Suchergebnisse

Despite its political significance, not much is known about the behavioral and attitudinal bases of different head cover practices in Turkey. The article makes use of two nationwide representative surveys, one carried out in 1999 and the other in 2006, to expose the characteristics of "covered" women in contrast to "the uncovered." Three different types of head covers are distinguished: (1) the more traditional but relatively more colorful head cover allows for the hair, neck, and shoulders and much of the face to be seen; the turban, paler in color, covers all hair, the neck, and the shoulders and leaves only a smaller portion of the face uncovered; and the veil, in dark brown or black, leaves only the eyes uncovered. Several hypotheses are made on an a priori conceptual level, variables are operationalized, and proper tests are conducted. A detailed series of questions concerning attitudinal traits and the social and political preferences of covered and uncovered women, together with demographics, are used to determine Turkish women's choices for different types of religiously meaningful head covers. Among the various hypotheses, the political significance of turban wearing, as opposed to purely private-sphere religious beliefs as the guiding motivation behind turban use, is contrasted and tested.

Anhand zahlreicher Tabellen zeichnet der Autor die Diskrepanzen innerhalb der türkischen Wählerschaft vis-à-vis der zivilen Gesetzgebung (Seriat) auf. Dabei geht er u.a. auf das Bildungswesen und das Verbot von Kopftüchern und Turbanen an Universitäten ein. Der Zuwachs des politischen Islams in der Türkei wird als Bedrohung der säkularen Ausrichtung des Staates gewertet, wie der unter Einfluss des Militärs am 28.02.1995 eingeleitete Prozess verdeutlicht, der der umstrittenen Regierungskoalition aus der pro-islamistischen Refah Partisi (Welfare Party) und der Dogru Yol Partisi (True Path Party) ein Ende setzte. (DÜI-Mjr)

Abstract. Many previous analyses of aggregate‐level policy‐oriented economic voting hypotheses have been based on expert judgements of incumbents' ideology. These judgements first of all concentrate on long term characteristics of ideological stands and, more importantly, do not reflect parties' positions on economic issues per se. Using parties' arguments on economic issues in their election manifestoes, this article develops a left‐right ideology dimension that reflects parties' relative positions on economic issues for 163 elections in 16 countries in the post‐World War II period. The analysis suggests that over time there are very stable differences in parties' ideological positions on economic issues. Despite increasing clarity of ideological cleavages on economic issues, and persistent evidence of diverging economic policy outcomes in the literature, no distinct reward and punishment by the electorate is observed, associated with the ideological stands of the incumbents. Accordingly, the policy‐oriented economic voting hypothesis is rejected and possible reasons for this phenomenon is discussed.

Many previous analyses of aggregate-level policy-oriented economic voting hypotheses have been based on expert judgements of incumbents' ideology. These judgements first of all concentrate on long term characteristics of ideological stands and, more importantly, do not reflect parties' positions on economic issues per se. Using parties' arguments on economic issues in their election manifestos, this article develops a left-right ideology dimension that reflects parties' relative positions on economic issues for 163 elections in 16 countries in the post-World War II period. The analysis suggests that over time there are very stable differences in parties' ideological positions on economic issues. Despite increasing clarity of ideological cleavages on economic issues, and persistent evidence of diverging economic policy outcomes in the literature, no distinct reward and punishment by the electorate is observed, associated with the ideological stand of the incumbents. Accordingly, the policy-oriented economic voting hypothesis is rejected and possible reasons for this phenomenon is discussed. (European Journal of Political Research / AuD)

Introduction: The state, the party system and the citizens -- "Center-periphery" versus the Kulturkampf? -- Social cleavages and economic transformation in Turkey -- Center-periphery within the electorate -- The Turkish electorate and the economy : bringing the AKP to power -- Party choice during the AKP era, 2002-2015 -- Ethnicity and religion in Turkish voting behavior -- Riding the electoral roller coaster : party choice in Turkey, 2002-2015 -- Sliding out of democratization -- The end of center-periphery political confrontation : the establishment and prospects of a hegemonic one-party system in Turkey.