition parties most likely to take over.

This paper investigates the nature of secularism practiced by the Singapore state, focusing on the two main Islamic organizations, MUIS and Pergas. I postulate that the state uses "muscular" and "calibrated" secularism to manage them, and co-opts them either formally or informally. The two organizations agree to such an arrangement.

This article discusses the repeal of Singapore's Section 377A, the anti-gay sex law, which was announced by Prime Minister (PM) Lee Hsien Loong during the 2022 National Day Rally. I contend that the declaration by PM Lee demonstrates the possibilities and limits of advocacy coalition-building
in Singapore. Utilizing the concept of calibrated social liberalization, I postulate that the repeal of Section 377A was the government's response to shifting societal attitudes and years of strategic and adroit advocacy coalition- building. However, predicated upon this success is that LGBT
issues are not critical to the People's Action Party's (PAP) legitimacy, which is why it is willing to allow for contestations in this sphere. The PAP engages in social liberalization, without significant political liberalization; even then, the cultural liberalization is not absolute, as
the government attempts to strike a political-electoral compromise with conservatives. Ultimately, calibrated social liberalization occurs in areas where there is significant public support, and on issues regarding which the government has no clear ideological predispositions.

This article reviews how Singapore has responded to the COVID-19 pandemic, from late-January to early May, 2020, through the three-phase approach to "learning": in-between learning, trial-and-error learning, and contingency learning. Given its unique political system dominated by the People's Action Party (PAP) and bureaucratic culture, the Singapore government has progressively implemented numerous control measures including strict travel bans, contact tracing, "Circuit Breaker," compulsory mask-wearing, and social distancing policies, along with financial relief to businesses and workers, in a very top-down fashion. Although the health and treatment issues of foreign migrant workers in dormitories continue to be the subject of ongoing debate among many scholars, it should be noted that the mortality rate in Singapore still remains very low compared to that of many other countries. Singapore's case points to an important lesson that learning-driven coordinated strategic approaches matter for effective crisis management in the long term.

Summary
Diversity and its management have become an issue in all organisations. Ministries of foreign affairs (MFAs) do not escape the issue. In the 2000s, states decided to consider more ethnic diversity in the recruitment of their diplomats. In some countries, this new goal requires affirmative action programs. This article is based on three case studies. The first case study analyses two Western countries — France and Norway — where MFAs have to reflect the diversity of immigration in their societies. The second case study analyses the case of Brazil, a country where the legacy of slavery still causes discrimination in the recruitment of diplomats. The third case study analyses ethnic diversity in the MFAs of India and Singapore, which recognise multiculturalism or multiracialism. The study draws five comparative conclusions to generalise on why MFAs in the world cannot escape the challenge of ethnic diversity in their recruitment policy.