Suchergebnisse

Most governments of the departments of Colombia have been announcing significant decreases in poverty in recent years as a success resulted from their own actions. However, the perception of Colombians disagrees with these opinions. Therefore, it is important to establish complementary measures that take into account the perception of those who consider themselves to be in poverty, with the purpose of creating more accurate publicpolicies to mitigate and overcome the negative consequences of poverty. This paper shows an estimate of the Subjective Poverty Line using three methods for Tunja in 2015, which indicates that DANE (Office of NationalStatistics of Colombia) has underestimated the poverty line in the city by at least 30%. ; La mayoría de los gobiernos del territorio nacional vienen anunciando, en los últimos años, descensos significativos de la pobreza como un éxito derivado de sus propios actos. Sin embargo, la percepción de los colombianos no concuerda con dichos descensos. Por ello, es pertinente establecer medidas complementarias, que tengan en cuenta la percepción de quienes se consideran pobres, con el propósito de erigir políticas públicas más certeras para mitigar y superar las consecuencias negativas de la pobreza. Este documento muestra una estimación de la línea de pobreza subjetiva, a partir de tres métodos, para la ciudad de Tunja en 2015, que permite evidenciar que el DANE subestimó la pobreza de la ciudad al menos en un 30 %.

As an age-group, young people are most at risk of poverty. Yet significant cross-national variation persists, which seems puzzling: the countries displaying the highest levels of youth poverty are (uncharacteristically) Nordic. How can such diversity be accounted for? Is the welfare state part of the story? First, I argue, unlike most studies, that in order to measure youth poverty it is better to use material deprivation and subjective poverty indicators, rather than income poverty. Second, I hypothesize that the welfare state has two potential routes to the alleviation of youth poverty. On the one hand, via 'individualization' of claims (allowing young people to claim benefits as full adult citizens), access to income support leads to lower levels of youth poverty. On the other, youth poverty levels can also be reduced through investment in young people's human capital, in line with the 'social investment' strategy. These claims are confirmed by multilevel logistic regressions on three waves and across 23 European countries of the Eurofound's European Quality of Life Survey.

Low work intensity and high job instability are crucial micro-determinants of in-work poverty. Importantly, they might also affect subjective poverty in households that are above the poverty threshold. We contribute to the literature by studying the relationship between subjective and objective in-work poverty and how this relationship is affected by household members' job characteristics. We use data from the 2014 wave of the Italian module of the EU-SILC survey. Italy is an interesting case as—similarly to other Southern European countries—the share of individuals and households reporting subjective hardship is strikingly high compared to the levels reported in other EU areas. We find no statistically significant differences in the association between subjective poverty and different degrees of objective poverty by different levels of work intensity. Conversely, subjective poverty is positively associated with the instability of household members' job contracts. We argue that policies aimed at increasing work intensity rather than work stability might not help to reduce subjective poverty as well as its (negative) spillover effects on other life domains—such as well-being, adequate levels of consumption, and social integration.

Low work intensity and high job instability are crucial micro-determinants of in-work poverty. Importantly, they might also affect subjective poverty in households that are above the poverty threshold. We contribute to the literature by studying the relationship between subjective and objective in-work poverty and how this relationship is affected by household members' job characteristics. We use data from the 2014 wave of the Italian module of the EU-SILC survey. Italy is an interesting case as - similarly to other Southern European countries - the share of individuals and households reporting subjective hardship is strikingly high compared to the levels reported in other EU areas. We find no statistically significant differences in the association between subjective poverty and different degrees of objective poverty by different levels of work intensity. Conversely, subjective poverty is positively associated with the instability of household members' job contracts. We argue that policies aimed at increasing work intensity rather than work stability might not help to reduce subjective poverty as well as its (negative) spillover effects on other life domains - such as well-being, adequate levels of consumption, and social integration.

When developing anti-poverty policies, policymakers need accurate data on the prevalence of poverty. In this paper, we focus on subjective poverty, a concept which has been largely neglected in the literature, though it remains a conceptually appealing way to define poverty. The primary goal of this study is to re-examine the concept of subjective poverty measurement and to estimate trends in subjective income poverty rates in the European Union. Our estimations are based on a Minimum Income Question using data from a representative survey, EU-SILC. We find robust empirical evidence of decreasing trends in subjective poverty in 16 of 28 EU countries. We conjecture that trends in subjective poverty may reflect changes in societies which are not captured by official poverty indicators, and our results thus enrich the existing data on general poverty trends in the EU.

When developing anti-poverty policies, policy makers need accurate data on the prevalence of poverty. In this paper, we focus on subjective poverty, a concept which has been largely neglected in literature, yet remains a conceptually appealing way to define poverty. The primary goal of this study is to re-examine the concept of subjective poverty measurement and to estimate trends in subjective poverty rates in the European Union. Our estimations are based on a minimum income question using data from a representative survey, EU-SILC, and we find a decreasing trend in subjective poverty in 16 of 28 countries. Conversely, the official relative income poverty indicator exhibits increasing trends in eleven countries, with decreasing trends in only four countries. We believe that these trends may reflect changes in societies which have not been previously captured, and our results thus enrich the existing data on general poverty trends in the EU.

When developing anti-poverty policies, policymakers need accurate data on the prevalence of poverty. In this paper, we focus on subjective poverty, a concept which has been largely neglected in the literature, though it remains a conceptually appealing way to define poverty. The primary goal of this study is to re-examine the concept of subjective poverty measurement and to estimate trends in subjective income poverty rates in the European Union. Our estimations are based on a Minimum Income Question using data from a representative survey, EU-SILC. We find robust empirical evidence of decreasing trends in subjective poverty in 16 of 28 EU countries. We conjecture that trends in subjective poverty may reflect changes in societies which are not captured by official poverty indicators, and our results thus enrich the existing data on general poverty trends in the EU. ; Lors de l'élaboration des politiques de lutte contre la pauvreté, les décideurs ont besoin de données précises sur la prévalence de la pauvreté. Dans cet article, nous nous concentrons sur la pauvreté subjective, un concept qui a été largement négligé dans la littérature, bien qu'intéressant pour définir la pauvreté. L'objectif principal de cette étude est de réexaminer le concept de mesure subjective de la pauvreté et d'estimer les tendances des taux de pauvreté monétaire subjective dans l'Union européenne. Nos estimations sont basées sur une question relative au revenu minimum en utilisant les données d'une enquête représentative, EU-SILC. Nous trouvons des preuves empiriques solides que la pauvreté subjective a tendance à baisser dans 16 des 28 pays de l'UE. Nous supposons que les tendances de la pauvreté subjective peuvent refléter des changements sociétaux qui ne sont pas pris en compte par les indicateurs officiels sur la pauvreté. Ainsi, nos résultats viennent enrichir les données existantes sur les tendances générales de la pauvreté dans l'UE.